The Ballgame

Given the architectural setting of the NT, the ballgame is obviously an important stage of the postulated investiture rituals, but the point is explicitly made by reliefs along the ballcourt benches specifically tying the ballgame to the narrative involving the figure with the serpent-turban. In both of the central reliefs, he stands at the head of the team to the right of the ball and just behind the central decapitated figure (Figure 17).⁶

Details of the ballplayers' costumes, such as the use of palmas, suggest parallels with the Gulf Coast, but much stronger ties can be identified. As has been noted several times (e.g., Ringle et al. 1998:Figure 15), the decapitated victims of the Chichen ballcourt and the east wall of the NT (Figure 18) have direct parallels in sculptures from El Aparicio and El Tajín. Both El Tajín and Chichen are cities of many ballcourts (seventeen to date in the former), and as with Chichen, investiture narratives are embedded within ballcourt architecture while themselves incorporating ballcourt imagery. At El Tajín, ballgame activities are depicted most prominently on the NBC and SBC and on the pillars of the EdC. At both sites, the game itself is only obliquely referred to, since most references are to events before or after the actual game. Koontz (1994) argues that with respect to the SBC, the ceremony terminates with the presentation of power objects by a Tlaloc-like deity or deity impersonator on its central panels. Jürgen Brüggemann's conclusions about the SBC are also very similar to my own concerning the GBC. The SBC, larger than the other courts and with a much greater investment in sculpture, also differed architecturally in lacking a talud, “lo que hace suponer que la cancha de este juego de pelota tenía una función más bien ceremonial y no práctica para realizar el juego” (Brüggemann et al. 1993:90).

Ballcourt scene on the east wall, NT, Great Ballcourt: (a) Breton 1917:Figure 7; (b) Wren and Schmidt 1991:Figure 9.11; drawing by Linnea Wren.

With regard to the EdC friezes, a very striking example of the similarity between investiture ceremonies at Tajín and Chichen occurs in Register B of the north column, where the ruler being inaugurated is seated in a scaffold throne while being presented with a necklace, a sash or feather ornament, and beads. Just to the left of the throne is a ballgame ball (Figure 19a). In precisely the same manner (except that no initiate is depicted), a ball lies beside the empty jaguar throne of the NT north wall relief, again in the middle of a procession of figures (Figure 19b). If the ballcourt relief is indeed part of the initiation ritual at Chichen, the head from the hapless ballplayer there may be the counterpart of the decapitated head just below the Tajín throne.

Thrones and ballgame balls: (a) Edificio de las Columnas, Register B, North Column (Castillo Peña 1995:Number 20); (b) North wall, NT, Chichen Itza (Wren and Schmidt 1991:Figure 9.8; drawing by Linnea Wren).

Within the Mixteca-Puebla tradition, evidence for the ballgame in the investiture events of the Codex Borgia was noted earlier. Near the end of the Codex Nuttall, just after an important visit to a solar deity, Lord 8 Deer plays an important ballgame with Lord 4 Jaguar, a figure important in legitimizing Lord 8 Deer as a “Toltec” lord, as discussed at greater length later in relation to the nose-piercing ceremony (Figure 20a). Archaeologically, Byland and Pohl (1994) discuss the presence of courts in Mixteca sites, but unfortunately we possess no similar evidence from Cholula—not surprising, given the destruction visited on the site. A ballcourt does appear on Folio 16v of the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, however, below a large composite Tollan-Chollan glyph (Figure 20b). The context of this game is that the Toltecs had journeyed from Cholula to Chicomoztoc to beseech the aid of Chichimec warriors and were now returning to formally initiate their new allies. The game is being contested between Quauhtliztac and Apanecatl (Kirchhoff et al. 1976:162), as is made explicit on Folio 21v (§221): “Apanecatl, Cuitliz and Quauhtliztac worshiped the gods of the ballcourt of the naualli, there they played, there they were playing.” As Paul Kirchhoff and colleagues explain (1976:172:Note 2), “[T]hese three individuals are Tolteca-Chichimeca from Cholula, who accompanied Icxicohuatl and Quetzalteueyac in their journey to Chicomoztoc.” This scene immediately follows the nose-piercing ceremony performed by Icxicohuatl and Quetzalteueyac on Folio 21r and textually on 21v. Thus, here again the ballgame is associated with the investiture of secondary lords, with mythic/supernatural journeys, and, as will be seen later, with nose piercing.

(a) Ballgame between Lords 4 Jaguar (dressed as Mixcoatl/Camaxtli) and 8 Deer following their meeting with the solar deity 1 Death, Codex Nuttall, Folio 80 (Anders et al. 1992a); (b) ballcourt scene, Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca, Folio 16v (Kirchhoff et al. 1976).

The North Vault Relief

The relief on the north vault (Figure 10) is divided into two registers and several vignettes. The figure with the serpent-turban is prominent in those scenes to the left of center. He is seen in the top register before a tree, before a large phallus effigy, and then in front of a dog. Next to the dog is a scene involving three figures, possibly ballplayers, though none is clearly the initiate. Below he carries an offering to a large body of water, probably a cenote, and then undergoes nose piercing (possibly also repeated in the lower register of the west wall). Finally, he appears in an elaborate bird costume in the third register of the west wall and perhaps below, although the identifying details are eroded. It is striking that no clear example of this figure occurs to the east (right) of center, including the east wall, though the figures are worn and the drawings disagree. A possible exception might be the figure stooping over a corpse lying before a house in the upper register of the north vault.

The Cenote

Beginning at the lower left, the figure with the serpent-turban and a companion make an offering at the edge of what is undoubtedly a cenote, most likely the Great Cenote, as Wren (1994) has also suggested. (The small birds flying above the water are probably the swallows that inhabit most cenotes of Yucatan.) A tree with zoomorphic roots grows on the opposite side of the opening. Although the Great Cenote might be considered to lie beyond the Gran Nivelación, it is linked to it by Sacbe 1. In fact, this sacbe is in effect a prolongation of the plaza because the wall that surrounds the Gran Nivelación also extends northward along its edges, terminating in feathered serpent heads on either side (Pérez de Heredia Puente 1998). This indicates that the wall was a coatepantli, similar to those of Tula and Tenochtitlan, its twin serpents enclosing the Gran Nivelación much as they surrounded the chief standard of the Itza.

Although for obvious reasons cenotes do not figure in the other sources, several of the figures in the codices are either immersed in water or visit figures in watery underworld locations. Lord 8 Deer crosses a large body of water to reach the land of the Sun God in his quest for power, while earlier lords frequently consulted underwater oracles (Nuttall 1975:Folios 15–18, 73–80). Bodies of water are depicted in association with ceremonial acts of unclear meaning on Codex Borgia, Folios 38 and 42. At Tajín, the two central panels of the SBC narrative feature architectural enclosures or tanks filled with water or perhaps pulque (Wilkerson 1991), both of which also have trees behind them. The action taking place in both panels seems to involve the transferral of power objects in the form of a sash, a straight baton, and an S-shaped scepter. In the north-central panel, a reclining chacmool-like figure lies on the waters of one building (it is perhaps worth noting that a chacmool figure apparently once stood at the entrance to Sacbe 1 of Chichen). On the south-central panel, a squatting figure like the principal seated figure of the south panel commits penis autosacrifice, the blood from which flows downward into the tank toward a figure with a fish headdress. Although the details are not well understood, Koontz (1994:Chapter 4) is probably correct in identifying these as the culmination of the investiture ceremonies depicted on the other panels of the SBC.

