Acrobatics as opportunity
Marginalized men across Africa and the globe struggle to survive and find their place within society. Their socioeconomic marginalization stems from poverty and related conditions, such as membership in specific ethnic, racial, and religious groups, while the lack of opportunities to create economically sustainable livelihoods is particularly acute for men with limited formal education. The situation is further exacerbated by simplistic explanatory models that reduce young men to security risks and perpetuate marginalization (Amman and Staudacher Reference Amman and Staudacher2021; Young Reference Young2004). Indeed, prevailing debates emphasize that it is young men, in particular, who pose considerable risks to societal stability and are susceptible to recruitment into criminal organizations, militias, terrorist groups, and other entities operating in illicit spaces (Bhadra Reference Bhadra, Deb and Deb2023; Bøås Reference Bøås, Bøås and Dunn2007; Ensor Reference Ensor2021; United Nations 2018). Everyday life across the continent, however, is more complex, and “rupture and violence” are not the only possible responses to these challenging circumstances (Amman and Staudacher Reference Amman and Staudacher2021, 762).Footnote 1 Simultaneously, over the past five decades, boys and men have in some ways fallen through the cracks in development policy and practice, as much attention has been given—for good reasons—to empowering girls and women. In fact, as Zoe Pflaeger Young states, “Arguably, economic changes as well as the unintended consequences of development policies have contributed to a crisis of men and masculinity in some contexts” (Reference Pflaeger Young, Steans and Edward Elgar2016, 382).
Against this backdrop of limited economic opportunities, some marginalized men seek to overcome these constraints through careers in sports and the performing arts, which hold out the prospect of economic stability and a life lived with dignity. In Kenya, as in other parts of Africa, acrobatics represents one such field that offers potentially rewarding career trajectories and enterprising possibilities. The majority of men in Kenya who pursue acrobatics—estimated to number between 800 and 1,000 acrobats who perform locally and abroad—come from disadvantaged backgrounds: they are often from impoverished families, have limited access to education, belong to marginalized ethnic communities, and frequently face additional socio-economic hardships. The formation of acrobatic troupes creates a context of solidarity that enables these men to navigate and transcend their circumstances through collective forms of economic activity. By training their bodies, engaging in artistic expression, and performing for both local and international audiences, they cultivate a heightened sense of self and experience forms of recognition that affirm their self-worth. Nevertheless, the remuneration that acrobats receive typically suffices only to cover basic living expenses, such as food and rent, falling short of providing long-term financial security. As a result, many acrobats channel their enterprising efforts into supplementary income-generating activities, including passenger transport, construction work, gardening, and food vending. They also pursue additional opportunities by building strong interpersonal relationships with tourists and expatriates.
My study of the economic lives of Kenyan acrobats identifies factors that encourage and impede the enterprising energies of these men. The discussion presented here is based on a five-year ethnographic study of acrobatic troupes that perform in hotels and other venues along the Kenyan coast. After an introduction to the methodological and theoretical framework guiding this study, I review aspects relevant to understanding the acrobats’ backgrounds as members of Mijikenda societies, then analyze the factors that propel (training, group solidarity) and impede (marginalization of Mijikenda, lack of education, status as artists) their economic activities, and conclude with a summary of the achievements and challenges of Mijikenda acrobats in light of systemic factors. This first scholarly study of Kenyan acrobats sheds light on dynamics grounded in both historical models of support and contemporary pathways for creating livelihoods.
Methodological and Theoretical Framework
The study is based on a mixed-method approach. Over a period of five years, and drawing on more than twenty years of scholarly engagement with communities in the Diani Beach area and the coastal tourism industry, I conducted qualitative, open-ended interviews with a wide range of individuals (acrobats, family members and friends, stakeholders in the tourism industry, tourists, and activists) in Diani Beach, Shariani, and Nairobi. Acrobats were recruited via snowballing method, ultimately involving twenty (about one third) of Diani’s acrobats, with an additional ten acrobats from Shariani and supplementary data gathered through interviews with the Sarakasi Trust Organization in Nairobi. Acrobats I interviewed frequently have one to four brothers and cousins who are also active in the profession, and the interviews revealed the contours of a broader social network, further informed by observations of troupes not directly interviewed. I engaged in participant observation and attended meetings, training sessions, and performances. Guy Debord’s ([1956] Reference Debord and Knabb1981) concept of dérive inspired extensive walking tours through Diani and Shariani, enhancing my familiarity with the terrain as well as my sense of the daily realities of acrobats. I also embraced Loïc Wacquant’s (Reference Wacquant2015) emphasis on embodied practical knowledge as part of a “sociology of flesh and blood” as well as his notion of “enactive ethnography.”Footnote 2 I participated in trainings, traveled to shows on motorbikes and tuk-tuks, and joined social gatherings, among other activities, during my nine research stays in Kenya between 2021 and 2025. In addition, I conducted background, archival, and quantitative research on relevant issues. Finally, I have access to footage from a documentary and for which I serve as a consultant (director: Janaki Cedanna). The film focuses on the same acrobats, particularly their employment situation. The footage was shot in the summers of 2024 and 2025 and provides additional documentation of key issues explored in this article. The documentary is currently in the postproduction phase and is expected to be released in 2027.
