Although lifted in October 2015, the one-child policy, which dominated birth control policies for over 30 years, created huge changes in the Chinese family structure. As a dramatically increasing number of single-child families emerges, conventional gender norms are being challenged. In this book, Anni Kajanus interweaves data collected through multiple methods – 17 months of fieldwork in Beijing, surveys with Chinese students both in Beijing and London, and interviews with students, their families and international school representatives. She argues that, on the one hand, daughters are supported by families to study abroad at least as much as sons; on the other hand, their international experiences also draw them into domestic social and moral transformation.

First, the author explores the background of Chinese student migration (chapters two and three). She points out that while the competitive internal education context serves as a push factor inspiring overseas study, the more relaxed atmosphere of international schools and the better prospects of careers they can provide pull these students to go abroad. This idea is not new; it parallels the previous literature on school choice and the decision-making process. Yet Kajanus furthers current knowledge by employing the idea of affect – “relationships practised between individuals” (p. 7). Three migrant subjectivities are developed: the caring subject (emotional attachment between parents and children), the enterprising subject (independence from parents), and the desiring subject (being a better self). They intersect to form an impetus that facilitates the international migration of students (both going out and returning, or staying). Moreover, they explain the ways in which Chinese overseas students are shaped by a sense of both adaptation and alienation, as illustrated in the subsequent chapters.

Kajanus also advances the field of international student migration by discussing Chinese students' overseas experiences as well as the role they play in transforming the landscape of contemporary China (chapters four to seven). She argues that, amid the tide of people going out, students suffer from a disparity between personal fantasies and actual daily experiences. Specifically, tensions among personal pursuits, parental controls, and interaction with Westerners, are distinct. A male student, for example, may be in conflict with his parents about his studies and future plans or a female student may be disappointed when dating a Westerner because his behaviour violates her imaginary ideas about Western romance and sensitivity. While these experiences cause a sense of alienation, I wonder about the effect of students' living together on their adaptation to university life. Given that the UK is a destination country for many Chinese student migrants, thousands of these students may study at the same school, or at least in the same city. In this regard Kajanus lacks a discussion of how local Chinese student communities address this issue.

In addition, these students' cosmopolitanism – a combination of “identities, dispositions, desires, skills and abilities” (p. 9) gained through exposure to current student migration flow – bolsters the social transformation of China. On the one hand, studying abroad enables these students to increase both the physical and the sociocultural negotiating distance from their parents. To some extent, they obtain power and freedom from familial as well as sociocultural control, which weakens traditional power relations. On the other hand, Chinese overseas students encounter different cultures and social practices in their daily lives. They selectively accept Western ideas and habits. Consequently, some female returnees reject traditional models of sex and marriage; they may not only remain unmarried if there is no man to satisfy their requirements, but also be in several sexual relationships simultaneously. These insights no doubt contribute to present understandings of the relationship between international student migration and their home country's social changes.

Nonetheless, the quality of this book would be enhanced by a more structured argument. While Kajanus's focus is the story of female students and their involvement in China's current social changes, she also provides some examples of male students' suffering in international contexts. As most of the book depicts issues related to female students, these examples, mentioned across several chapters, are somewhat disconnected from her main argument. However, a comparison in chapter six between sons and daughters under the current Chinese family model brings these examples together by elucidating the different situations in which sons and daughters respond to parental support and control.

In sum, this book provides valuable insights into current flows of Chinese students studying abroad in terms of issues related to gender, family and social change. Through employing theories of cosmopolitanism, emotion and power, Kajanus uncovers the big picture that describes the process and the impact of this flow of people. In this sense, this book deserves to be read by all scholars and students interested in gender studies, international student migration and contemporary social change in China.