Nose Piercing

In the following scene on the NT vault, the figure wearing the serpent-turban has his nose pierced (Figure 21a, b). Several authors have compared this scene with the nose-piercing ceremony depicted on Codex Nuttall, Folio 52 and Codex Colombino, Folio 13 (Figure 21c) in which the particular nose ornament marks the recipient as a “Toltec.” In Codex Nuttall, Lord 8 Deer's nose piercing is overseen by Lord 4 Jaguar, mentioned earlier as Lord 8 Deer's companion and ally in his supernatural campaign. Lord 4 Jaguar is also instrumental in helping Lord 8 Deer obtain a sacred bundle just before the perforation ceremony. In view of Rojas's account of the role of nose piercing at Cholula, it is highly significant that Lord 4 Jaguar appears to have strong links both to a “place of reeds” and to the deity Camaxtli/Mixcoatl. Byland and Pohl (1994:142) propose that he is somehow related to the Chichimec alliance of Cholula, Tlaxcala, and other nearby areas, and is thus performing in exactly the sort of confirmatory role mentioned by Rojas.

(a) Nose piercing, north vault of the NT (Wren and Schmidt 1991:Figure 9.8); (b) same illustration by Miguel Angel Fernçndez (Marquina 1964:Foto 439); (c) nose piercing in the Codex Nuttall, Folio 52 (Anders et al. 1992a); (d) nose piercing in the Historia Tolteca Chichimeca, Folio 21r (Kirchhoff et al. 1976).

From the Cholula area itself, this ceremony appears in the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (Figure 21d) as well as in Rojas's narrative. In the former, one of the Chichimec Toltecs undergoes nose piercing while another awaits an incision for a lip ornament. In this text and in the Mapa de Cuautinchan 2 (Kirchhoff et al. 1976:181), the deed takes place in an enclosure or building with four entrances. At first glance, there appears to be no explicit parallel with the nose-piercing ceremony in the Codex Borgia, but on Folio 44 (Figure 22) eagles and jaguars nip at the noses of xiucoatl-clad individuals within an enclosure that also has four entrances. This suggestion that the jaguar and eagle warrior sodalities assumed responsibility for this ritual is supported by information from the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (Kirchhoff et al. 1976:Folio 20v, §217) indicating that jaguar and eagle bone perforators were employed in such ceremonies. To my knowledge, no indication of nose or lip piercing has yet been found at El Tajín, however.

Nose piercing in the Codex Borgia, Folio 44 (Anders et al. 1993:235).

Given the strong association of warrior sodalities with this rite, nose piercing may have been carried out at Chichen on the radial platform 2D3 on whose tableros are opposed reliefs of eagles and jaguars (Figure 23). Although the basal platform has four stairways, each with feathered-serpent balustrades, we unfortunately know nothing of what originally surmounted it. Le Plongeon's “excavations” were sufficiently destructive that later Jorge Acosta (1954:36) was unable to determine whether it had a superstructure or not. Le Plongeon also unearthed a chacmool sculpture, a jaguar relief, and a stone cist from within the structure (Desmond and Messenger 1988:32–35; Maudslay 1974:III:Plate 52c) that suggest it was one of the ritual stations. Alternatively, the Castillo and the Osario, the only structures that clearly have four radial doorways, may have been the locus of these events.

Reliefs from Structure 2D3 (Temple of the Jaguars and Eagles), Chichen Itza (photograph by the author).

Water Rituals

To the right of the nose-piercing ceremony is what appears to be a large enclosure in which two people face each other. The figure on the right actually seems to be seated on the side of the enclosure, but neither appears to wear the serpent-turban. Although some sort of ritual bath would seem to be the most likely action, a steam bath may also be a possibility. If so, the best known sweatbath at Chichen, 3E3, is some distance from the Gran Nivelación, but it is possible that the small temple 1D1 at the edge of the Great Cenote may have been a sweat bath in view of its curious architecture (Ruppert 1952:6, 80–83).

Ritual baths and sweat baths are common in the Mixtec codices and those of the Borgia group. On Codex Borgia, Folio 38, Stripe Eye, after emerging from the bundle serpent's mouth, is bathed by a Tlaloc impersonator pouring water from a Tlaloc vessel. Vapor seems to rise from Stripe Eye's body up to a temple presided over by Tepeyolotl or his impersonator. This seems to initiate a series of other rituals involving the latter. On Folio 42, a black-painted deity meets with two underwater deities, one of whom has a gift of ears of corn, possibly those carried by a similar black-painted figure on the bottom of Folio 43. These meetings are reminiscent of similar meetings with supernaturals in the Mixtec codices, such as Codex Nuttall, Folios 15–18. It should also be noted that a ceremonial bath cemented the union of 12 Wind and 3 Flint on Codex Nuttall, Folio 19, a marriage that in some way laid the foundation for the dynasties of Tilantongo.

Bird Dances

In another of the initiation stages, the man with the serpent-turban appears dressed in a bird costume (Figure 24a, b). In the lower row of the first register of the west wall, he kneels before a bowl and a tree; a small dog squats behind him. The tree before which the lower figure kneels is marked with a zoomorphic base, suggesting it may be a world tree (another lies immediately above it). In the second register above, he is in a dancing posture before two seated individuals. Unfortunately, in neither case can the type of bird be determined. However, the scene spills over into the lower register of the north wall, where two additional winged figures face toward the west wall. One of them does have a headdress that appears to be some type of raptor, and he is in a dancing or ballplaying pose. Behind him is another figure in a bird costume who holds a cloth draped over his arm and a small object in his hand, perhaps “power” objects such as the sash and nose jewel.

(a) Bird costumes on the west wall, NT, Chichen Itza (left: Breton 1917:Plate 4; right: Wren and Schmidt 1991:Figure 9.10, drawn by Linnea Wren); (b) blowgun scene and man in bird costume, El Tajín, EdC, Columna Central, H (Castillo Peña 1995:Number 018; Ladrón de Guevara 1999:77); (c) man in bird costume, El Tajín, southwest panel, SBC (Castillo Peña 1995:Number 053).

Bird dances do not appear in the Mixteca-Puebla sources but do appear in two places at El Tajín, on the EdC and in the SBC (Figure 24c, d; Koontz 1994:65–69, 132–134). The latter scene occupies the bottom frieze of the central column where an individual appears dressed as a bird of some sort, perhaps a macaw but also possibly a raptor. It has several points in common with the Chichen scene. First, another, smaller individual in a bird suit offers an object to the larger figure. Second, dogs appear in both scenes. And finally, the trees in both have zoomorphic bases.

Accompanying the Tajín scene is that of a figure with a long, rod-like implement standing before a tree with a bird in its branches. Koontz (1994:130–132) suggests that the rod is a blowgun and thus that the scene is a reference to a story similar to that of 7 Macaw in the Popol Vuh and on Classic Maya ceramics. As he also notes, an undoubted blowgun scene occurs in the right upper register of the NT north vault, but whether it is directed at a bird and whether it involves the initiate is debatable (compare the NT versions, Figure 24a, b). This scene is also at some distance from the bird dancers. However, an enormous bird perches in the first tree on the west wall below which the bird-man in the serpent-turban kneels. It is now rather eroded and is much clearer in Breton's rendering of the scene. Whether these two scenes are cognate remains to be proved.

