Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Kabul, Afghanistan

Secretary Clinton. (In progress)—much, Mr. President. It's wonderful being back in Afghanistan and to hear the birds, who are singing about the beautiful day here in Kabul. And I thank you so much for hosting me today and for your leadership and your vision for the future of your country and your people. It is certainly worth thinking for a moment about all of the positive changes that have been made and what we are doing to set the foundation for the future.

The security situation is more stable. The Afghan National Security Forces are improving their capacity to protect the Afghan people. They are in the process of taking the lead in more than 75 percent of the population's living areas in order to provide security. And at the NATO Summit in Chicago, the international community made pledges to assist the continuing growth and development of the security forces.

But meanwhile, the Government of Afghanistan has signed partnership agreements with many countries, and we are very pleased that the United States is among those. We have worked together to set forth a long-term political, diplomatic, and security partnership, and it entered into force just a few days ago.

And I am pleased to announce today that President Obama has officially designated Afghanistan as a major non-NATO ally of the United States. We see this as a powerful symbol of our commitment to Afghanistan's future. And later this year, I'm looking forward to convening, along with Foreign Minister Rassoul, the new U.S.-Afghanistan bilateral commission to intensify our cooperation.

Our Strategic Partnership Agreement is not aimed at any other country. Our goal is to work with the region and the international community to strengthen Afghanistan's institutions so that the transition is successful and the Afghan people themselves can take responsibility. And the future of Afghanistan will be safer and more secure so that little boys and little girls can grow up in peace and stability and enjoy a better opportunity. And we will also make sure together that it is no longer a safe haven for al-Qaida or any other international terrorists who threaten Afghanistan, the region, the United States, in fact, the world.

When I think about the progress that's been made, the new schools that have been built, the improvements in healthcare, the legal protections for Afghan citizens, I think there is much for the Afghan people to be very pleased about because it is your efforts that have brought about these changes. And we want to continue to invest in doing what you believe you need. That's why it'll be important to go to Tokyo together to discuss the next stages for investment in what's being called the transformation decade. We will continue, of course, to protect Afghanistan from any efforts by insurgents and outsiders to destabilize Afghanistan. And we were struck by the recent call from Pakistan's parliament that Pakistani territory shall not be used for any kind of attacks on other countries. And all foreign fighters, if found, shall be expelled from Pakistani soil. So we want to deepen our security cooperation with Pakistan.

And we also remain committed to Afghan reconciliation. I have supported President Karzai in his effort to have an Afghan-owned, Afghan-led reconciliation process. We see positive signs. To quote High Peace Council head Dr. Rabbani, “a positive shift.” And I'm pleased that in Tokyo, we will have a core meeting of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the United States at the ministerial level.

So there is much to do to continue working and building together. Obviously, we know Afghanistan has an agenda ahead of itself to make key economic reforms, to fight corruption, to strengthen the rule of law, to attract more trade and investment. And I want to commend President Karzai for his strong public pledges to stamp out corruption and build institutions that will be critical for Afghanistan's future. And Mr. President, you will always have our support in your efforts. So we're very excited about what is possible, and we are certainly aware of all of the difficulties that lie ahead. But we want to see Afghanistan be the center of a region of greater communication between countries and people, more trade and investment, a kind of New Silk Road that will bring more economic opportunity not only to Afghanistan, but to the entire region.

So my message today is very simple: The transition is on track, Afghanistan is standing up for itself, of course it will need support, and we are pledged to continue our support and to work with you to get more international support, and I'm quite excited about what lies ahead in Tokyo. But please know that the United States will be your friend and your partner. We are not even imagining abandoning Afghanistan; quite the opposite. We are building a partnership with Afghanistan that will endure far into the future.

Thank you so much, Mr. President.

Q. Secretary Clinton, unfortunately Afghanistan, by many independent metrics, remains one of the more—one of the countries most afflicted by corruption in the world. What assurances do you have that the new aid that will be pledged in Tokyo will not simply be eaten away by fraud or mismanagement? And what, in practical terms—can you explain to us in simple, practical terms what Afghanistan being designated to us as a major non-NATO ally means?

Secretary Clinton. Well first, we know that corruption is a major challenge in many countries around the world, and it's something that governments and people have to continue to fight because it undermines progress. And we're working hard with our Afghan partners to address this problem here in Afghanistan, knowing that it's much broader than Afghanistan by promoting greater transparency, the rule of law, good governance, working hard to prevent fraud, waste, and abuse. We're working with the Afghanistan ministries, governors, local leaders who are committed to delivering services to their people, improving their lives. We take seriously any allegations of corruption that involve U.S. funds. And we are working with the United Nations to support the steps that they have said they would take to address the concerns raised by donors about allegations of mismanagement of the Law and Order Trust Fund.

And in the meeting in Tokyo, we're going to discuss the kind of mutual accountability that I think the President addressed in his speech just a short while ago. President Karzai has expressed Afghanistan's intention to take further steps to be effective in the fight against corruption, to further reform government institutions, increase efficiency, transportation, accountability, and we fully support these efforts, which is why we included as part of our Strategic Partnership Agreement cooperation on anticorruption initiatives. So we're well aware of it, but this is an issue that the government and the people of Afghanistan want action on, and we want to help them be successful. And we intend to be working with them as they move on reforms as well.

Regarding the major non-NATO ally, there are a number of benefits that accrue to countries that have this designation. They're able to have access to excess defense supplies, for example. They can be part of certain kinds of training and capacity building. I will leave it to our military colleagues to explain in greater length to anyone who's interested. But this is the kind of relationship that we think will be especially beneficial as we do the transition and as we plan for the post-2014 presence, because it will open the door to Afghanistan's military to have a greater capacity and a broader kind of relationship with the United States, and particularly the United States military.

Q. (In Arabic.)

Secretary Clinton. We are joining with the international community under the leadership of the Government of Japan to make a pledge that altogether will meet the needs that Afghanistan has laid out, and that the World Bank has also analyzed. I don't want to jump the gun on the Tokyo conference because it's really up to the Japanese who have put all the work into this conference to make any formal announcements, but I'm encouraged by what I'm hearing, because of course, the United States will be making a substantial commitment in line with what we have been providing in the past. We want to continue at that—at or near that level. And then other countries are coming in at the same or near levels, and some countries are coming in with new pledges. But I think we have to wait till we get to Tokyo because I think it's only appropriate that Japan gets to make the announcements.

Deputy Administrator Donald Steinberg gave the following remarks at the Tokyo Conference on Afghanistan

Deputy Administrator Steinberg. It is a great pleasure to address the Tokyo Conference on Afghanistan event on the status of refugees in the transition to peace and stability in Afghanistan, hosted by the United Nations High Commission on Refugees, the Afghan government and Afghan and international civil society organizations.

I want to begin by saluting two of the heroes in the struggle to improve the well-being of refugees and other people marginalized by conflict in Afghanistan and around the world, Sadoko Ogata and Lakhdar Brahimi—both of whom are here today. For decades, Madam Ogata and Ambassador Brahimi have been the eyes, the ears and the conscience of the international community in defending the interests of individuals affected by war and humanitarian emergencies.

We come together at a moment of great hope and equal challenge with respect to the refugee situation in Afghanistan. We celebrate the return of nearly six million people to Afghanistan from neighboring countries, a clear reflection of the progress we have collectively achieved in rebuilding and stabilizing the country. People are voting for a better life for themselves and their families. Indeed, this is an expression of confidence in the future, one that the United States government has been able to support with more than $700 million in assistance for refugees and returnees over the past decade.

We have prioritized the needs and interests of refugees and returnees in all our programs in Afghanistan, ranging from rural development to mother-child health care to education. Such efforts strengthen Afghan sovereignty, encourage stability and return to normalcy, and promote inclusive economic growth and development that will benefit all Afghans.

I'm pleased that our discussion here today has been focused on breaking down the silos and stovepipes that too often hamper our efforts on behalf of refugees. In particular, I salute the commitment of Afghan government officials to work together with other government agencies and with civil society organizations to serve the needs of refugees for job creation, education, food security health, gender equality, and protection. Similarly, the commitment of UNHCR to draw on the contributions and best practices of UNOCHA, UNICEF, UN Women and other U.N. and international institutions is promising. We have long ago learned that support for refugees must be a whole of government, whole of society, whole of U.N. systems, and whole of international community exercise.

In this regard, we applaud the generosity of Afghanistan's neighbors, who have hosted millions of refugees for some three decades. We must work together to protect and service those refugees who cannot yet return to Afghanistan in safety and security. We need to maintain “asylum space” and protective services; document migrants and refugees who have sought safety, jobs, health care and education opportunities across borders; and regularize the movements of both documented refugees and those who traveled without passports or visas.

Our session today builds on the progress achieved at the May 2012 UNHCR Conference in Geneva on “Solution Strategies for Afghan Refugees.” As I have noted, the United States government, including my agency, U.S. Agency for International Development, and the State Department Bureau for Population, Refugees and Migration, will continue its strong support for the three-pronged strategy adopted at that conference.

First, we are helping to create conditions conducive to voluntary repatriation through community-based investments in areas of high return.

Second, we are helping to build Afghan refugees' economic viability based on livelihood opportunities in Afghanistan.

Third, we are helping preserve asylum space in host countries through support for refugee-hosting communities, alternative temporary stay arrangements for the residual caseload, and resettlement as appropriate in third countries.

Your Excellencies: I suspect that you were all as moved as I was by the short film that launched this session, a film that featured the faces and voices of Afghan refugees themselves. This was an important reminder that our work to protect, return and resettle Afghan refugees is ultimately about helping men, women and children to restore their lives to normalcy after decades of conflict and displacement. In most cases, these are the most marginalized and vulnerable people in their communities: women, young people, the disabled, ethnic and religious minorities, and the poorest of the poor.

