In her book, Sarah Stitzlein provides an extended philosophical essay on public education guided by the spirit of participatory democracy and, in particular, the participatory theorists John Dewey and Benjamin Barber. In the course of the book, she cites numerous works from a variety of disciplines, and draws on empirical examples that illustrate her arguments, including her own experiences as an advocate and participant in public school systems in the Cincinnati area.
American Public Education and the Responsibility of Its Citizens makes several arguments: a defense of public schools and the public school system; a prescription for how they ought to be regarded by citizens and public officials; and suggestions for their governance. Stitzlein directs particular attention to the shared responsibility of citizens to support and participate in those structures and governing processes.
For Stitzlein, public education is the foundation of democratic politics. Education needs to be for citizenship and happen through citizenship in a variety of ways: in the way students are taught and participate in their own education; in the way that public education is assessed and held accountable; and in the way that citizens, especially parents, participate in and support the system. Through all of these facets, the author argues, the education system can produce more reflective, active, and effective student-citizens; for adults, the commitment to and participation in the system can provide authentic democratic experiences that carry over into other policy realms. Supplying the initial groundwork for these dynamics and driving the civic obligation to support public schools are our common investment in the public education system, and our common recognition of its central place in a successful democratic political system.
Set against this normative framework is Stitzlein’s empirical description of the external accountability and measurement regime in public education, growing since the 1980s, and the ascendance of political neoliberalism, both of which have narrowed the focus in education to improving test performance, developing specific work-related skills, and preparing students for professional careers. According to the author, this regime has fostered attacks on public education and its necessary funding levels; supplied space and support for private rivals to public education that are not inclusive and are less concerned with education’s higher democratic purposes; created hostile environments for teachers and administrators; discouraged active, productive participation in the public education system; and, in general, eroded the financial and moral ability of public education to meet its essential purposes in a democratic society.
Through this critique, Stitzlein provides a spirited and thorough defense of public schools in the name of what Benjamin Barber would call “strong democracy”; a challenge to citizens and leaders to reorient their notions of what public schools do for their students and for our democracy, and therefore how they ought to evaluate them; and a charge to all of us as citizens to commit significant amounts of our time, attention, and resources to participating in public school affairs and governance.
In addition to these appealing qualities, I also encountered some flaws. The book has an apparent ideological bent that is not fully acknowledged or embraced. At the outset, Stitzlein writes that she aims “to help people see themselves as part of a public, a collective that bridges differences and brings people together in pursuit of shared goals” (p. 10). Further, she aims “to use principles arising from participatory and deliberative democracy to appeal to concerns held on both ends of the political spectrum” (pp. 28–29). She also claims that she appreciates the basis of neoliberal and external accountability-driven critiques of public schools, and that the changes they have brought have contained some positive aspects. But neoliberalism and external accountability quickly emerge as villains in her narrative, and examples of a positive nature cluster on the Left, while negative examples cluster on the Right. An unmistakable political valence emerges as her arguments fully develop.
A couple of passages from one chapter, “Fulfilling Citizen Responsibilities,” illustrate the center of weight in the author’s balance, but they could have been taken from anywhere: 1) “[S]chool leaders must resist the temptation to replicate or reinforce neoliberal views of parents and students as merely consumers or customers. Such views . . . actually deprive parents and children of authentic political voice and deep involvement in schools” (p. 127). And 2) “Bringing business to the table may help provide resources and power that can aid in acting on behalf of public schools. However, business leaders may endorse the problematic elements of corporatization and privatization of public schools . . . ranging from money-making enterprises to a genuine belief that business approaches will result in improved education for children, just as they have brought successes in other domains” (p. 131).
Stitzlein also glosses over, or gives short shrift to, some problematic aspects in public education as it currently exists. Most striking is her rosy account of teachers and teachers’ unions. While she acknowledges some individual-level departures from the norm, teachers are generally described as having the best knowledge of local conditions, and possessing a genuine desire to hold themselves accountable to high standards through robust internal evaluations. The reality in many states, however, is that teachers, and especially the unions representing them, are extremely resistant to meaningful engagement in Barber-inspired conversations about education and do not welcome the levels of public involvement in education that Stitzlein wants to see. Administrators and elected officials often live in frustration with and fear of these organizations, and the organizations are not shy about using harsh electoral messaging to protect their interests.
In addition, Stitzlein does not provide any concrete treatment of how we, as a society, could transition to the participatory educational regime she is calling for. An extended treatment of that transition is probably beyond the scope of this normative argument, but some sketch of what a successful school-oriented political movement might look like, how it could be birthed and sustained, and how it might actually win politically would have strengthened the argument.
Finally, Stitzlein writes that she aims “not to offer an esoteric philosophical account, but rather an engaging book that employs meaningful philosophy palatable for lay readers . . . using a language that is understandable by many and open to the participation of many” (pp. 9, 10). The book’s actual audience, however, will likely be limited by its style and language to academics working in philosophy of education, education policy, and political theory.
Despite these shortcomings, scholars looking for an extended treatment of public education through the lenses of strong democracy and participatory, deliberative democracy will find much to value in this book. I expect it will be widely referenced in its fields.