The Chichen ritual more likely reflects eagle military symbolism and human sacrifice. Gold disks K–M and P (Lothrop 1952) from the Sacred Cenote show warriors elaborately garbed in eagle warrior costumes, often in the process of capturing or killing an enemy. The elaborate scene on Disk G shows a flying “Toltec” eagle warrior descending from the heavens to attack enemy canoes. These themes may be reflected in the other Tajín bird relief, on the southwest panel of the SBC, which seems clearly to depict a raptor. Given the two flanking musicians, the scene most probably involves a dance, but the prone individual before him may be a sacrificial victim.

The Upper Register

Three other vignettes involving the man in the serpent-turban can be found in the left upper register. Here, however, the direction appears to be opposite to that of the lower register. He first appears speaking to a pair of canids. Following that, he performs autosacrifice before a large phallus effigy, perhaps also accompanied by ear bloodletting. In the final scene, at the extreme left, he speaks before a tree. His speech scroll appears ornamented with jade beads, perhaps indicating song or oratory. The only one of these actions that finds clear parallels elsewhere is penis sacrifice, already discussed in connection with the south-central panel of the Tajín SBC. A similar action occurs on the South Column of the EdC South Column (Figure 25; Ladrón de Guevara 1999:91). Both events occur in contexts involving the transfer of power objects during the course of investiture.

Penis sacrifice in investiture rites: (a) North vault, NT, Chichen Itza (Wren and Schmidt 1991:Figure 9.9); (b) El Tajín, south central panel, SBC (Castillo Peña 1995:Number 057); (c) El Tajín, EdC, Columna Sur, K (Ladrón de Guevara 1999:78, after Castillo Peña 1995:Number 001); (d) Codex Borgia, Folios 35 and 41 (Anders et al. 1993:211, 228).

Meeting with Solar Deities

As noted earlier, Byland and Pohl point to solar sacrifice as one of the initiation stages of the Mixteca-Puebla tradition. Solar deities of various sorts are sacrificed by Stripe Eye on Codex Borgia, Folios 40 and 43 (and 44?), but at Chichen the association of the solar deity with sacrifice is indirect. Probably the most famous image of heart sacrifice at Chichen is found on the west wall of the inner sanctum of the UTJ, just below the carved lintel depicting the solar deity (Coggins and Shane 1984:Figure 19). More broadly, the dominant concern of the UTJ is warfare, both in its murals and on its jambs. Given the frequent association of solar deities with warfare and heart sacrifice, a general association between the two can be drawn, but the sun itself is not sacrificed at Chichen.

However, consultations with and sacrifices before solar-related deities in their respective temples are also important in the Codex Borgia (Folios 34, 37, 40, 42). Likewise, the culmination of Lord 8 Deer's supernatural journey is a meeting with the solar deity (Nuttall 1975:Folios 75–79). If we accept Lord 8 Deer as an earthly representative of Quetzalcoatl, as his face paint would indicate, an implication of these scenes is that Quetzalcoatl and the solar deity are related in some fundamental fashion, since a meeting with a solar deity forms part of 8 Deer's quest, just as meetings with and sacrifice of the sun are necessary to the eventual success and emergence of Quetzalcoatl in the Codex Borgia.

These parallels provide the basis for the reinterpretation of the “Captain Sun Disk–Captain Serpent” dyad of the UTJ lintel (Figure 1) as instead representing a meeting between the initiate and the solar deity. In fact, the several supposed examples of the dyad identified by Seler, Arthur Miller, and Charles Lincoln are in fact three individuals: the solar deity, the effigy, and the initiate. The principal composition axes of the UTJ (front to back) and the LTJ (top to bottom) both show the initiate between the solar deity and the effigy, just as the many TW columns show warriors framed between an upper panel containing a sun deity and a lower panel depicting the crouching war serpent associated with Quetzalcoatl (Figure 39).

Although some scholars (e.g., Miller 1977:209, Schele and Mathews 1998:233) claim that the central rear (east) mural of the UTJ is an even more explicit pairing of “Captain Serpent” and “Captain Sun Disk,” careful examination reveals otherwise. Coggins (Coggins and Shane 1984:160) rightly noted the unequal size of the figures in the mural and differences in costume of the supposed “Captain Sun Disk” with other examples. Comparison of this mural with the UTJ table-bench top confirms these reservations; both these scenes instead depict a meeting between the initiate and the effigy figure (Figure 26). (Although fragmented, the effigy on the bench can be identified by the feathered serpent curling behind him, his upper arm padding, and his beard.) The initiate wears a similar headdress of green feathers in both scenes, consisting of an upright corona topped by a taller bunch of drooping feathers, and in both his posture is subservient to the effigy. The sun diadem worn by the mural initiate may be the result of his meeting with the solar diety depicted on the lintels.

(a) Table bench from the UTJ (Schele and Mathews 1998:Figure 6.36b); (b) mural on east wall, UTJ (Coggins and Shane 1984:Figure 17).

Once this is realized, interaction of the initiate with the solar deity and the Quetzalcoatl effigy can be seen to differ radically. The remoteness of the solar deity from his surroundings is emphasized by the medallion surrounding him, suggesting he is not a “real-world” actor. This is confirmed by the small waterlily-monster masks on the UTJ lintels, indicating that his meeting with the initiate takes place in a watery otherworld location. And although he often occurs at or near the center of the battle scenes in the UTJ murals, he never actually engages other figures. On the west wall, his medallion is perched right above another important standard, consisting of two white flags rising from a feather tuft, suggesting that in these murals the sun medallion is in fact a banner or standard.

In contrast, the effigy usually appears to be located in “real” space. Although Schele and Mathews (1998:233) suggest that the two figures in the east UTJ mural are perched on a scaffold, as if both were effigies, I would suggest instead that the yellow bars are supports of exactly the sort of table bench that fronted the mural, thus accounting for the scene on the top of the UTJ table. Similarly, the effigy stands among the figures of the LTJ scene and is the principal sacrificer on a mural fragment from the TW (Figure 14d).

Thus, rather than being a key piece of evidence for dual rule at Chichen, the organization of the UTJ strongly suggests that the culmination of investiture involved Quetzalcoatl alone, although with an important meeting with the solar deity along the way. In this respect, the pathway is again like that of the Lord 8 Deer and Stripe Eye in the Mixteca-Puebla tradition, who, garbed in Quetzalcoatl insignia, also meet with solar deities in otherworld localities (across a body of water for Lord 8 Deer).

With reference to real-world events, the pairing of the solar deity standard and the effigy suggests that the ideology of warfare at Chichen involved both deities, as the TW columns indicate. This is further supported by a comment of Diego López Cogolludo regarding Chichen Itza:

Given this evidence, the effigy of the LTJ and UTJ might therefore be the “idol” of K′uk′ulkan/Quetzalcoatl. Alfredo Barrera Vásquez (1980:147) argues that chuy is a misspelled ch'uy, meaning either “hanging/suspended” or “hawk”; thus, the war “idol” would be something like “Descending Fire” or “Fire Hawk,” consistent with the imagery of the solar deity. This figure may be depicted on a mural from Mayapan recently discovered by Carlos Peraza L., which shows a descending god within a solar cartouche (personal observation).