We must avoid the tendency to view these people as mere victims or beneficiaries of our largesse. We have long ago learned that the wisdom, insights, and ground truth that refugees and returnees can share are vital to the successful design and implementation of our efforts. We must be guided in this effort by the wise expression: “Nothing about them without them.” Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Hanoi, Vietnam

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. Well, I'm glad to have this opportunity to be here two years after my husband was here. And I think, as Thao says, the Clintons and Vietnam have a very close relationship that I hope continues for many, many years into the future. And to be here at this great university, I really appreciate so much, Mr. President, President Hoang Van Chau, thank you so much for you and your leadership, and thanks to all of the students and the Fulbright alumni who are here as we celebrate the 20th anniversary of Vietnam's Fulbright Program.

I think it is easy when someone like me comes to visit or my husband or Secretary Leon Panetta, who was just here, to focus on the high officials who come to visit.

But really, although that's what draws the headlines, what is as important, if not more important, are the daily contacts between our people, so many Vietnamese and so many American people who get to know one another, who have a chance to work together or study together or even live together creating those bonds that really do bring us closer together. So I'm delighted to be here representing my country and the many, many millions of Americans who have a very positive feeling about Vietnam and who care deeply about the future of this country, and in particular, the future of young people like yourselves.

One of the ways we show that is by supporting academic study abroad. The United States has a long history of doing that, because we think it helps Americans to visit other countries to learn and form lasting bonds, and we want people from other countries to do the same in the United States. And it's no exaggeration to say that programs like the Fulbright Program play a crucial role in America's foreign policy. J. William Fulbright was a very well known, famous American senator in his time, and he believed so strongly that what was most important was breaking down the walls of misunderstanding and mistrust. Not that we will agree on everything, because no two people, let alone two nations, agree on everything, but that we will see each other as fellow human beings on a common journey, a journey that is filled with all of the possibilities that are available to people around the world. And it's no accident that we have been focused on strengthening our people-to-people engagement here in Vietnam and throughout Asia as a way of building more and more of those relationships.

So over the past two decades, the Fulbright program has helped to deepen the ties between our nations and it has, as we have just heard, literally transformed the lives of over 8,000 American and Vietnamese students, scholars, educators, and business people. And it has, indeed, already produced some remarkable leaders, and I know it will continue to produce remarkable leaders. Fulbright alumni are already major figures in Vietnamese policies—deputy prime ministers, a foreign minister—Minh, who I just met with, is a Fulbright alum. And others have gone on to make important contributions in science, in business, in the arts, and certainly in academia.

Now, some of the most accomplished alumni from all our scholarship programs are here with us today, and their remarkable stories show what is possible when you help talented young people get the skills and connections they need to succeed. Now, I could literally tell you hundreds of stories, but let me just talk about one example.

Do Minh Thuy, where is Do? Is Do Minh Thuy here? Ah, there you are, Do. Well, Do used her Fulbright scholarship to study journalism at Indiana University. And after graduating, she decided that her fellow journalists in Vietnam deserved the chance to have access to the kinds of skills and experiences she had. So she recruited some friends that she'd met in Indiana to help her create a program for training and mentoring young journalists. And today, her team has run workshops with over 2,300 participants in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh City. So one person, one scholarship has that kind of ripple effect in just one area of Vietnamese life.

Dam Bich Thuy, is Dam Bich Thuy here? Yes. Another Fulbright Scholar and a graduate of the Wharton School of Business at the University of Pennsylvania is now one of the most prominent women in finance in Southeast Asia. As vice chairwoman at ANZ Bank, she leads over 10,000 employees, and she has said that studying abroad helped her, and I quote, “to approach the world and people from other cultures with a more balanced, less biased view while maintaining my originality.” That's a beautiful way of saying that.

And I think that these two women and so many of you are representative of the professionals and scholars who have studied in the United States and then taken that experience and put it to work back home. And even more young people are on the track to doing the same thing. Today, there are more than 15,000 Vietnamese students in the United States, and I believe this generation of students and scholars is well positioned to make great contributions to Vietnam's future. And it won't be just because of their education and their skill, it will be because of the relationship and perspective that they forge and bring home with them. And they then will be really at the foundation of creating new opportunities, new ways of thinking, innovation, entrepreneurship that will help so many other Vietnamese realize their own dreams.

I like to say that talent is universal, but opportunity is not. There are smart, hardworking people all over Vietnam, in fact all over the world, who may not get the opportunity that some of you have had. Therefore, it's incumbent upon all of us to keep opening those doors of opportunity, because walking through it may be a young man or young woman who becomes a medical researcher and discovers a cure for a terrible disease, becomes an entrepreneur and creates a product that Vietnam exports all over the world and by doing so creates thousands of jobs, becomes a professor who then creates the next and the next and the next generation of those who contribute.

So we want to do more, and the United States is looking to do more to increase the number of education exchanges. I just met with the Foreign Minister, himself a Fulbrighter, to talk about what more we could do to get even more young Vietnamese a chance to study, and we'll be exploring that and looking for ways to put that into action. But then I invite you to please give us your ideas about what more we can do working with you, working with the government, working with civil society, working with business in Vietnam to create more of these connections. Our ambassador, Ambassador David Shear is here, and if you have ideas, please let our Embassy know.

Because one of the things I most admire about what Vietnam has accomplished in the last 20 years is, among other things, the incredible resilience and dedication to improving lives and society, the role that women are playing in Vietnam—I go to many countries, and that is not yet the case, but it's happening right here in Vietnam, women and men together building the new Vietnam—the emphasis on education which is the passport to a better future, and constantly opening doors for higher and higher levels of educational attainment. This is the best way that I think Vietnam can prepare itself.

People often ask me: What can an individual, what can a nation do? Well, the world we live in is unpredictable. There is no way that we will know everything that will happen in the future. But the best insurance policy is a good education at a great university like the Foreign Trade University or one of the others here in Vietnam or abroad. So we want, working with you and talking with the leaders of educational institutions as well as your government and others in society, to figure out how we can be a better partner when it comes to opening those doors for Vietnamese young people.

So I wish all of you the very best as you continue your own careers and professions. I hope that you stay in touch with those who you met and worked with and studied with in the United States. I am inspired by what you have accomplished in such a short period of time, and I look forward to continuing this partnership between our countries. It's one that I think can be, as I have said before, a model and one that can become better and better because we work at it together. It's not the United States or Vietnam, it is us working together to create that model relationship and to provide the opportunities for both of our people to live up to their own God-given potential. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Hanoi, Vietnam

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Foreign Minister Minh, for your warm welcome today. It's wonderful being back in Vietnam, and I appreciate this opportunity to reaffirm the growing and mutually beneficial partnership between our two nations.

I fondly remember my first visit here in the year 2000, and it's remarkable now on my third visit as Secretary of State to see all the changes and the progress that we've made together. We're working on everything from maritime security and nonproliferation to public health and disaster relief to promoting trade and economic growth. And of course, as the Minister and I discussed, we continued to address legacy issues such as Agent Orange, unexploded ordnance, and accounting for those missing in action as well.

Vietnam has emerged as a leader in the lower Mekong region and in Southeast Asia, and the United States and Vietnam share important strategic interests. When the Foreign Minister and I travel to the ASEAN Regional Forum in Phnom Penh, we will have a chance to engage with our colleagues such as regional integration, the South China Sea, cyber security, North Korea, and the future of Burma.

The United States greatly appreciates Vietnam's contributions to a collaborative, diplomatic resolution of disputes and a reduction of tensions in the South China Sea. And we look to ASEAN to make rapid progress with China toward an effective code of conduct in order to ensure that as challenges arise, they are managed and resolved peacefully through a consensual process in accordance with established principles of international law.

The Foreign Minister and I discussed these and many other issues, including our interest in deepening cultural, educational, and economic ties. We have a business delegation with us on this trip, and I will be meeting with them later.

I will also help celebrate the 20th anniversary of the return of the Fulbright Program in Vietnam. Nearly 15,000 Vietnamese students study in the United States each year. They come home and contribute to Vietnam's continued development, and we are very much hoping to deepen our ties even further by sending Peace Corps volunteers to Vietnam in the near future.

When I visit with the American Chamber of Commerce and a number of both Vietnamese and American business leaders, we will look for ways to expand trade and investment. As the Minister and I were discussing, it has increased from practically nothing in 1995 to more than $22 billion today. In fact, in just the two years that—between now and 2010, it's grown more than 40 percent.

So we're working on expanding it through a far-reaching, new regional trade agreement called the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which would lower trade barriers while raising standards on everything from labor conditions to environmental protection to intellectual property. Both of our countries will benefit. And in fact, economists expect that Vietnam would be among the countries under the Trans-Pacific Partnership to benefit the most. And we hope to finalize this agreement by the end of the year.

Higher standards are important, because if Vietnam is going to continue developing and transition to an innovative entrepreneurial economy for the 21st century, there will have to be more space created for the free exchange of ideas, to strengthen the rule of law, and respect the universal rights of all workers, including the right to unionize.

I want to underscore something I said in Mongolia yesterday. I know there are some who argue that developing economies need to put economic growth first and worry about political reform and democracy later, but that is a short-sided bargain. Democracy and prosperity go hand in hand, political reform and economic growth are linked, and the United States wants to support progress in both areas.

So I also raised concerns about human rights, including the continued detention of activists, lawyers, and bloggers, for the peaceful expression of opinions and ideas. In particular, we are concerned about restrictions on free expression online and the upcoming trial of the founders of the so-called Free Journalists Club. The Foreign Minister and I agreed to keep talking candidly and to keep expanding our partnership.