As a white, female, middle-class researcher of German origin working in a US-based academic context, I encountered both impediments and opportunities, particularly within Diani’s tourism infrastructure, which includes large numbers of European expatriates living there permanently or semi-permanently. I first visited Kenya in 1980 and bring to my fieldwork both skills (including physical fitness that allowed me to participate in trainings) and knowledge (linguistic and cultural proficiencies) that shaped the conditions under which this research was conducted. In the Kenyan context, this positionality is entangled with local and global hierarchies of race, ethnicity, class, age, and mobility, which may have structured access and trust in ways not evenly available to all researchers. At the same time, such positioning does not grant unmediated insight; rather, it produces a situated perspective that remains partial and shaped by intersecting social, cultural, and historical factors.
In order to capture the complexity of the subject under investigation, the study brings into conversation three main areas of research that illuminate the nexus of acrobatic activity, practices of solidarity, and the resulting economic endeavors. First, the human economies framework provides deeper insight into economic activities than mainstream economics. It argues for studying the economy “bottom up,” which is relevant both in terms of methodology and theoretical situating (Hart et al. Reference Hart, Laville, Cattani, Hart, Laville and Cattani2010, 6). Importantly, the human economies approach builds on the work of Karl Polanyi and others who have challenged the view that the economy can be studied as a distinct phenomenon. Rather, as Polanyi states, “man’s economy, as a rule, is submerged in his social relationships” (Reference Polanyi2001, 48). The human economies framework also moves away from a focus on the individual to emphasize the social dimensions of economic activity (Graeber Reference Graeber2011). Additionally, Keith Hart et al. emphasize the need to draw attention to marginalized human economic activity: “People always insert themselves practically into economic life on their own account. What they do there is often obscured, marginalized or repressed by dominant economic institutions and ideologies” (Reference Hart, Laville, Cattani, Hart, Laville and Cattani2010, 5). My study of Mijikenda acrobats shows that their economic and social activities are deeply interwoven, and brings to light both their successes and the systemic impediments they face.
Another area of scholarship that is crucial to understanding acrobatic dynamics concerns the impact of kinesthetic activities. “The kinesthetic senses,” Uwe Proske and Simon C. Gandevia explain, “are the senses of position and movement of the body, senses we are aware of only on introspection” (Reference Proske and Gandevia2018, 1157). These often-overlooked senses have a significant impact not only on a person’s body, but also self-awareness: “Kinesthesia, together with vision and touch, is associated with the sense of body ownership. All three can combine or each, on its own, can generate ownership. Related is the sense of agency, the sense of being responsible for one’s own actions” (Reference Proske and Gandevia2018, 1157). Acrobatic practice, both in training and performance, fosters the self-awareness of individual acrobats as well as positive dynamics between group members. Team coordination is crucial: “Without a shared belief in each other’s abilities, partners would be unable to perform successfully while meeting the specific demands proper to hand-to-hand acrobatics” (Filho and Rettig Reference Filho and Rettig2018, 508). The practice of team coordination creates a foundation of trust that often extends beyond the professional realm. Acrobatic practice, as will become evident in this discussion, is both a source and an enabling mechanism for economic activity and broader ambition.
The third framework that is relevant to understanding acrobatic economic activity is the notion of utu as integral to the acrobatic practice of solidarity and to survival in the face of socioeconomic and ecological adversity. The Kiswahili concept utu , also known as ubuntu in other Bantu languages, emphasizes the relationship of humans to one another as well as to their environment, and can be translated as “I am because you/we are.” Utu / ubuntu has been identified by scholars as a central concept of African humanism (Anofuechi and Klaasen Reference Anofuechi and Klaasen2024; Rettová Reference Rettová2020) and morality (Kresse Reference Kresse2007). In Kenya, and in its linguistic variations in other countries of Africa, utu describes ideas of communal belonging, and along the Kenyan coast, utu is at the core of a wide range of larger and smaller institutions of collective action, such as mweria and utsi (Berman Reference Berman2017, 68–73). The concept is key to understanding the fabric of group solidarity and reciprocal support that is exemplified by acrobatic troupes along the Kenyan coast, and beyond, and that inspires the enterprising energies of acrobatic troupes and individual acrobats.