Fire-Drilling Rituals

A fire-drilling ritual performed on a sacrificial victim culminates the Codex Borgia investiture section (Figure 27b). Here the rites are clearly tied to Quetzalcoatl, since the protagonist is Red Mouth, who kindles the fire on the breast of a victim dressed in a red Xiuhcoatl costume. (Xiuhcoatl costumes are frequently worn by individuals affiliated with the militaristic aspect of Quetzalcoatl [Taube 1992], both here and in the Mixtec tradition.) Framing this scene is the presentation and then seating of Tezcatlipoca (left) and Red Mouth (right) on jaguar-skin thrones.

Fire-drilling scenes: (a) panels from the Venus Temple (2D4), Chichen Itza (Seler 1998 [1904]:VI:126, Figures 241–243); (b) Codex Borgia, Folio 46 detail (Anders et al. 1993:242); (c) Codex Nuttall, Folio 78 (Anders et al. 1992a); (d) Codex Vindobonensis, Folio 32 (Anders et al. 1992b).

Such fire-drilling rituals were of primary importance to cultures of the central highlands, yet they are infrequently depicted in the public art of the southern Maya Lowlands. Most discussions of fire-drilling assume the close linkage of this practice with the completion of the fifty-two–year Calendar Round, as in the Aztec tradition, yet despite the hundreds of Maya dates we possess, I am unaware of any evidence indicating that the end (or beginning) of the Calendar Round was ever cause for particular celebration. In the Mixteca-Puebla tradition, however, fire drilling was employed primarily to mark foundation events, of both places and dynasties.⁷

At Chichen, we have two types of unequivocal evidence for the importance of fire drilling. The first is the hieroglyphic band from the Casa Colorada (Kelley 1982), which mentions a series of related fire-drilling episodes. Although the circumstances and purpose of those events are murky, the fact that the associated dates are separated by a matter of months suggest they were not part of Calendar Round celebrations. The second piece of evidence for fire-drilling is the iconography of the Platform of the Cones, Structure 2D4, Seler's Mausoleum 3 (Venus Platform). Seler (1990:211–212) claimed that the Mexican year sign, the star glyph, and the bundles on the tableros of the Venus Platform (Figure 27a) argue for its use in celebrating the 2,920-day commensurate Venus-Solar cycle. Coggins (1987:476, 1989:272–273) and Taube (1992:184–187, 2000:293–294) argued instead that these were conventional markers of Calendar Round completion, as in the Central Mexican tradition, and Coggins specifically associates such rites with radial pyramids at Seibal and Chichen Itza.

While this may be true, it leaves certain aspects of the evidence unexplained. As mentioned, the fire-drilling dates we do have are idiosyncratic and may mark some sort of founding or commemorative act, as in the Mixteca-Puebla documents. Second, the iconography of the Venus Platform (Structure 2D4) shows an overwhelming emphasis on Quetzalcoatl (after all, Le Plongeon found 12 feathered serpent heads cached within the platform),⁸

A fire-drill ritual is not explicitly portrayed at El Tajín, but Koontz (1994:168–173) and Ladrón de Guevara (1999:79) note the appearance of bundled torches in the uppermost register of the north column, EdC. A similar torch is also held by the right attendant to the empty throne depicted on the Structure 4 panel (Figure 13a). They suggest that these faggots are suggestive of those used in fire rituals in the Codex Borbonicus. Since these scenes are part of an investiture sequence, this interpretation is congenial to the argument, but unfortunately it is not clear that these torches were involved in calendrical ceremonies, especially in the absence of fire drills.

Tzompantlis

On Codex Borgia, Folio 45, following the nose-piercing event and preceding the fire-drill event, a Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli figure dances atop a tzompantli (Figure 28). Surrounding this are four small temples, each containing Red Mouth. Although the tzompantli was probably used in many rituals, its use in investiture events in the Codex Borgia is noteworthy. In similar fashion, the Chichen tzompantli (Structure 2D2, Seler's Mausoleum 2, Maudslay's Structure 12) also lies near the structures hypothetically involved with nose piercing and fire drilling and, like them, is decorated with feathered-serpent balustrades and cornices. Finally, as Peter Schmidt (personal communication 2002) has noted, its size is greatly exaggerated and in this respect is similar to the Great Ballcourt. Perhaps it functioned in part as a dance platform for such rites, as the Codex Borgia figure suggests. This building also had sculpture cached within. Acosta (1954:33) found a chacmool stylistically very close to that from the Platform of the Jaguar and Eagles as well as a reused “ballcourt ring” decorated with intertwined feathered serpents.

Tzompantli scene, Codex Borgia, Folio 45 (Anders et al. 1993:240).

Thrones

The furniture of the Chac Mool bench murals provides further insight into investiture rituals. The “priestly” figures to the right are all seated on blocks or cushions upholstered with jaguar skin, the usual seat of nobles in the Mixtec codices, while the warriors on the left all are seated on jaguar thrones (see note 9). The latter is often the throne of kingship at southern lowland sites such as Tikal, Palenque, Copan, and Piedras Negras (Kowalski 1987:234–236). Several archaeological examples have been found at Chichen, including the sanctuary of the sub-Castillo, in front of the Lower Temple of the Jaguars, at the base of the front stairway of the Monjas (Bolles 1977:230), and from a “mound west of Ball Court” (Morris et al. 1931:Figure 270). It is particularly unfortunate that we do not know the original location of this last throne, but the NT is a possibility. Le Plongeon also unearthed a “reclining jaguar” panel from within the Structure 2D3, Seler's Mausoleum 1, Maudslay's Structure 13 (Platform of the Jaguars and Eagles) that may make the same iconographic reference.

The NT relief suggests that the jaguar throne marked the office associated with investiture, as is supported by the placement of jaguar thrones at some of the putative stations in those rites. Although this office was clearly of exceptional importance, the TCM north bench mural, showing a column of warriors seated on identical jaguar thrones, suggests it was not that of paramount, although it probably was numbered among the ranks or titles held by an overlord.¹⁰

Although a jaguar throne is located within the innermost sanctuary of the Castillo-sub, jaguar thrones often appear to have been placed to maximize public visibility, as were the jaguar thrones from Uxmal. This is clearly the case with the LTJ example, which is placed in the doorway of the outer room, and probably the one from Las Monjas, which rested either at the foot or summit of the platform stairway. The open-air placement of a jaguar throne is actually depicted on a mural fragment from Area 25 of the TW, where the throne is placed at the summit of a stairway leading up a stepped platform, “the only example of a pyramid without a surmounting temple” (Figure 32a; Morris et al. 1931:II:Plate 151). One type of public event possibly conducted on these thrones is indicated by several associated mural fragments depicting “tribute” offerings (Morris et al. 1931:II:Plates 151, 154a,b). As we have observed elsewhere (Ringle and Bey 2001), jaguar thrones and tribute presentation also may be associated on the LTJ relief. However, tribute payment may have been secondary to the role of such seats as stations during investiture rituals, similar to the offerings made before the “idol” of Quetzalcoatl during ancient investiture rites at Cholula (Rojas 1927 [1581]).

(a) Jaguar throne on a platform, Area 25 Mural, TW (Morris et al. 1931:Plate 151); (b) jaguar with k'awil glyph, bodega, Chichen Itza (courtesy Peter Schmidt).