So again, Minister Minh, let me thank you for your hospitality and thank you for coming back from Cambodia to meet with me. I greatly appreciate that effort that you made, and we look forward to continuing both our bilateral and regional cooperation.

Q. Thanks very much. Madam Secretary, Egypt's highest court and its top generals rejected President Morsi's call to reconvene parliament, and that's setting them on a direct collision course. What do you think this does to the political stability in Egypt? And do you view that as a matter of a power grab or a defense of democracy?

Secretary Clinton Well, first, I think it is important what is happening into context. There was a largely peaceful revolution, competitive elections, and now there is an elected president, the first ever in Egypt's very long history, and the United States remains committed to working with Egypt, both the government and civil society to assist it in completing a democratic transition, in particular, dealing with a lot of the difficult economic and security issues that the new government will have to face. But I think it's important to underscore that democracy is not just about elections. It is about creating a vibrant, inclusive political dialogue, listening to civil societies, having good relations between civilian officials and military officials where each is working to serve the interests of the citizens, and democracy really is about empowering citizens to determine the direction of their own country.

And I'm well aware that change is difficult. It's not going to happen quickly. We've seen over the last few days that there's a lot of work ahead of Egypt to keep this transition on course, and we urge that there be intensive dialogue among all of the stakeholders in order to ensure that there is a clear path for them to be following and that the Egyptian people get what they protested for and what they voted for, which is a fully elected government making the decisions for the country going forward. And the United States has been a partner with Egypt for a long time. We want to continue to work with them to promote regional stability, to prevent conflict, to try to protect our mutual interests in the region. The relationship is important to us. It's also important to Egypt's neighbors.

So I look forward to meeting with and talking to President Morsi and other leading Egyptian officials along with representatives from a broad cross section of Egyptian society when I'm in Egypt this weekend to hear their views. But we strongly urge dialogue and a concerted effort on the part of all to try to deal with the problems that are understandable but have to be resolved in order to avoid any kind of difficulties that could derail the transition that is going on.

Moderator. (In Vietnamese.)

Secretary Clinton. As we discussed, I have worked very hard to make sure that the United States is addressing the Agent Orange issue. It is a legacy issue that we are—we remain concerned about, and we have increased our financial commitment to dealing with it. The Minister and I discussed consulting on having a long-term plan so that we can look not just from year to year, but into the future to try to determine the steps that we can both take. The Minister also mentioned the idea of getting the private sector involved in remediation efforts, and we will certainly explore that as part of this ongoing discussion.

And then with respect to missing in action accounting, the United States greatly appreciates Vietnam's cooperation over more than two decades in our efforts to account for missing U.S. personnel. In fact, we began that effort even before we established formal diplomatic relations back in 1995. When I visited with my husband when he came as President in 2000, we went out and saw the work of the joint American-Vietnamese teams, and I was deeply moved by that. And we want to continue that work. It's work that we believe very strongly in. Through these efforts, we've repatriated and identified nearly 700 Americans. But nearly 1,300 personnel remain missing, and when Secretary Panetta was here, Vietnam announced that it would open areas that had previously been restricted, and we're very appreciative of that. And we want to do more to help Vietnam recover their missing as well. So there's a lot for us to be doing, and we want to be as focused in the follow-up as possible.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Cambodia at the US-ASEAN Ministerial Meeting

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Secretary del Rosario, and let me express my pleasure at being here today. This is my fourth U.S.-ASEAN post-ministerial conference. And it gives us the chance to mark 35 years of partnership between ASEAN and the United States and to affirm and strengthen our ties. I want to thank our host, the Government of Cambodia, and for their preparations and their hospitality we are very appreciative. And let me also thank the foreign secretary in the Philippines, our country coordinator for the last three years, and to all of the colleagues around the table.

I also want to acknowledge that we are looking forward to working with the incoming country coordinator, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin, and really are very appreciative of the work that we are doing to prepare for the close coordination with our colleagues from Nay Pyi Taw. And I look forward to discussing with the ministers here next steps in response to and in support of the important reform efforts that Nay Pyi Taw is taking.

The United States has an enduring commitment to the Asia Pacific and the Obama Administration has elevated our engagement across Asia as a strategic priority of our foreign policy. A central pillar of that strategy is to work more closely with ASEAN, to deepen our economic, strategic, and people-to-people engagement. As Secretary of State, I've been a strong supporter of ASEAN and I understand that ASEAN faces a variety of challenges and even growing pains as it adapts and takes on new responsibilities. But I believe ASEAN plays an indispensible role in holding this region's institutional architecture together and in advancing the common interests of all stakeholders in the Asia Pacific. The work that we are doing here today and over the next two days is a testament to that, and the United States has a stake in ASEAN's success. The positions that ASEAN takes, the decisions it makes, and how it makes them will have a great bearing on the future effectiveness of ASEAN.

When I'm asked in my country why I put so much emphasis on ASEAN, I tell people that we work with ASEAN on the issues that are of central importance to the United States, from maritime security to nonproliferation to economic growth. We have more investment in ASEAN than we have in China. That is a surprising fact to many people in our country. And we are working cooperatively and collaboratively on opportunities and challenges in the Asia Pacific region, because we believe, like all of you, that so much of the future will be determined in this region. So we have sought to hear your concerns and priorities, to work with you to advance them, and to be a good partner. What we have heard from you is that ASEAN and the countries of the Asia Pacific are seeking greater American engagement across the board. But you are particularly focused on areas where our presence at times has been underweighted.

On the economic front, there is much more room for us still to grow together, so we are working to foster more economic activity in very tangible ways. This week, I've assembled and led the largest ever delegation of American business executives to Cambodia, and we will attend the first U.S.-ASEAN Business Forum on Friday in Siem Reap to lay the groundwork for economic connections and mutual prosperity for a long time to come.

On development assistance, frankly speaking, people in the region are asking us to put our money where our mouth is, to borrow an American phrase. So we've created an initiative to reform and reinvigorate our assistance programs to ASEAN. It's called the Asia Pacific Strategic Engagement Initiative, or APSEI. APSEI seeks to align our resources with the priorities we are pursuing in partnership with the countries around this table.

We are focused on six pillars: regional security cooperation, economic integration and trade, engagement in the Lower Mekong region, transnational threats, democratic development, and war legacies. We're working not only on a bilateral basis but also regionally in order to get the best possible results. This adds up to a robust, systematic assistance package that will secure sustained levels of American support for the things we all care most about. Later this week here at ASEAN and at the Regional Forum, I will offer a down payment on APSEI, and in the coming months we'll be able to talk more about this initiative and its resources.

On disaster relief, this is something I care deeply about, and I know that you and your citizens do as well. Natural disasters are one of the most significant challenges to the stability, development, and prosperity of the ASEAN nations. From the tsunami in Aceh in 2004 to the floods in the Philippines and Thailand last year, the United States has been a committed first responder. And last year, President Obama announced a Rapid Disaster Response Agreement, which establishes a legal framework that will lead to more effective deliveries of supplies, service, and personnel. Laos and Singapore have already endorsed this agreement; we are close to concluding it with the Philippines; and I encourage other ASEAN members to review it.

And then there are people-to-people initiatives, and I have to say that the one request I hear consistently as I travel throughout Southeast Asia is that people in this region want more opportunities to interact with Americans and to visit America, particularly young people. And of course, young people are the majority of the people in the ASEAN nations. So I strongly support this outreach. And we have created a U.S.-ASEAN Young Leaders Summit to connect our next generation of leaders. This fall, the United States will welcome the first students to Hawaii under the Brunei-U.S. English language initiative. We have also created a pilot program for a new Fulbright-ASEAN exchange to deepen our educational ties.

Now, on this particular issue, I could go on and on. There has been a flourishing of programs and partnerships among our nations during the past few years, all designed to bring us and especially our people closer together. And they are possible because of the foundation we have laid in forums like this one.

So the United States is committed to our partnership, and we welcome the contributions of other ASEAN dialogue partners, and we are invested in the future peace, stability, and prosperity of this region. We look forward to many more collaborative activities with our partners in ASEAN for years to come. Thank you very much, Secretary del Rosario.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Siem Reap, Cambodia

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Minister Phavi, for that introduction and also for describing the results of what has been, by all reports, an excellent meeting. And I thank all the heads of delegations who are here and all of the attendees. I want to welcome all our partners from the Lower Mekong nation and from the Friends of the Lower Mekong. And I want to commend the Government of Cambodia for its leadership in the Lower Mekong Initiative and for co-hosting this conference.

We launched this organization three years ago to expand cooperation on issues that affect the daily lives of people across the region. And I'm getting some feedback. I'm hearing the Cambodian translation at the same time. I wish I spoke Cambodian, but I don't. So I was having a little trouble, but thank you for that.

We launched this organization three years ago to expand cooperation on issues that affect the daily lives of the people across the region, from protecting the environment to managing water resources to improving infrastructure, education, and public health. And now with the inclusion of the government in Nay Pyi Taw we are poised to make even greater progress together.

Yesterday in Phnom Penh, I announced that the United States is easing sanctions to allow American businesses to invest there. And today I am pleased to add that we are also launching a new partnership with the nonprofit Abbott Fund to invest one million dollars in the health and education for women and girls.

I am delighted that the Lower Mekong Initiative is now also focusing on the rights and opportunities of women. At the ministerial meeting in Phnom Penh this morning, we adopted a joint statement by all of the countries represented that will integrate gender equality and women's empowerment through the LMI agenda. I like what the Minister said about how we came together to care to share and dare to dream, and I think that's a very good description of what you have been doing here.