Mijikenda Acrobats: Background
The majority of Kenyan acrobats are Mijikenda, a group of nine ethnic societies (Chonyi, Digo, Duruma, Giriama, Jibana, Kambe, Kauma, Rabai, and Ribe) who primarily live on the coast and in its hinterland and who have experienced systemic marginalization dating back to the arrival of Portuguese colonizers at the end of the fifteenth century. Most of the coastal acrobats studied here are Giriama, with several—about 10 percent––being Chonyi. Their status as Mijikenda and as artists greatly affects how they are treated by the tourism industry, so an abbreviated review of their history is warranted.
The rich history of the coastal hinterland, where the majority of the Mijikenda have been living, has been understood not only as important for its own sake but also for the emergence of coastal culture (Kusimba and Kusimba Reference Kusimba, Kusimba, Wynne-Jones and LaViolette2017; Kusimba et al. Reference Kusimba, Kusimba and Dussubieux2013; Mazrui and Shariff Reference Mazrui and Shariff1994). Coastal Swahili culture benefited from the agriculture and other subsistence supplies that were produced in the hinterland, and the hinterland gained from this exchange (Kusimba Reference Kusimba1999; Mutoro Reference Mutoro1987). The flourishing symbiosis of coastal and hinterland societies, which was at its height in the fifteenth century, changed with the arrival of the Portuguese at the end of that century. The new external players on the coast had the effect that “colonialism served to increase differences between the Coastal urban and rural groups” (Kusimba Reference Kusimba1999, 173). What began under the Portuguese continued during Omani rule in the eighteenth century. The stronger sense of division between the Swahili and the Mijikenda eventually led to the still-prevalent image of the Mijikenda as backward (Kusimba Reference Kusimba1999, 173–75). Eventually, race began to play a central role, and Mijikenda communities “and other non-Muslim coastal peoples were relegated to the new categories of black, pagan, and African, and increasingly subject to capture and enslavement” (Benjamin Reference Benjamin2007, 243; Morton Reference Morton1990). British colonizers adopted this view of the Mijikenda and other coastal hinterland peoples, who were generally referred to as the Nyika by Swahili speakers (based on the Swahili word for “bush, hinterland, wilderness”). Specifically, British warfare was directed against societies that had resisted integration into the colonial economy, such as the Giriama. They were disdained for their unwillingness to work for the British and to conform to their administrative schemes. Even though the Giriama resistance succeeded politically (Temu Reference Temu1971, 184), they lost much of their economic base during British colonialism, especially with regard to land ownership, a pattern that continued during the postindependence period (Benjamin Reference Benjamin2007, 244–45; Benjamin Reference Benjamin, Rebecca and Giles2014, 130–33; Cooper Reference Cooper1980).
As a result, and in spite of interventions by scholars who have presented the Mijikenda and their ancestors as peoples who were crucial actors in the 2,000-year history of the Kenyan coast and its hinterland (Gearhart and Giles Reference Gearhart and Giles2014; Kusimba and Kusimba Reference Kusimba, Kusimba, Wynne-Jones and LaViolette2017, in addition to other sources mentioned here), the colonial image of the Mijikenda peoples as backward has persisted in independent Kenya (Hoorweg et al. Reference Hoorweg, Foeken, Obudho, Hoorweg, Foeken and Obudho2000, 393). Contemporary Mijikenda tend to be seen through lenses blurred by prejudice and systemic ignorance of crucial factors that explain their current socioeconomic situation. While scholarly publications increasingly recognize poverty—rather than solely cultural factors—as central to understanding socioeconomic stress in Mijikenda communities, they often fail to adequately explore its roots in systemic and long-term marginalization. The longue durée economic disempowerment that the Mijikenda experienced under multiple forms of colonization and that continued under the independent Kenyan government is not factored in. Along these lines, there is a persistent focus on the Mijikenda as “traditional” peoples, which often echoes the prejudice that marks the Mijikenda as backward and uneducated. Studies continue to focus on witchcraft, ritual, artifacts used in ritual, spirit possession, traditionalism, the rule of elders, traditional governance methods, and indigenous medicinal or ecological knowledge.Footnote 3
As a result of these various factors, we lack analyses that account for the myriad transformations of Mijikenda societies in relation to contemporary economies, cultural practices, and values. While people still believe in spirit possession, traditional healers continue to be powerful members of their communities, and agriculture and cattle herding remain cornerstones of Mijikenda economies to this day, walking into Mijikenda villages along the coast, as elsewhere in Kenya, reveals a rapidly changing society that no longer corresponds to earlier ethnographic accounts (Figure 1). Acknowledging the longer history of socioeconomic challenges and contemporary forms of discrimination against the Mijikenda helps explain the choice of acrobatics as a career, given that there are few opportunities for fulfilling careers for those with only rudimentary schooling. Artistically and creatively inclined young men, in particular, face scarce options. At the same time, this longer history and its contemporary manifestations help explain the challenges faced by acrobats on the coast. The section on “impeding factors” further examines how systemic discrimination stymies their economic development.