The Chac Mool bench mural and the NT relief suggest that jaguar thrones were especially associated with a military office, as do the flint knives painted on the facade of the TW 25 mural fragment (Figure 32a). Another Area 25 mural fragment depicts a battle standard (Morris et al. 1931:II:Plate 154d). A panel depicting a headless jaguar, possibly an image of a jaguar throne, in the bodega of Chichen is of crucial importance in this regard (Figure 32b). According to Schmidt (1998:336), these come from Structure 3D5/D6. The body of this jaguar is marked with a single k′awil glyph (another example not illustrated has both an ahaw and a k′awil glyph). The significance of this is that the k′awil glyph also follows the name of Chichen's most famous warrior, K′ak′u Pakal, as well as a few other individuals. Although I formerly interpreted k′awil to be a patronym (Ringle 1990), I now believe that its isolated occurrence on the jaguars demonstrate that it was most probably a military title or office, perhaps related to the k′awil titles of southern lowland rulers.¹¹

But more important, the placement and depictions of jaguar thrones indicate that the investiture rites specifically concerned the office of k′awil, probably the supreme military leader of a community. The multiple thrones in the TW I would therefore be interpreted as depicting war leaders of this rank not only from Chichen, but also from polities that had sought legitimation from Chichen and owed it fealty. In fact, jaguar and puma thrones are listed among the insignias given to client elites of Tulan in the Quiche chronicles El título de Totonicapán (Carmack and Mondloch 1983) and Título C′oyoi (Carmack 1973:295)

The emblem of the god k′awil, the smoking celt or tube projecting from his forehead, suggests further parallels with the leadership of El Tajín, Cholula, and the Mixteca. At El Tajín, Koontz (1994) has argued, scenes on the friezes of the Edificio de las Columnas depict accession rites of an individual named 13 Rabbit, a clear a war leader. As H. David Tuggle (1968) and Koontz have noted, he is marked by a distinctive head ornament consisting of a long projecting tube from which feathers or cloth strips hang, perhaps representing smoke (Figure 33). John Machado (2000:Chapter 3) has identified this same forehead motif, which he terms the “plumed cranial staff,” on the central zoomorph of the Structure I murals of El Tajín, which he argues is the Tajín maize deity. He further notes its occurrence on carved Rio Blanco pottery from southern Veracruz and as a forehead ornament of Late Classic Maya depictions of the Maize God, God K, God L, and certain rulers, such as Yax Pasaj of Copan. He notes that most depictions of rulers show them as deceased, while at Tajín it is clearly an ornament presented to a person on accession. It is interesting, given arguments to be presented later, that Machado (2000:58) also argues that the architecture of Structure I has strong Teotihuacan affinities, since this may mark it as a station in accession ceremonies. (Structure J may be another, since its main portal is shaped in the form of a ballcourt.)

(a) Chichen k'awil glyph (Four Lintels 1, drawing by Ruth Krochock), 13 Rabbit on the Edificio de las Columnas, El Tajín; (b) Castillo Peña 1995:Number 020; (c) Castillo Peña 1995:Number 020; (d) Castillo Peña 1995:Number 011, forehead ornaments in the Codex Nuttall; (e) Lord 12 Wind, Codex Nuttall, Folio 19; (f) Lord 8 Deer with “sun diadem,” Codex Nuttall, Folio 77; (g) Lord 8 Deer with curved variant, Codex Nuttall, Folio 83.

The parallel with the Cholulan tlalchiyach, one of the supreme leaders of the city, is also striking. As is shown on Folios 7v, 8v, and 9v of the Historia Tolteca Chicimeca (Kirchhoff et al. 1976; Figure 34), he is identified by a tube that extends from his forehead, which emits a dark substance. Although Kirchhoff and colleagues (1976:149–150, Note 2) tentatively suggest this may be a representation of a drain or irrigation pipe, it seems more likely to be the smoking-tube emblem of k′awil. Finally, Lord 12 Wind, who descends from heaven as a dynasty founder on Codex Nuttall, Folios 18–19, is also marked by a forehead-smoke element. Lord 8 Deer, among several others, acquires the so-called sun jewel as one of his costume elements. Possibly, the curled elements of this may refer to the same office (see Figure 33e–g for both).

Glyphs for achiyach and tlalchiyach in the Historia Tolteca Chicimeca, Folios 7v–10r (Kirchhoff et al. 1976).

Three sources—the Historia Tolteca Chichimeca (Kirchhoff et al. 1976), the Descripción de Cholula (Rojas 1927 [1581]), and Diego Muñoz Camargo's Historia de Tlaxcala (1998)—provide information concerning the tlalchiyach/tlalquiach and his companion, the aquiach, a pair of Quetzalcoatl priests who ruled ancient Cholula and were also its military leaders (Rojas 1927 [1581]:160). Although this system was functioning at contact, the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca states several times that it extended back to “Olmeca” or pre-Toltec times (Kirchhoff et al. 1976:Folio 5v:143, Folio 8v:149), a period most authorities equate with the Epiclassic.

Their full titles were the tlalchiyach cauhtli tizacozque and the aqui(y)ach cauhtli amapane, respectively. Kirchhoff and colleageus (1976:149, Note 2) translate the former title as the “achcautli of the earth/beads of clay” and the latter as the “achcautli of on high/paper banners” and discuss their respective glyphs on Folios 7v, 8v, and 9v of the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (Figure 34). The emblem of the achiyach is a paper banner and a rain-like image, perhaps marking him as a representative of the rain deity. Folios 7v and 9v indicate the achiyach resided in the tlachiualtepetl or Great Pyramid of Cholula (cf. Folios 7v and 9v) and so was the main spiritual authority, though he also had a residence bordering the main square of Cholula (Folios 26v–27r).¹²

The Upper Temple of the Jaguars

The suggestion that the GBC hosted the investiture of the k′awil helps illuminate the role played by the Upper Temple of the Jaguars (UTJ) in these ceremonies. The architecture of this building shows great similarity to several “serpent-column temples” bordering the eastern edges of the Gran Nivelación, particularly the Temples of the Warriors, Little Tables, Big Tables, and the Chac Mool (Kubler 1982). Traits distinguishing these temples include upright feathered-serpent columns at the main portal, inner benches with atlantean supports, and chacmool figures. Because of their proximity, George Kubler (1982:99) suggested that the Chac Mool, Little Tables, and Warriors temples were successive versions that “all served the same purpose at different times and as replacements for one another.” This certainly seems to have been the case for the Chac Mool and Warriors temples.

Although Kubler saw the UTJ as “expanding the serpent-column rule from an older axis to a newer one dominated by the ballcourt and using it as a platform” (Kubler 1982:99), I would argue instead that it served to represent that sector of Chichen's leadership lodged in the TW during investiture rituals. The UTJ seems to be related to one particular rank or segment of warriors whose emblem is the twin heron-feather hair ornament. (With two exceptions, all also sport “pillbox” hats, the exceptions having the triangular xiuhtzon.) All of the jamb figures of the UTJ have this ornament (Figure 35), as do all the figures facing the Sun Disk figure on the three carved faces of the inner lintel (Figure 1a). Heron-feather ornaments also occur only in the upper registers of the NT and LTJ, further suggesting it was the distinct rank or segment of warriors under the leadership of the “Mixcoatl” figure. (It will be remembered that heron feathers were among the objects given to initiates in the Quiche chronicles.) In the UTJ, the only person lacking this ornament is the figure to the left on the table bench carving (Figure 26a) who, if he is indeed the initiate, may not as yet have received this ornament. In fact, twin heron feathers appear to float just above his head to the right, perhaps in the process of being conveyed by whatever once occupied the upper left corner.