As Secretary of State, I make these issues about women and girls a priority everywhere I go. Because when women have the chance to participate in the economic and political lives of their communities, not only do their lives improve, but the lives of their families do as well. Commerce flourishes, instability declines, and you see a general uplifting of societies and nations. And I have met women all over this region who are living this truth every day—educators in Hanoi, entrepreneurs in Bangkok, democracy activists in Yangon, garment workers here in Siem Reap, women like all of you who are working hard for progress throughout the Mekong region.

Unfortunately, as you know so well, outdated legal and social barriers continue to limit women's participation in business and politics. According to the World Bank, more than 100 countries have laws that restrict women's economic activity, whether it is opening a bank account on their own, signing a contract, owning land, or pursuing the profession of their choice. And millions of women here in Southeast Asia are trapped in the informal economy, laboring in fields and factories for very low wages with very few protections. And of course, some have it even worse—victims of forced labor, forced prostitution, or other forms of modern day slavery.

Now, too often, discussions of these issues are on the margins of international debate. We have separate parallel conversations about women's rights, about alleviating poverty, and then we have another conversation about international economics. But I once asked an economist in Africa, after spending the day traveling through an African country seeing women working in the fields, women working in the markets, women fetching fuel, women carrying water, women tending children—I asked, “Don't you think it's time we count women contributions to the economy in some way.” And he responded, “No, what they do is not part of the economy.” And I said, “Well, if every woman working in the field, in the markets, in the homes were to stop working for a week, I think every economist would learn they are definitely part of the economy.”

All these issues are related, and we need to start thinking about them in an integrated way, because in the end, what is an economy for? An economy is a means to an end. It is not an end in itself. An economy is to enable people to make more out of their own lives as well as to make a living. And therefore, the best economic systems are ones which give the most opportunity to the greatest number of people.

And what we have to do in the 21^st century is to take a hard look about what we can do, not just in Southeast Asia but around the world, to make sure that economies are working for people and not just people at the top, but people throughout society. Because, after all, most people don't live at the highest, elite level of any society. That's a very small group. And if the results of people's hard work in any society is not spread across all the people but instead goes up to the top, you will not see the kind of progress that is possible.

So as I traveled across Asia this week—from Japan to Mongolia, to Vietnam, to Laos, and now Cambodia—I've been talking about the mutually reinforcing role that economics and human rights play in not only your lives, but in America's engagement in the region—what is sometimes called our pivot to Asia. Labor issues promoting workers rights, improving labor conditions, supporting women's economic participation, protecting people from modern day slavery is all part about how you build prosperous, peaceful societies.

And so today, I want to focus on the rights of workers here in Southeast Asia and in our modern global economy. It's important that we understand fair labor standards for men and women can spur economic growth and widen the circle of prosperity. And governments, businesses, and workers all have a responsibility to make that happen.

So let's begin with rights. The international community and international law recognize that workers everywhere, regardless of income or status, are entitled to certain universal rights, including the right to form and join a union and to bargain collectively. Child labor, forced labor, discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or other factors, should be universally prohibited.

So defending these labor rights and improving working conditions is a smart economic investment, but it's also a very important value. Now back in 1999, my husband was president of the United States and the entire world was fiercely debating what we should be doing to deal with what is called globalization. Well, my husband gave speeches at both the World Trade Organization and the International Labor Organization. And he delivered the same message to each audience: To deny the importance of core labor issues in a global economy is to deny the dignity of work. The belief that honest labor fairly compensated gives meaning and structure to our lives.

Well, that was true then; it was true when I was a little girl and I watched my mother working in our home, and I watched my father working in his small business; and it is true today. Standing up for workers' rights and high labor standards is both right and moral, but it is also smart and strategic. Just look at the progress that has taken place here in Cambodia.

In the late 1990s, this country was emerging out of years of war and economic ruin. Nearly 80 percent of Cambodians made a very meager living by subsistence farming. And the new government was looking for ways to boost growth and connect to the global economy. In the United States, my husband's administration was convinced that trade incentives could be used to strengthen workers' rights around the world. The result was an agreement—an agreement between the United States and Cambodia that opened American markets to Cambodian textiles in return for tough new monitoring programs in local garment factories. Now that agreement wasn't perfect—no agreement ever is—and there are certainly, as I have heard, problems in garment factories across the country. But compare where Cambodia was in 1999 and where it is today. Working conditions have improved. Wages have risen. It has become easier to form a union, and instead of scaring off investors, the fact of these reforms actually attracted them.

Multinational clothing companies saw a chance to clean up their supply chains and improve their reputation. So they started buying more and more Cambodian products, and exports soared. Where there was once just a handful of state-owned textile and apparel factories employing only a few thousand people, within 10 years there were hundreds of new factories providing jobs for more than 350,000 Cambodians—mostly young women, who migrated from poor rural communities to earn wages far above the average of what otherwise would have been available to them.

Research conducted by the International Labor Organization and other institutions tell us that this is not an isolated example. Respecting workers' rights leads to positive, long-term economic outcomes, including higher levels of foreign direct investment. And bringing workers, especially women, into the formal economy has ripple effects: Inequality declines while mobility increases, taxes are paid, countries and communities are stronger and better able to meet the rising expectations of their people.

Now the flip side of that is also true. Denying workers their universal rights costs society dearly in lost productivity, innovation, and growth, as well as undermining the rule of law and creating instability. So we should pay attention to these findings.

I do hope that decision makers around the world, including in my own country, actually look at evidence, because evidence matters. Whether you're a scientist looking at research or a government official looking at analysis, look at the evidence. Here in Southeast Asia, economies have grown rapidly by attracting foreign investors looking for low-cost labor and material and by exporting affordable goods to more developed markets. But this export-driven model can only take a country and a region so far.

In the wake of the global financial crisis and worldwide recession, Asian countries can no longer count on endless demands from Europe and the United States. And by the same token, American manufacturers may be looking for new customers in new markets, especially in Asia. That's why developed nations, like the United States, will need to build more at home and sell more abroad. And developing countries, in Asia and elsewhere, will need to grow a larger middle class that will fuel demand for both domestic and imported goods and services. Henry Ford, back at the beginning of the 20^th century, when he started building cars in Detroit, Michigan back in the United States, paid his workers the unheard salary of $5 a day. And all of the other employers came to him and they complained that he was paying his workers too much and that would raise the wages of all the other workers in all the other businesses. And Henry Ford said, “If I don't pay my workers, who will buy the cars that I am making?”

So if you begin to pay your workers more, they then buy more goods, which actually helps more businesses. And that is the next phase of growth in Asia, as well as the future of the global economy. We should not be in a race to the bottom. We should be in a race to see how we raise income, raise standards of living, and raise the sharing of prosperity. So for this to happen, we will have to make sure that women have the opportunity to move from the informal economy to the formal economy with employment. We will have to make sure that migrant workers are respected and protected, that people in modern-day slavery are free and rehabilitated. In effect, how do we transform the workforce to create more opportunities?

Well to begin with, governments will have to modernize labor laws to respect workers' rights and ensure that men and women have fair, safe working conditions and can earn a living wage. And governments will have to get serious about enforcement, cracking down on unscrupulous recruiters, criminal traffickers, and abusive employers.

Now, strengthening the rule of law will not just protect workers, it will also attract investors and make it easier for everyone to do business. And multinational corporations, like those in America, will have to insist that every link in their supply chain meets international labor standards. Now, of course, I know there's a price tag that comes with that. But it is an investment, and it's an investment that will pay dividends, because it can be very attractive to consumers in my country, in Europe, and elsewhere to know that the goods they buy are being produced in conditions that really help people improve their own lives. And then, of course, workers will have to keep pushing for their own rights, organizing and advocating.

Now, it took decades of struggle for workers in America to form unions strong enough to protect their rights and secure changes like the eight-hour day and the minimum wage, but it helped to create the great American middle class. And we are now adjusting our economy to the new challenges, but we certainly were advantaged by all of the changes over the last one hundred years.

I think the nations of Southeast Asia are at the beginning of your own journey. I know that there are still many problems and a lot of poverty. And I have been now in every country in the region, and I know there's a (inaudible). There are still too many people who are terribly poor, too many children who don't get the healthcare and the education they need, too many government officials that are not really serving the people. But there is good news as well.

And I want to commend the Government of Cambodia for their draft new trade law that could be a model for the region. It would extend rights and protection to domestic workers. It would allow people to join unions. And if this law is passed and enforced, it will set a very strong standard for the rest of the region.

Similarly in Vietnam, where I was a few days ago, there is still—there is also encouragement despite continuing problems. At the start of the year, a new anti-trafficking law came into effect. After reports of abuses on coffee plantations in Lam Dong Province, officials called for greater inspections and stricter punishment for illegal labor brokers. And Vietnam is working with the International Labor Organization to improve conditions in garment factories.

And the prospects for progress are even more dramatic in Burma, which for many years was one of the most repressive and closed societies in the world. I saw with great interest reports of the government in Nay Pyi Taw rolling back the restrictive and exploitative labor rules. Workers are beginning to organize, although they still face penalties for joining unregistered unions. There will be a lot of challenges, but I hope that we see continuing progress there.

Now, for our part, the United States is putting in place protections to ensure that the increased investment we would like to see advances the reform process. Because after all, what we want to do is make workers rights, rising wages, fair working conditions the norm everywhere. And we will be working with all of the countries represented here.

We've also made workers rights a centerpiece of a new far-reaching trade agreement called the Trans-Pacific Partnership. We are working with Vietnam, Malaysia, Australia, Canada, Mexico, and others in these negotiations.

We are also throughout Southeast Asia supporting training and workshops on international labor standards for union organizers, employers and government officials. We're sponsoring exchanges so labor academics can learn from each other, and we're helping police and prosecutors go after trafficking and other abuses.

We're working with ASEAN to deal with the migrant worker problem. We have so many people across borders looking for better opportunities and are often exploited and abused. Now, after visa requirements among ASEAN countries becomes easier, then we need a framework on the rights of migrant workers by 2015.

We're also working with labor ministries, and we've signed agreements with Vietnam and China that provide exchanges and technical assistance on a range of labor issues, from mine safety to social security.

America is a Pacific nation, and our futures and our fortunes are bound up with each other. So we want to work with all of you, and particularly on behalf of women and workers, because we think that holds the key. The World Bank has done some excellent research showing that if the barriers to women's participation in the formal economy were eliminated, growth rates in every country would rise, and some would rise dramatically.

So when I talk to government officials who I can tell are not really interested in women, which I do from time to time—not women officials but the other kind, as you know—and I make the case that women's rights should be protected and women's opportunities should be advanced, sometimes I see their eyes glaze over. And they say to themselves, I'm thinking as I look at them, well, she says that all the time. She goes around in the world talking about women's rights, and that's fine and I'll listen to her, but I'm not really that interested.

But when I say if you will change your laws so women can open up bank accounts or women can have access to credit, so women can start new businesses as easily as men, so that women can have fair wages when they move into the formal economy, your GDP will rise, all of a sudden I see them waking up. Because it's true that I have spent many years of my life talking about how important it is that women be given the same rights as men and the same dignity so that they can fulfill their own God-given potential.

But the argument I'm making today and I'm making around the world is that you are losing out if you do not empower women as economic beings. Because I'll go back to the experience I had in Africa. Now, I don't think the economist I was talking to was prejudiced against women. I just don't think he thought of all the things women do without being paid, that all of us do, have done, and continue to do to keep families and communities and societies and economies going.

And so therefore any country that wants to maximize their economic growth in a sustainable, inclusive way will be leaving money on the table if they don't include women and do everything they can to show respect for what women can do for themselves as well as their countries.

So this is an exciting time to be a woman in Southeast Asia, because if we work over the next years to realize the potential that this conference demonstrated with all of the excellent recommendations that the ministers have told us about, then we will see Asia grow even faster and more successfully, and most importantly we will see more girls and boys having the opportunity to fulfill their own God-given potential.

Because after all, I think as a mother, what we want for each of our children and what we should want for every child is that chance to be all he or she can be. Because talent is universal, but opportunity is not. So for every child who is not educated, we may be losing a scientist who would solve multi drug-resistant malaria. We may be losing a great activist. We may be losing a great academic. Who knows? But one way for sure to maximize the chance of every society to do even better is to be sure we give women the chance to compete and to demonstrate what they can contribute to us all.

Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in Siem Reap at the US-ASEAN Business Forum

Secretary Clinton. (In progress.) It's a pleasure to welcome you to the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council Forum: Commitment to Connectivity. And we are so honored to have three distinguished leaders here with us tonight. You will be hearing from each of them about the importance of advancing the ASEAN connectivity agenda and steps we can all take in government and in business, in ASEAN and in our individual countries to advance integration and economic engagement.

I'm very grateful to Prime Minister Hun Sen for hosting us and being with us. Cambodia has just completed the ASEAN ministerial, and we are grateful that you would find the time to come here and be with us, Prime Minister.

I also want to thank President Thein Sein, who has moved his country such a long distance in such a short period of time. And we are very much looking forward to hearing your comments. And Prime Minister Yingluck, it is always a pleasure to be with you and to work with you. Thailand is our oldest ally in the region, one of our oldest allies in the world, and we are honored that you are here.

I want to thank the ministers and ambassadors from across ASEAN who have joined us here in this historic city. And I especially want to thank Myron Brilliant from the Chamber of Commerce and Alex Feldman from the U.S.-ASEAN Business Council.

And finally, a very warm welcome to all the representatives from the private sector. Here tonight are dozens of leaders of ASEAN companies from all over the ASEAN region, in addition to dozens of leaders from American companies. By our count, this is the largest U.S.-ASEAN business event ever assembled. And I assume that will be a challenge so that the next events will be even bigger as we see the results of our efforts.

As Myron said, you know that we are certainly elevating our engagement across the board with Asia, and we're paying particular attention to ASEAN and Southeast Asia. We're pursuing a economic statecraft and jobs diplomacy agenda to promote sustainable growth and prosperity across the region and, of course, we know that by doing so it will help the countries of ASEAN, but it will also help the United States.

Our economic ties are already strong. ASEAN and the United States are large trading partners. Last year, U.S. exports to ASEAN exceeded $76 billion, and that was up 42 percent since 2009. We have more than twice as much investment in ASEAN as we do in China. So there is a great deal of potential for continuing to grow our economic activity.

We want to do more to deepen our economic partnership. For example, with our ASEAN Single Window and other ADVANCE programs, we are working with ASEAN to develop a fully integrated market by harmonizing customs and improving regulatory standards. And later this fall, our trade ministers will gather here in Siem Reap to discuss ways to advance our Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, the operating system of our economic partnership.

I'm also very convinced that by promoting economic activity in the region, it is not only about encouraging businesses to invest and trade, it is also about building relationships. And the best way to do that is to be sure that we promote a rules-based system, because the difference between a region on the path to sustainable growth and one whose gains will be more short term are the norms and the standards for intellectual property protection, for predictability in setting rules, and enforcing laws to try to ensure a level playing field for everyone.

And we want ASEAN and the Asia Pacific to be open for business to everyone willing to work hard and make those investments. And we want especially to encourage entrepreneurs, because after all, that's where the new ideas come from; that's where the new businesses start; that's where small and medium-sized enterprises really get their impetus for growth.

I gave a speech in Hong Kong last July describing what we hoped will be a thriving economic system across the Asia Pacific. It came down to four key attributes: openness, freedom, transparency, and fairness. And we believe that those all go together.

So let us work and try to determine the best way to increase that connectivity, increase those relationships, make those investments, and really build sustainable economies, jobs here, jobs back home in the United States, and the kind of future that we want in the 21^st century for the people of the ASEAN nations.

Let me just set the stage for all three speakers. We will hear first from the Prime Minister of Cambodia. Cambodia has achieved tremendous economic progress during the tenure of Prime Hun Sen, and the United States is proud of our economic partnership. The United States is the number one importer of Cambodian-made garments—and this is a shameless plug, but I will say it anyway—thanks to trade deals we did back in the 1990s. And those trade deals included labor and workplace standards, so the now 350,000 Cambodians, 90 percent of whom are young women, working in the textile industry in Cambodia have seen tremendous advances. Now, Cambodia will see the first to say they have more to do and they are working on that, but we want to continue to support their economic progress.

We also want to point to one other example of an innovative partnership with American business—General Electric is finalizing a rice-husk biomass integrated power project, the first in the region. What a great idea for ASEAN countries, particularly in the Lower Mekong, to use rice husks to generate energy. So this has got great potential.

We'll next hear from the Prime Minister of Thailand, whose leadership has helped her country recover from the effects of the devastating floods last year and achieve economic growth at the start of this year. We are working to link Thai and American businesses through several public-private partnerships: Google is helping to connect more than 100,000 small and medium-sized businesses throughout Thailand; MasterCard is working with the Bank of Thailand to promote electronic mobile banking training; and Coca-Cola is creating an upcoming women's entrepreneurship fund. So we're very pleased that Prime Minister Yingluck could join us.

And finally, we will hear from President Thein Sein. This week has been a milestone in the relationship between our two countries. Just two days ago, President Obama announced that the United States is easing restrictions to allow more U.S. companies to do business there. And a few months ago in Washington, I urged American businesses to invest and to do it responsibly. Under Secretary Bob Hormats, who is here today, will be taking the largest U.S. business delegation—over 70 businesses—tomorrow to meet with officials, to meet with businesses, to meet with civil society. And we're excited by what lies ahead, and we're very supportive of President Thein Sein's economic and political reforms.

And finally, I want to thank everyone from the private sector and the organizations involved and ASEAN and my team at the State Department, led by Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell, for understanding that connectivity is a word that has to have meaning. And much of that meaning comes from greater relationships between our governments, between our private sectors, between our civil societies, and most importantly, between and among our people.

So it's very exciting to see everything that is happening here. And now it is my pleasure to introduce our host this evening, Prime Minister Hun Sen.

Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs Robert O Blake, Jr. gave the following statement in Washington, DC

Assistant Secretary Blake. Good afternoon.

Thank you for this opportunity to speak with you today regarding the human rights situation in Bangladesh. I appreciate Congress' active interest in the region and in the wide range of U.S. Government programs and activities there. Bangladesh is a country of strategic importance to the United States. It is the seventh largest country in the world by population, and it has the world's fourth largest Muslim population. It is a moderate, tolerant, secular, democratic alternative to violent extremism. A leader in promoting regional connectivity and improved ties with its neighbors, Bangladesh promotes stability in a troubled region. As the largest contributor of forces to UN peacekeeping missions in some of the world's most dangerous conflicts, Bangladesh fosters global peace.

Bangladesh has been growing at an annual rate of 5 to 6 percent over the past two decades. It is an increasingly important trading partner and destination of U.S. investment. U.S. exports to Bangladesh doubled during the last year. The United States is the largest investor in Bangladesh. Bangladesh also is a focus country for all of the President's signature “development initiatives,” including the Global Health Initiative, the Global Climate Change Initiative and the Feed the Future Initiative.

The United States and Bangladesh cooperate closely on security issues ranging from counterterrorism to counterpiracy and the mitigation of natural disasters, all of which were discussed during the first-ever U.S. Bangladesh Security Dialogue in April. The Government of Bangladesh has also consistently prioritized greater regional integration—a key U.S. interest in a region that remains among the least integrated in the world. Secretary Clinton visited Bangladesh in May, marking the first visit by a U.S. Secretary of State in nine years. While there, she and her Bangladeshi counterpart announced the U.S.-Bangladesh Partnership Dialogue to provide strategic direction to the wide array of existing and future partnership activities.