Plan of the UTJ, showing the location of jambs and piers (line drawings from Seler 1998 [1904]; rubbings from Robertson 1995).

Station Caches

Additional indications of the primarily military orientation of investiture rituals, as well as the relatedness of structures hypothesized to belong to the ritual circuit, are the types of furniture and caches found within these structures. Figure 8 shows the distribution of some of these artifacts, among which seats are prominent. As has been discussed, jaguar thrones were one of these artifacts, being found or depicted on the Castillo, the NT, and the Lower Temple of the Jaguars (though not a throne, the Platform of the Jaguars and Eagles had a large slab bearing a reclining jaguar). Chacmool figures are also associated with many of these stations, including the entrance to the Great Cenote at the juncture of Sacbe 1 and the Gran Nivelación.

Significantly, the North Temple (Breton 1917:188), the Venus Platform (Desmond and Messenger 1988:Chapter 11), the Platform of Jaguars and Eagles (Maudslay 1974:II:Plate 52c; Salisbury 1877, quoting Le Plongeon), the Temple of Chac Mool (Morris et al. 1931), and the Castillo (Erosa Peniche 1939) all were marked by caches of large stone cylindrical cists. In those found intact (including similar examples from Tula), the contents were predominately military. Most prominent are “Toltec” back mirrors (tezcacuitlapilli), which both by virtue of the costume with which they are associated and the Quetzalcoatl mosaics with which they are inlaid are logically linked to the initiation rituals putatively conducted on these structures. (It will be remembered that back mirrors are also prominent costume elements of warrior processions on the columns of the EdC, El Tajín.) The association between the back mirror and investiture is confirmed by the burned back mirror found on the back of the jaguar throne from the Castillo substructure (Erosa Peniche 1939:248, Figures 12, 14). Other objects within these cists include flint blades and jades of the type we (Ringle et al. 1998) have associated with Quetzalcoatl (e.g., Marquina 1964:Photographs 424–428). In the newly discovered cache from Tula mentioned earlier, a shell tunic was cached along with a back mirror. In addition to being part of the “Toltec” costume, it may also be related to the tunics presented to Quetzalcoatl or by Nacxit. Now we can more specifically associate all these objects with the office of the Quetzalcoatl war leader, the k′awil, or his equivalent.

The North Temple and Headdresses

The NT rear-wall relief provides a distillation of these themes and can be summarized as the presentation of a set of power objects to the initiate by various segments of the Chichen polity. The complex scene of the rear wall is divided into three horizontal rows of figures above the basal register containing the recumbent deity (Figure 3). As mentioned earlier, the empty jaguar throne is placed directly above this figure in the first register, together with a diverse series of warriors. Directly above, in Register C, stands the figure about to be invested in office. He faces a seated figure, possibly bearded, wearing the twin heron-feather headdress and from behind whom a feathered serpent rises. Above this, a row of armed warriors flanks the solar deity standard. To the right of this standard is a standing warrior much like the others except that he has a large cloud serpent curling behind him. The figure facing him on the other side of the medallion will be discussed later. The arrangement of the warriors behind these last two figures is nearly symmetrical: two figures in tall upright feathered bonnets followed by a figure with a simple twin eagle ornament followed by another with the tall feather bonnet.

But how is this scene to be read? One possibility is that this wall depicts a single event whose perspective has been flattened, Egyptian-style, because of the lack of formal divisions among the three horizontal lines of figures. Because of the general similarity of clothing in the upper and lower registers, one could argue that these two rows frame a central scene focusing on the standing figure. An alternative reading, favored here, is that three sequential acts are depicted, each occupying one row of the rear wall. One reason for believing this is that, while the multiregister scene of the LTJ is united by a common focal point in the second register (the effigy), the gaze of each participant in the NT frieze is directed toward the central point of his respective register. Most important, the gaze and speech scroll of the solar diety is directed at the Register D individual just to his right rather than toward the standing individual of Register C.

The figure in Register D attracting the gaze of the solar deity is marked by a series of wavy rays or flames (the rays emanate vertically from his headdress and, in Breton's drawing, from behind him, as well). Such rays also emanate from behind the standing figure in Register C. As mentioned earlier, such rays occur most prominently behind the effigy figure of the LTJ and UTJ. In this relief, the flames may suggest the absorption of the powers of the effigy by the figures of Registers C and D. Given that they are the only two individuals so marked in this relief, and given that they both face individuals with large curling serpents behind them, it would appear that these registers involve the same individual in different costumes facing the leaders of the two main divisions of the Quetzalcoatl leadership.¹³

The upper row (Register D) would seem to represent investiture by the warrior sodality, led by the figure with a cloud serpent behind him and wearing the twin heron-feather hair ornament. The initiate on the right also wears this ornament, and even the sun deity in the medallion has exchanged his customary diadem for heron feathers. All this suggests the involvement of the UTJ warrior sodality/segment, where this ornament and the solar deity figure so prominently. Register C marks investiture by the division led by the seated individual backed by a true feathered serpent. He also sports the twin heron-feather ornament. Register C is also marked by a distinctive set of headdresses and postures. The seated figures of Register C are unarmed and are sitting on cushions, recalling the TCM south bench, but otherwise differ in costume specifics. Despite this, I believe they represent the consultative body associated with the feathered serpent leader.

Apparently, two groups are represented in Register C, the group on the right wearing a headdress with tall upright feathers and the group on the left a banded turban. This contrast may reflect a further subdivision of the Register C group, the left half possibly being an outside group of similar rank from the initiate's polity. The main reasons for believing this are that the warriors below in Register B-left are more heterogeneously clad than those to the right, and because the turban headdress is fairly consistently placed in positions of lesser prestige elsewhere in the Gran Nivelación.

Given that headgear was a central means of signaling rank and office, the headdress of the standing figure of Register C is of greatest interest. The major sets of drawings disagree on the style of headdress worn by this figure (Figure 36), however, and unfortunately the original is no longer available for inspection. Wren's drawing shows it with a version of the “serpent-turban” headdress. Schele (in Freidel et al. 1993:Figure 8:32), following Fernández (in Marquina 1964:Láminas 439–441), shows an odd helmet-like hat with no known correlates. The earliest drawing (Breton 1917:Plate III) is of great value because it was traced over a photograph of the relief (an unadorned photograph also accompanies the article). From these it seems that later drawings are incorrect and that the headdress, instead, consists of a crown of tall, upright feathers.

Central scene on the north wall, NT, Great Ballcourt, Chichen Itza: (a) Adela Breton, unpublished drawing (courtesy Bristol Museums and Art Gallery); (b) Marquina 1964:Photograph 439 (drawing by Miguel Angel Fernández); (c) Schele and Mathews 1998:Figure 6.51; (d) Wren and Schmidt 1991:Figure 9.8.