During her trip, Secretary Clinton also raised many serious concerns about human rights issues with the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister, as well as with leading members of Bangladeshi civil society and at events with the press and the public at large. The Secretary's public and private remarks underscore this administration's consistent policy of raising human rights concerns with the Government of Bangladesh in order to safeguard Bangladesh's role as a moderate democracy with a vibrant press and dynamic civil society. Secretary Clinton noted our concern about the murder of labor rights activist Aminul Islam and the disappearance of opposition local leader Ilyas Ali. The rights of workers were also front-and-center on the Secretary's visit to Bangladesh. We have urged the Government of Bangladesh to allow workers to freely form unions, and allow organizations that seek to protect worker's rights to operate freely. This is not only an ethical question, but also one that has the potential to have a huge impact on the Bangladeshi economy.

The ready-made garments industry employs millions of Bangladeshis, 90 percent of whom are women. American and other foreign buyers are increasingly unwilling to have their valuable brand names associated with abuse of workers' rights and it is clearly in Bangladesh's interests to make progress on this issue. My colleague Eric Biel from the Department of Labor can speak more on this.

There continue to be credible reports that Bangladesh's Rapid Action Battalion (or RAB), a paramilitary law enforcement group made up of policemen and Army soldiers, is involved with some extrajudicial killings and disappearances. Due to Leahy vetting requirements, we are barred from providing RAB with any form of training other than that related to human rights. To this end, the U.S. Government embedded a retired U.S. marshal within RAB for four months last year to help stand up and operationalize an internal affairs unit that will provide a much-needed mechanism to hold accountable those who commit human rights violations.

Civil society has been Bangladesh's calling card for decades. Homegrown organizations like BRAC and Grameen Bank have gone global, exporting innovative ideas like microfinance to a worldwide audience. Maintaining the traditional vibrancy of Bangladeshi civil society is a priority for the State Department.

For this reason, we are concerned by reports from some local NGOs that space for civil society is shrinking. Nearly two years after the resignation of Dr. Muhammad Yunus, Grameen Bank has been without a permanent managing director at its helm. While the Bank has continued its good work, we have emphasized both to the government and the Grameen Board the importance of finding a qualified replacement for Dr. Yunus who is acceptable to all sides and who can preserve the integrity and effectiveness of the Bank in helping Bangladesh's most vulnerable citizens and fulfilling its commitment to its 8.3 million borrowers, most of them women.

We've also been disappointed by Bangladesh's policy of turning away Rohingya and other individuals fleeing ethnic and sectarian violence in Burma since early June. This stands in marked contrast to the country's traditional policy of non-refoulement. The U.S. Government has and will continue to raise concern for the well-being of these individuals at the highest levels.

There is positive news to report as well. We were encouraged this past spring when the Government of Bangladesh passed comprehensive anti-trafficking-in-persons legislation that, when fully enforced, could make a huge difference in protecting some of the country's most vulnerable citizens. While Bangladesh has made progress in protecting women and children victims of trafficking, this law is the first of its kind in Bangladesh that also guards against the exploitation of male laborers.

I want to end by repeating what I said earlier—as a successful moderate, tolerant, secular, democratic alternative to violent extremism, and as a model for lifting millions of poverty, providing an important voice for regional stability, contributing more than any other country to UN peacekeeping, Bangladesh is of strategic importance to the United States.

But it still faces many challenges that the U.S. is working with and encouraging Bangladesh to address.

President Barack Obama issued the following statement on additional Iran sanctions

Today, the United States is announcing two significant steps that strengthen our efforts to pressure and isolate the Iranian government for its continued failure to meet its international obligations.

First, I have approved a new Executive Order that imposes new sanctions against the Iranian energy and petrochemical sectors. This action is designed to deter Iran from establishing payment mechanisms for the purchase of Iranian oil to circumvent existing sanctions, and utilizes the existing structure of our sanctions law, including exceptions for significant reductions in the purchase of Iranian oil. Additionally, existing sanctions on Iran's petrochemical industry are expanded by making sanctionable the purchase or acquisition of Iranian petrochemical products. Sanctions are also authorized for those who may seek to avoid the impact of these sanctions, including against individuals and entities that provide material support to the National Iranian Oil Company, Naftiran Intertrade Company, or the Central Bank of Iran, or for the purchase or acquisition of U.S. bank notes or precious metals by the Government of Iran.

Second, we have also taken a significant step to hold responsible institutions that knowingly enable financial transactions for designated Iranian banks. The Department of the Treasury today imposed sanctions on Bank of Kunlun in China and Elaf Islamic Bank in Iraq under the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability, and Divestment Act of 2010 (CISADA). Bank of Kunlun and Elaf Islamic Bank have facilitated transactions worth millions of dollars on behalf of Iranian banks that are subject to sanctions for their links to Iran's illicit proliferation activities. By cutting off these financial institutions from the United States, today's action makes it clear that we will expose any financial institution, no matter where they are located, that allows the increasingly desperate Iranian regime to retain access to the international financial system.

Since taking office, we have presented the Iranian government with a clear choice: come in line with your international obligations and rejoin the community of nations, or face growing consequences. With these actions, we are once again reaffirming our commitment to hold the Iranian government accountable for its actions. The United States remains committed to a diplomatic solution, but the onus is on Iran to abide by its international obligations. If the Iranian government continues its defiance, there should be no doubt that the United States and our partners will continue to impose increasing consequences.

Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks at the US Institute of Peace

Ambassador Susan Rice gave the following remarks at a Security Council meeting at UN headquarters in New York

Ambassador Rice. Thank you Mr. President. I would like thank Ambassador Osorio for his briefing today. We greatly value your efforts and your effective advocacy for full implementation of UN sanctions on Iran.

Mr. President, every three months, this Council takes note of the latest IAEA report showing Iran's continued defiance. Every three months, we witness Iran's latest leaps forward in its prohibited nuclear activities. This Council cannot afford to be complacent. We must recognize that we are facing a situation that continues to worsen.

Just a few weeks ago, the IAEA Director General provided his latest assessment of Iran's nuclear progress. We learned that Iran is “severely hampering” IAEA inspections of the Parchin facility and probably engaging in efforts to sanitize the site. We learned that at the Fordow Fuel Enrichment Plant—a bunker facility built by Iran in secret and protected by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps—Iran has doubled the number of installed uranium enrichment centrifuges. And we learned that Iran continues to enrich uranium to near twenty percent, a step closer to bomb-grade enrichment. Needless to say, these activities are all contrary to multiple resolutions by this Security Council and the IAEA.

Iran knows the steps it must take to be in full compliance with its international obligations. Iran knows the actions required to demonstrate full cooperation with the IAEA. Yet, still, Iran's approach remains to deny, deceive and distract.

The Security Council must redouble its efforts to ensure that the sanctions we impose are fully and robustly implemented. We have two effective tools to carry out this task: the Iran Sanctions Committee and the UN's Iran Panel of Experts. These bodies must remain active and continuously seek ways to improve sanctions implementation. The Panel of Experts' May 2012 Final Report provides an excellent blueprint for Committee action in the weeks and months ahead. We encourage the Committee to meet regularly until it has acted upon all of the recommendations contained in that final report. The Committee should issue regular guidance and public notices advising states on how best to implement the sanctions. It should impose targeted sanctions on individuals and entities responsible for violating existing sanctions. And, the Committee should also do more to help international organizations ensure that their activities and programs in Iran are fully compliant with UN sanctions.

We particularly urge the Committee and the Panel to focus on Iran's longstanding, well-documented smuggling of weapons to extremist groups worldwide. UN sanctions prevent Iran from exporting all arms and related materiel to any country. Iran's arms exports to the murderous Assad regime in Syria are of particular concern. As the Panel of Experts has concluded, Syria is now the “central party to illicit Iranian arms transfers.” States in the region must therefore work together and redouble their efforts to deny, inspect and seize illicit Iranian shipments, including transfers via air corridors, in line with the cargo inspection provisions of Security Council resolution 1929.

We also urge the Committee to renew its focus on Iran's prohibited ballistic missile programs. In July, officials from Iran's Revolutionary Guard corps tested ballistic missiles capable of traveling 1,300 kilometers. Although such tests are in clear violation of paragraph 9 of resolution 1929, the Council and the Committee have not yet taken effective action to respond to this blatant noncompliance.

Mr. President, the United States seeks to resolve the Iran nuclear issue through a comprehensive approach. We remain committed to trying to find a negotiated solution with Iran that restores international confidence in its nuclear activities and bolsters regional stability.

Working with our P5+1 partners, we have repeatedly laid out clear proposals to address the Iranian nuclear issue step by step.

As you know, the P5+1 have focused initially on those elements of the Iranian nuclear program that are of most immediate concern: Iran's continued enrichment of uranium to twenty percent, the stockpiling of twenty-percent enriched uranium beyond the amount necessary for any civilian use, and continued activity at the underground Fordow nuclear site. In return for satisfactory Iranian action in these areas, the P5+1 have made a serious offer of reciprocal steps that begin to address Iran's concerns as well. But Iran has not responded constructively to this offer, nor engaged the P5+1 on meaningful, commensurate steps.

We believe there is still time and space for diplomacy. However, the onus is on Iran to respond constructively. The international community should continue to underscore that Iran must take meaningful steps or face increasing pressure. Yet, we cannot and we will not pursue this path indefinitely. We will not engage in an endless process of negotiations that fail to produce any results.

We must therefore remain clear and united in seeking resolution of the international community's concerns regarding Iran's nuclear program. Time is wasting. Thank you, Mr. President.