Two things can be said of this hat. First, it strongly resembles the hats of the seated individuals to the right of the initiate, paralleling his reception of the twin-heron-feather ornament in the register above. Second, this hat has a wider significance as a war bonnet—specifically of the war cult associated with Quetzalcoatl. It is the hat worn by the caryatids of the Temple of Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli at Tula, and I would argue that it is also represented on the frieze of the miniature temple of Atetelco, Teotihuacan (Figure 37a). Among the Aztecs, a very similar headdress was called the quetzalapanecayotl or the quetzalquatlamoyaolli (Figure 37b). The last is specifically identified as a military headdress by Sahagún (1993:Folio 73v), but little more information is provided. The first is a headdress associated with Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl in what I would argue is his war costume and is similar to the headdress worn by the initiate on the UTJ table bench (Figure 26a).

Investiture headdresses: (a) detail, Atetelco shrine, Teotihuacan (Miller 1973:Figure 345); (b) quetzalapanecayotl headdress (Sahagún 1993:Folio 73v); (c) feathered serpent and headdress, west building of the Nunnery, Uxmal (Schele and Mathews 1998:Figure 7.36); (d) Temple of the Feathered Serpent, Teotihuacan (Coggins 1993:Figure 1); (e) full-figured example, jade from Sacred Cenote, Chichen Itza (Proskouriakoff 1974:Plate 78a).

Closer to home, the headdress is found floating above the tails of the feathered serpents on the facade of the west building the Nunnery, Uxmal (Figure 37b). Schele and Mathews (1998:283–284) make the important observation that this recalls the iconography of the Temple of the Feathered Serpent at Teotihuacan, where a mosaic monster head floats above the body of the feathered serpent, a head that both Sugiyama (1989) and Taube (1992) identified as a headdress in other contexts (Figure 37c). Both associate the headdress with militarism. Taube specifically identifies the mosaic snake as a precursor to the Aztec xiuhcoatl. The importance here is that the Uxmal headdress seems to be a cognate of the headdress worn by the NT figure. This flat-brimmed hat is also worn by Lord “Chac” of Uxmal on Stelae 11 and 14. Furthermore, the “headdress-on-feathered serpent” motif can now be seen simply to be the metonymic form of the more common “warrior-on-feathered serpent” motif seen at Chichen, Tula, Cacaxtla, and elsewhere (Figure 37e).

Another object associated with “Toltec” investiture on this same building of the Nunnery is the multitiered feathered object placed directly above the central doorway (Figure 38a). Although Schele and Mathews (1998:282) characterize this as a palanquin, a much more likely identification may be found in the Quiche lists of the objects provided to initiates in “Tulan” (Carmack 1968). Virtually all begin with a couplet pairing a canopy (muh) and throne (q'alibal) as the first objects provided. Various sources mention that the canopy of the highest ruler had four tiers, the next highest three, etc. (Carmack 1973:325–326, Note 109; Recinos et al. 1953:177–178). The Uxmal example appears to have three, supporting the idea that lesser leaders were being invested here, as well. Around the top is a band with three faces—the same faces that characterize the headbands of many chiefs of the southern lowlands (Figure 38b). Below this canopy is a throne, on which stands a small pawatun sculpture. Although Schele and Mathews (1998:282) identify this as the main figure of this composition, given the spacing of the canopy above, it is much more likely that it is part of the throne, and that statues were rotated into the space depending on the initiate.

(a) Detail of the central doorway, west building, Nunnery, Uxmal, showing canopy (Schele and Mathews 1998:Figure 7.36); (b) canopy detail (photograph by the author).

Column 55, northwest colonnade, Chichen Itza. Note images of solar deity and crouching Quetzalcoatl-associated figure framing warrior (Morris et al. 1931:Figure 305a).

The essential homology of the political organization of the two centers is suggested by the similarity between the plan and iconography of the Nunnery with that of the Temple of the Chac Mool. The TCM north bench, with its warriors seated on feline thrones, parallels the east building of the Nunnery, with its warrior owls, while the seated “priests” of the TCM south bench corresponds to the west building of the Nunnery, where investiture took place and where Quetzalcoatl imagery is most prominent. The TCM table bench would therefore align with the north building of the Nunnery, the probable building of the paramount, given its sculptured jaguar thrones and its greater height. Finally, external affiliates are represented by the TCM anteroom piers and the small sculptured houses above the doors of the south building of the Nunnery. All of this suggests that Uxmal was another Yucatecan Tollan in direct competition with Chichen Itza (for an alternative view, see Stanton and Gallareta 2001).

Ethnohistorical Analogies

Fragmentary descriptions of governments in some way oriented around Quetzalcoatl can be found in ethnohistorical accounts of Cholula, Tula, Tenochtitlan, and Noh Peten. The form of government prevailing in Cholula (Table 2) seems to provide the closest historical analogy to that governing Epiclassic Chichen Itza. As Rojas stated in the passage quoted earlier, the tlalquiyach and the aquiyach, the two leaders of the city, were named from the Quetzalcoatl priesthood, the cadre that monopolized political power in the city. Several other accounts of Cholula's internal organization exist, however, and provide somewhat conflicting information. Lind (1992) has recently attempt to rationalize this information with what we know of Cholula's larger political role.

Traits of the major ruling segments of Cholula

Lind's major point is that Cholula functioned both as the capital of a political entity, the kingdom of Cholula, covering some 800 km², and as the seat of the cult of Quetzalcoatl. In the latter capacity, it provided dynastic legitimation to leaders from a much wider region who were only loosely beholden politically to Cholula in any direct sense. Nevertheless, Cholula was often compelled to act militarily in this latter capacity, so that it was far from being a strictly symbolic authority. Indeed, the elite jaguar and eagle knights were recruited from the ranks of Quetzalcoatl priests.

Leadership of the local kingdom was provided by a “Capitán General” assisted by a council of six nobles (Torquemada 1986:I:282). As Lind (1992) noted, the absence of priestly titles associated with these individuals suggests that they were secular leaders. These nobles were apparently representatives of the six known districts of the city, each of which in turn controlled a portion of the kingdom (Lind 1992). Both Rojas (1927:162) and the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (Kirchhoff et al. 1976:Folios 26v–27r) indicate that their residences bordered the Great Square, as did the Xiuhcalli, or “Turquoise House,” across the way. This was evidently a council house for the six councillors and contained seats for each flanking a central rectangular table or bench.

If this model has any application to Chichen, it should alert us to the possibility that the reliefs of the Gran Nivelación most probably would refer to that segment of the government headed by the Quetzalcoatl priesthood, while the “local” secular administration may have been centered elsewhere, perhaps in “Old” Chichen. But again, if the model of Cholula is applicable, the two branches interdigitated, since representatives of the former sat with and counseled the “local” leadership and presumably also confirmed them in office.