Ambassador Susan Rice gave the following remarks at a Security Council meeting at UN headquarters in New York

Ambassador Rice. Thank you Mr. President.

Foreign Minister Rassoul, welcome back and thank you for your remarks. Special Representative Kubis, thank you again for all you do and for your briefing. And I want to extend, through you, again, our thanks to the staff of UNAMA and the whole country team for your dedicated work under very difficult circumstances.

Mr. President, since we last met, the international community has further demonstrated its commitment to the Afghan people beyond 2014. As recent events have shown, the transition is on track and our commitment to Afghanistan is enduring.

On July 7, President Obama officially designated Afghanistan a major non-NATO ally of the United States. This is a powerful symbol of our commitment to Afghanistan's future.

Afghanistan and its international partners have charted a responsible transition, which will transfer full responsibility for security back to Afghanistan. The Afghan National Security Forces continue to grow in size and capability. The ANSF remains on track to reach 352,000 personnel later this year. Two-thirds of all of those who serve in uniform defending Afghanistan are now Afghans, and over half of the Afghan population is protected by a predominantly Afghan force. We look forward to full implementation of tranche three of the transition later this year, at which point 75 percent of the Afghan population, including every provincial capital, will be in the transition process. As pledged at the NATO Summit in Chicago in May, the international community will support the ANSF beyond 2014.

While we applaud these developments, we recognize that many challenges remain, including so-called insider attacks. The reasons for these attacks vary, but we are working closely with the Government of Afghanistan on a range of measures to stop them. We have not and will not allow these attacks to undermine international efforts to strengthen the Afghan National Security Forces and put them increasingly in the lead.

We know Afghanistan's security depends not only on strong, capable security forces, but also on the Afghan people's access to economic opportunity and on whether they believe their government is effectively serving their needs. The international community's total pledges in Tokyo of $16 billion in economic assistance through 2015 meet the World Bank's estimate of Afghanistan's requirements, just as Chicago met its security requirements. This assistance will help Afghanistan to attract private sector investment and help usher in a Transformation Decade marked less by aid and more by trade—all in a framework of mutual accountability and shared responsibility. We welcome President Karzai's decree last month aimed at tackling corruption in Afghanistan's institutions and his recent comments on reforming the justice sector. Both are necessary to strengthen the rule of law and attract more trade and investment. Nothing offers a more credible alternative to insurgency than the jobs and opportunities that accompany foreign investment and the expansion of markets.

As Afghanistan develops, we see it at the center of a region whose integration will bring greater prosperity for Afghans and their neighbors. This New Silk Road is already emerging. Electricity from Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan is powering Afghan businesses. Trains are running on a new rail line from the Uzbek border to Mazar-e-Sharif. The TAPI pipeline could one day ship billions of dollars worth of natural gas from Central Asia across Afghanistan to South Asia. The help of Afghanistan's neighbors and near-neighbors is necessary for Afghanistan to become secure, stable, and prosperous. We are pleased to see this vision beginning to come to fruition through the Istanbul Process and various regional and trade agreements.

To be sustainable, improved security and greater economic development must rest on a foundation of good governance. Credible and broadly inclusive elections in 2014 and 2015 will bolster the legitimacy of the government in Kabul, vest Afghans in its success and send a message to all Afghan factions that their interests are better advanced through political participation rather than violence. The protection of the rights of Afghan women is essential to Afghanistan's future. We strongly condemn all violence against women and are troubled by recent reports that underscore the seriousness of the problem. The United States continues to work with the Afghan government, civil society and the international community to increase awareness of women's rights, prevent abuse and detention of women and girls, and hold perpetrators of such violence accountable. We support the UN in Afghanistan's continuing efforts to establish and expand protection and shelter services for victimized women.

Mr. President, the United Nations' support for the Afghan people and the country's transition has been indispensible. From supporting regional diplomacy and the political process to coordinating between the Afghan government and donors, and implementing the agreements of the Kabul process and the Tokyo Framework, UNAMA will continue to play a critical role in Afghanistan moving forward. The United States appreciates the UN's development and humanitarian assistance contributions in Afghanistan, as exemplified by the UNHCR's important work on the Solutions Strategy for Afghan Refugees. We look forward to further discussions on how the UN's role will evolve to support the Afghan people following the security transition. And we trust that UNAMA will consult closely with the Government of Afghanistan, the members of this Council, and regional partners as it continues planning.

Mr. President, the Afghan people, their leaders and the region are the ones who must ultimately make the hard choices that will shape their future. As they do, the United States will continue to support them and welcome the valuable contributions of the United Nations in shaping this process. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar gave the following remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, and let me begin by welcoming Foreign Minister Khar on her first visit to Washington as foreign minister. We've had the opportunity to meet in Islamabad and other settings, but I am very pleased that we would have this chance to exchange views on our bilateral relationship as well as regional and global issues.

I want to begin by addressing the events of the day and the past week. Today, we've once again seen protests in several cities in Pakistan. Unfortunately, some of those protests have turned violent and, sadly, resulted in loss of life. I want to thank the Government of Pakistan for their efforts to protect our Embassy in Islamabad and consulates in Lahore, Peshawar, and Karachi.

And I want to be clear, as I have said on numerous occasions, the violence we have seen cannot be tolerated. There is no justification for violence. Of course, there is provocation, and we have certainly made clear that we do not in any way support provocation. We found the video that's at the core of this series of events offensive, disgusting, reprehensible.

But that does not provide justification for violence, and therefore it is important for responsible leaders, indeed responsible people everywhere, to stand up and speak out against violence and particularly against those who would exploit this difficult moment to advance their own extremist ideologies.

Yesterday afternoon when I briefed the Congress, I made it clear that keeping our people everywhere in the world safe is our top priority. What happened in Benghazi was a terrorist attack, and we will not rest until we have tracked down and brought to justice the terrorists who murdered four Americans. And we are taking aggressive measures at all of our posts to protect our staffs and their families along with locally employed people who provide so many important contributions to the work of our missions.

The Foreign Minister and I will have a chance to cover a full range of subjects today, and it is no secret that the past year and a half has been challenging for Pakistan and the United States. And we still have work to do to get our bilateral relationship to the point where we would like it to be, but we both recognize that we can achieve more when we work together on a focused agenda. So today is the latest in a series of high-level meetings. Ambassador Marc Grossman has just returned from consultations in Islamabad. I look forward to seeing President Zardari next week at the UN General Assembly. At each meeting, we are working to identify the strategic goals we share—and there are many—and the concrete actions we can each take to accomplish them.

Our number one shared priority remains pursuing our joint counterterrorism objectives to ensure the security of American and Pakistani citizens alike. We face a common threat from a common enemy, and we must confront terrorism and extremism together. Earlier this month, I designated the Haqqani Network as a Foreign Terrorist Organization so we could make full use of every available legal authority to end their deadly attacks. Pakistan's parliament has called for expelling foreign fighters so that Pakistan's territory can be fully under control of the Pakistani Government and cannot be used to launch attacks against other nations.

And the follow-through on this is challenging but necessary, and we look forward to working with Pakistan as they continue to address these problems. We have both pledged to support a secure, stable, and prosperous Afghanistan, which is vital for the security of the region. And I want to thank Foreign Minister Khar for Pakistan's reopening of the NATO supply lines to allow the movement of goods to Afghanistan.

We will discuss the successful first meeting of the Safe Passage Working Group in Islamabad which brought together Afghan, Pakistani, and U.S. representatives to advance the peace process in Afghanistan. The Pakistani Government's public call for insurgents to come forward and talk with the Afghan Government was particularly important. We are ready to work together to build on these steps, and we will continue our discussions through bilateral consultations and the U.S.-Afghanistan-Pakistan Core Group.

Now, of course, our relationship goes far beyond our shared security concerns, and today we will discuss the many other ways in which we work together, particularly to create economic opportunity for Pakistanis. Foreign Minister Khar and I agree that we need to shift our economic relationship from aid to trade and investment. We are working to help Pakistan attract more private sector investment. We hope to finalize a bilateral investment treaty soon. And we've created a Pakistan private investment initiative to help more of Pakistan's small and medium sized companies get access to capital.

Over the past few years, we have seen Pakistan's civilian government begin to put down stronger roots. And if elections proceed as planned next year, it will mark the first time in Pakistan's history that a civilian-led government has served its full term. The United States supports Pakistan's economic development, and we have said many times that we want to see democracy succeed in Pakistan.

We also support Pakistan's sovereignty, but we are clear that all sovereign nations carry certain obligations to protect the human rights of their citizens, to control their territory, to prevent threats to their neighbors and the international community.

So we know that there is still much to be done, but I can assure the people of Pakistan that the United States remains committed to this important relationship and we are confident we can continue to move forward together one step at a time to reach our shared strategic objectives.

Thank you very much.

Foreign Minister Khar. Thank you, Madam Secretary. Good afternoon to everyone. It is a pleasure for me to be here standing beside you. Allow me to begin from where you began, Madam Secretary, and to say that we appreciate the very strong condemnation and the very strong condemnation and the very strong words that were used by yourself, Madam Secretary, by President Obama, and as I met the Foreign Relations Committee yesterday, by Senator Kerry; the condemnation of this blasphemous video, which has certainly stroked the sensitivities of the Muslims in the wrong way. Your condemnation has given a strong message that the United States Government not only condemns it but has absolutely no support to such blasphemous videos or content anywhere.

I think that is an important message, and that message should go a long way in ending the violence on many streets in the world.

Madam Secretary, as we stand today, let's recognize, first of all, that we have been through some of the most difficult times in our 60-year history as far as our relations with the United States are concerned. The last 18 months were very, very difficult, and they were difficult for many reasons. However, the fact that the two countries braved these last 18 months together shows that we have both a deep understanding of the importance of this relationship for the bilateral relations between Pakistan and the United States, also for the goals that we hope to achieve together of regional peace and stability.

So today, as we meet—which is, as you said, a continuation of series of important meetings which have already taken place—if I were to take a judgment call today, I think in the last few months we have done rather well, in some ways almost better than we could have expected to do in building the trust. And therefore, today we stand at a time of opportunity, at a time of opportunity to be able to seize the trust deficit mantra and start building on the trust by walking the talk that takes or achieves the interests which are clearly common.

So as we move forward, let me, first of all, appreciate the role that you personally played in building this relation, in bringing it back together. And let me say that Pakistanis are thankful for the support that the United States has given to Pakistan. I think the very recent example of Peshawar-Torkham Road is a very good example. There are many other examples. And as you said, it is important that we are able to build on the relations, build on the positives.

In this, I am happy that today, as we go through this meeting, we will be talking about building on an architecture of cooperation which will take these relations to be sustainable, to be predictable, and most importantly, to be viewed by both the publics—the Americans here and Pakistanis there—to be pursuing their national interests; to be a relation which is based on mutual respect, which is based on mutual understanding, and which is seen to be pursuing the national goals and objectives of each country.

I see a lot of convergence between the two countries. I want to start on the bilateral track. I think we both agree that it is important that as we create this architecture of cooperation, fields in which this cooperation will be very important is that of economic and trade. Within the trade, we are, of course, happy to move on with BIT and we would be even more interested to work towards a preferential trade agreement or a preferential market access system whereby Pakistanis can be given the strong message that they—that the U.S. is committed to providing economic opportunities to Pakistanis who have suffered, who have suffered economically, who have suffered socially, and who have suffered in many, many ways.

What is also very important within this architecture is the counterterrorism cooperation that we can do together. I think the last few months, maybe the biggest negative externality of the dip in relations has been the counterterrorism objectives of both the countries. Because make no mistake: Terrorists of any type, breed, color, anywhere, are a threat to Pakistan as much as they are a threat to anyone. And it is for that reason that Pakistan stands today at the vanguard having compromised, having made the most sacrifices in blood and treasure than any other country in the world, having lost 30,000 civilians, having lost 6,000 soldiers to this fight, having a huge economic cost. Believe you me, Pakistan is a country which is committed to ridding this scourge from the region, especially for our country. And we do it to secure the future of our children and we do it to secure the future of the region.

Madam Secretary, we also have room to cooperate as we have cooperated in the energy sector. Allow me to share with you that with the assistance of the United States, we will be adding a few hundred megawatts to the Pakistani grid. We hope this cooperation will extend further and we will see U.S. cooperation even in Bhasha Dam, which is clearly a consensus project in Pakistan. Defense cooperation has already worked well, and we hope that this will be enhanced as we move forward.

Madam Secretary, perhaps today the strongest convergence of interests that we have is not in any of these bilateral tracks but in Afghanistan, because Afghanistan today represents a common challenge to both the countries. We are, of course, concerned of the reports that we hear from Afghanistan. We are concerned of some of the infiltration which is coming from Afghanistan inside Pakistan. We are also concerned about the security situation. And I think that the United States and Pakistan today have a unique opportunity to be able to work together to ensure that there is no security vacuum left in Afghanistan as we go through transition, that the Afghan people are able to decide for their own future and live as a sovereign, independent country which is a source of stability and peace in the region for the next 30 years.

So, Madam Secretary, I think we have a lot which unites us. We have a lot of convergences, and I just want to end by saying that one thing which has created challenges for us in Pakistan is for this relationship to be viewed singularly to be pursuing the national interest of the United States of America. Let me correct that perception and say that in pursuing our counterterrorism goals, in pursuing a better future within the region and pursuing a more stable and peaceful Afghanistan, we are indeed pursuing our own national interest.

And even though we may have differences of approach on some issues, I'm quite sure that as we talk more and as we go through this architecture of cooperation that I talked about, we can manage to find solutions to each of the difficulties also.

Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all.

Senior State Department officials gave the following remarks via teleconference

Senior State Department Official Three.

The Secretary of State has decided, consistent with the law, to revoke the designation of the Mujahedin-e Khalq, better known by the acronym the MEK and its aliases, as a foreign terrorist organization under the Immigration and Nationality Act.

The Secretary of State has also decided to de-list the MEK as a specially designated global terrorist under the Executive Order 13224. These actions are effective today. Property and interest in property in the United States or within the possession or control of U.S. persons will no longer be blocked, and U.S. entities may engage in transactions with the MEK without obtaining a license. These actions will be published in the Federal Register.

With today's actions, the Department does not overlook or forget the MEK's past acts of terrorism, including its involvement in the killing of U.S. citizens in Iran in the 1970s and an attack on U.S. soil in 1992. The Department also has serious concerns about the MEK as an organization, particularly with regard to allegations of abuse committed against its own members. The Secretary's decision today took into account the MEK's public renunciation of violence, the absence of confirmed acts of terrorism by the MEK for more than a decade, and their cooperation in the peaceful closure of Camp Ashraf, their historic paramilitary base.

The United States has consistently maintained a humanitarian interest in seeking the safe, secure, and humane resolution of the situation at Camp Ashraf, as well as in supporting the United Nationsled effort to relocate eligible former Ashraf residents outside of Iraq.

Q. Thank you, sir. Just if I could get a sense of how the State Department came to this conclusion that they have not acted as a terrorist group or violated U.S. laws as far as terrorism is concerned, because the laws are very clear—it's both about intent and also the act itself. How did you come to the conclusion that they do not have the intent to commit another violent act in the future? We know that NBC has reported back in February that a U.S. Government official had said that MEK was involved in killing the scientist—nuclear scientist—in Iran as a (inaudible) for Israel.

Senior State Department Official One. Right, number one here. The judgment—and it is a judgment—was made on the basis of those criteria that are enunciated by the Secretary: the public renunciation of violence, the absence of confirmed acts of terrorism over more than a decade, and cooperation in the peaceful closure of Camp Ashraf, their military base. And I should add that the United States Government has not claimed that the MEK was involved in the assassination of scientists in Iran. And that's really all we're going to have to say on that.

Q. Thank you so much for doing this. Just to follow up on that question. The review that was done of the MEK's intents and actions, did that also include the group's activities in Iran? I know you talked about there was no sign that it's been involved in terrorist activities, but does that also include the group's activities within Iran? And the second question is, do you anticipate any kind of change in provision of—are the countries now to accept members of the MEK now that the U.S. has delisted the group?

Senior State Department Official One. Well, why don't I take the first question and then I'll hand it to Senior Official Number Two for the second one.

Our decision is based on an evaluation—a global evaluation—of the group's activities. There are no exceptions. We believe that terrorism is terrorism no matter what country on earth it may be practiced in or against any party that it may be practiced against. So we do not distinguish between actions in or against Iran or in or against any other country.

And let me then turn it over to my colleague.

Senior State Department Official Two. Number Two here. I can't speak with authority as to how foreign governments will react, but it is certainly plausible to assume that this action will assist in our efforts to support the UNHCR in its efforts to find homes for these people outside of Iraq.

Certainly, now with Camp Ashraf effectively closed, only a residual group remaining, and with over 3,000 of its—Camp Ashraf's former residents peacefully relocated to Camp Hurriya, the major task in our humanitarian efforts with respect to this organization's members is their peaceful, orderly resettlement outside of Iraq. If this decision assists in those efforts, so much the better. I will be working intensely in the days and weeks to come with European Governments and other governments bilaterally and with the UNHCR to advance this process.

Q. [T]he high-priced lobbying campaign that they've engaged in for several years now, which has been widely written about, did that not play any role in the decision making process or the pressure involved?

Senior State Department Official One. I can tell you that these decisions are made on the merits. They're not made to appease any group of lobbyists, no matter how famous they are. The United States Government is not going to take anyone off the list if it genuinely believes that they pose an imminent threat, that they are going to commit terrorist acts again, or that they are somehow wedded to violence. I think that that is the key desideratum, and that's how we do this.

Q. In terms of the relationship now between the U.S. Government and the MEK, can either of you speak to what kind of engagement there might be, what kind of discussions, does the U.S. now look at the MEK as a party to what happens or what doesn't happen with the Iranian Government from this point on?

Senior State Department Official One. I'll take a first shot at that, and then Number Two can take it on, and he may have things to say regarding the issue of resettlement. But I want to be very clear about this. We do not see the MEK as a viable opposition or democratic opposition movement. We have no evidence and we have no confidence that the MEK is an organization that could promote the democratic values that we would like to see in Iran.

There is nothing in the way they govern themselves that would suggest they're interested in adopting democratic principles, and there is a long and fairly rich set of documentation on how they treat their own personnel that really does suggest to the contrary. So we continue to have serious concerns about the group with regard to allegations of abuse that's committed against its own members. They are not part of our picture in terms of the future of Iran.

Senior State Department Official Two. This is Number Two. The U.S. Government has had and will continue to have contacts with the MEK with respect to their movement from Camp Ashraf to Camp Hurriya, which is largely complete. We have had and will continue to have contacts with them with respect to their resettlement abroad. Limited to that, we have had direct contacts usually by telephone and email. Those, as I said, will continue. On these issues, those contacts have been constructive and have—and I believe have contributed to the peaceful relocation of these people out of Camp Ashraf and to Camp Hurriya. Those contacts are irrespective of any of the issues that Number One has raised. We're obviously mindful of the organization's history, but because we have an overriding humanitarian interest in a peaceful and orderly and humane relocation effort, we have been in contact with them, and we will continue to be to this end.