Tula, Tenochtitlan, Peten Itza, and Dual Rule

Little information has survived concerning the specifics of political organization at Tula, Hidalgo, but among the stories concerning Topiltizin are several suggesting that the term Quetzalcoatl referred to an office rather than a particular individual. As Kirchhoff (1955:165) noted, the Spanish version of the Historia General indicates that Huemac and Quetzalcoatl were contemporaries fulfilling dual positions at Tollan: “Y el Huémac, que era señor de los toltecas en lo temporal, porque el dicho Quetzalcóatl era como sacerdote y no tenía hijos” (Sahagún 1979:197). The Memorial Breve of Chimalpahin simply indicates that Huemac and Quetzalcoatl ruled at the same time (Kirchhoff 1955:183). An alternative version of the story in the Anales de Cuautitlan places Topiltzin and Huemac at opposite extremes of the Tollan dynastic line. According to this version, after the inauguration of Huemac as atecpanecatl, “they went to Xicocotl and got a high priest, whose name was Cuauhtli. Then they came back and set him up on the mat and throne of Quetzalcoatl. Thus he was made his successor, he became the Quetzalcoatl of Tollan: it was he who became priest, succeeding Huemac. Indeed, he became Quetzalcoatl” (Bierhorst 1992:38).¹⁴

Despite disagreement on historical particulars, these accounts do agree that at Tula authority was split between a temporal and sacerdotal ruler, the latter of whom at least had the title of Quetzalcoatl. Most accounts do indicate that Tula had a “king,” however, suggesting the supremacy of the temporal office. Kirchhoff (1955:184) interpreted the Anales account as indicating that Huemac was originally the Quetzalcoatl priest but, having married, moved to become the civic leader, suggesting that the priesthood could at least on occasion become the path to political leadership (for a contrasting critical view of these sources, see Gillespie 1989:Chapter 6).

Turning to the Mexica case, Henry Nicholson (1978:297; 2000; 2001:xlvii) has persistently argued that the emperors of Mexico were viewed as lineal descendants of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl. Miguel Acosta Saignes (1946:172–173) made much the same point, quoting a speech given by Nezahualcoyotl to Tizoc on his enthronement: “From today forward, lord - he said - you occupy the throne, the seat that Ce Acatl and Nacxitl Quetzalcoatl first placed” (Alvarado Tezozomoc 1987:439; see parallel version in Durán 1994:298). Nicholson (1978:294, 297) noted that a 1566 letter from Xaltocan indicates that Moctezuma I was a direct descendant of Huemac and that the Juan Cano genealogy places Moctezuma II as the twenty-seventh in a direct line of successors to the throne of Topiltzin. This identification can also be seen in sculpture and funerary rites. Rulers such as Ahuitzotl depicted themselves in the familiar pose of “Toltec” warriors with feathered serpents curling behind them (e.g., the Acuecuexcatl stone). Alvarado Tezozomoc (1987:455) notes that at death Tizoc was clothed as Quetzalcoatl: “habiendo cantado delante de él, volvieron a descomponerlo para adornarlo de los vestidos que llaman de Quetzalcoatl y antes le embijaron con color negro del humo de la marmajita y en lugar de corona le pusieron una guirnalda que llaman ocelocopilli.” Similarly, the image of the dead king Axayacatl was clothed in four costumes, one of which was that of Quetzalcoatl (Durán 1994:294).

Although it did not have the direct political influence of the priests of Cholula, the Aztec religious hierarchy was also under the direction of a pair of high priests collectively bearing the title Quetzalcoa, or successors of Quetzalcoatl (Acosta Saignes 1946:155; Sahagún 1950–1982:III:69–70). The two priests, the Quetzalcoatl Totec Tlamacazqui and the (Quetzalcoatl) Tlaloc Totec Tlamacazqui, presided over the cults of Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc, respectively. The title tlamacazqui is also associated with Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl in the Anales de Cuautitlan (Ce Acatl Quetzalcoatl Tlamacazqui). Although the dedication of the Quetzalcoatl Totec to Huitzilopochtli would seem to be yet another example of the systematic replacement of Quetzalcoatl by Huitzilopochtli in Mexica ideology, the titles do suggest that the origins of the Mexica priesthood lay within the “Toltec” tradition of a dual priesthood, a tradition flexible enough successfully to incorporate local deities within its overall framework.

Of the two priests, the Quetzalcoatl Totec Tlamacazqui seems to have been pre-eminent (Acosta Saignes 1946:158). He also presided over the calmecacs of Tenochtitlan, a primary place for the worship of Quetzalcoatl (Acosta Saignes 1946:191; Sahagún 1950–1982:I:218). Doubtless, this relates in part to Quetzalcoatl's role as patron of learning and the arts, but since the calmecac was also the primary training center for the future political and religious leaders of the realm, the calmecac was directly responsible for the reproduction of the spirit of Quetzalcoatl as a patron of rulership.

The quetzalcoa also bore the title of achcauhtli or achcautli, Quetzalcoatl Totec especially for his role in directing the kindling of the New Fire (Acosta Saignes 1946:157–158). Although it was the title of certain secular officials, as well, it has already been demonstrated that the achcautli occurs in the titles of both Quetzalcoatl priests of Cholula. This title also appears far afield among the seventeenth-century Itza (Jones 1998). The nobility of the towns surrounding Lake Peten Itza claimed descent from the leading families of Mayapan and Chichen Itza (Jones 1998:11); thus, the realm may have preserved some remnants of the internal organization of its parent polities.

Unfortunately, little information has survived concerning the religion of the Peten Itza, so the extent to which Quetzalcoatl/K′uk′ulkan was a significant deity there is unknown. However, the two leaders of Noh Peten both were both named Kan Ek′ (“Serpent Star” or “Sky Star”) and had been for many generations (Jones 1998:80). Jones attributes the name's persistence to the continued marriage between a Kan matriline and an Ek′ patriline. He also suggests that K′awil may have been another royal matriline among the Itzas, although he notes that it occurs only twice in his sources, “both of whom were heads of Itza towns” (Jones 1998:81).

In my view, given the close semantic similarity between Kan Ek′ and Quetzalcoatl, both it and K′awil are better interpreted as titles or ritual names within the Quetzalcoatl hierarchy, much like the “Nacxit” name adopted by several distinct historical figures. Schele and Mathews (1998:244–245) have noted that one of the warriors on a pier from the South Temple of the Great Ballcourt is marked as kan ek′. As for k′ awil, its appearance among the leaders of subsidiary Itza towns would fulfill exactly the sort of role hypothesized for the k′ awils of the Chichen polity.

Like Cholula, Peten Itza was governed by two councils. One council, apparently the more powerful of the two, consisted of pairs of provincial governors from the four major seats, plus a pair from the capital Noh Peten. Jones (1998:60–107) suggests that each pair may represent one of the quadrants into which the kingdom was said to have been divided, with the final dominant pair being the actual leaders of the kingdom, Ajaw Kan Ek′ and AjK′in Kan Ek′.

Although ostensibly equals, the former was the political leader and the Ajk'in in the supreme religious figure.

The other, less powerful council consisted of 13 or 14 individuals, perhaps town leaders, with the title Ach Kat. Jones interprets this as a modified form of achcauhtli and suggests that it may be of Central Mexican origin:

This is probably true, but the Ach Katob may also be derived from the highland achcautli title associated with the Quetzalcoatl priesthood of Tenochtitlan and Cholula.

At any rate, the composition of these two councils strongly recalls the structure of Cholulan administration. In both, the more prestigious council was composed of representatives from the principal quadrants of the city and acted in matters of foreign policy, while the lesser council was charged with the internal affairs of the immediate kingdom and was composed of representatives from the principal residential barrios. In both, dual leadership further penetrated the more prestigious council, since in both cases they were directed by two leaders with closely related titles, one of whom was more of a temporal leader while the other specialized in the direction of the religious hierarchy. It is tempting to see this very structure in the assemblies of Chichen, with the TCM murals reflecting the dual composition of the more prestigious body, which then itself is often contrasted with more heterogeneous columns of warriors who may therefore represent a second council.