Kilifi to Ukunda. OpenStreetMap contributors. Accessed 22 April, 2026. https://www.openstreetmap.org.
Figure 1. Long description
A detailed map of the coastal region in Kenya.
* In the Northeast, the town of Kilifi is situated on the coast. Moving South along the shoreline, there is a purple airplane icon for Kilifi South, followed by the Mombasa Marine Reserve, which is outlined by a green rectangle in the Indian Ocean.
* At the center of the coastline is the city of Mombasa, located on an island and surrounding mainland. A purple airplane icon indicates the airport West of the city center.
* Continuing South along the coast, the town of Ukunda is visible, adjacent to the Diani-Chale Marine Reserve, which is also outlined in green.
* Moving inland to the West, major towns include Kaloleni in the North, Mariakani and Mazeras in the central region, and Kwale, Matuga, and Msambweni in the Southwest.
* A network of orange lines represents major roads connecting these hubs, while thin blue lines indicate rivers and waterways flowing toward the ocean.
Mijikenda acrobats almost exclusively come from poor families, have limited schooling (mostly as a result of their families’ economic constraints), and often experienced the death of their fathers at a young age or are estranged from them. Another unifying factor is their religious affiliation: all acrobats whom I studied in Diani and most in Shariani identified as Christian, though many have Muslim family members, attesting to the religious diversity among the Giriama and Chonyi.
Driving Forces of Acrobatic Ambitions
Training and performing: Building self-confidence
The training and practice of acrobatics foster social and emotional skills that enhance trust, empathy, and self-awareness, attributes that are essential to the development of self-confidence and a group-based enterprising spirit. How are these attributes developed? Contrary to beliefs held in Kenya that Mijikenda acrobats have an innate ability to perform their art, acrobatics cannot be practiced without extensive preparation. Once an individual has committed to becoming an acrobat, strenuous training is undertaken over several years. Many discover their aptitude and attraction to acrobatics while engaging in other sports and may increase their fitness levels for years without an explicit commitment to a career in acrobatics. Some acrobats were first enthusiasts of soccer or jogging, while others practiced somersaults and cartwheels without considering a career as a performer. Clearly, nobody pursues a life as an acrobat without enjoying physical movement, and the pathways to acrobatics are many.
Acrobats teach and train one another during training ( mafunzo ) and recognize teachers ( walimu ) and students ( wanafunzi ) among themselves. Students do not pay their teachers; interviews and long-term observation indicate that training the next generation is part of the ethical code of acrobats. In Diani, Shariani, Nairobi, and other acrobatic centers across the country, acrobats are highly committed to passing on their knowledge. The training is foundational to sustaining acrobatics as a profession: preparing the next generation ensures the supply of capable acrobats and thus guarantees that the art form persists beyond the individual performer. In fact, it can be considered one of the building blocks of the enterprising spirit among acrobats.
There are three basic types of Kenyan and, more generally, African acrobats, which correspond to the key roles in the human pyramid: the carrier ( beba , also known as tanzi , base); the center man, also known as balancing man ( mtu wa katikati , literally the man in the middle), and the top man ( mgandaji ; also known as ganderist in local slang, derived from a verb for making handstands, kuganda ). Acrobats usually specialize in one of these three roles but often perform in two positions. An acrobat’s role in the pyramid is essential to their overall training regimen, which differs depending on their specific role, especially with regard to muscle development. The carrier, who needs to be strong enough to carry up to four and even five people, trains to develop substantial muscle throughout the body. The muscles of middle men are leaner, and the ganderist is characterized by an especially lean physique. The three roles also require different levels of flexibility, which must be highest for the ganderist who scales the pyramids and jumps down from close to four meters.
The training has different levels, called viwangu tofauti in Kiswahili. During the first phase, which I call the exploration phase, beginner acrobats build strength, flexibility, and stamina. Many report that they trained themselves by increasing the time and distance they were able to run. Jogging is known to strengthen the calves, quadriceps, hamstrings, glutes, upper-body muscles, and core muscles, making it a very comprehensive basic training. Jogging also improves stamina. The preparatory training may take one or more years—a period during which most individuals are not yet committed to a career in acrobatics but instead train and condition their bodies for enjoyment or general fitness. The first phase can be done individually, but may also result from participation in a team sport, such as soccer.
The second phase occurs after trainees have reached a basic level of competence in terms of their strength, flexibility, and stamina and sometimes coincides with a deliberate interest in the career path. This phase often occurs in collaboration with an experienced acrobat who takes on a mentoring role. I call this phase the attachment phase, because it is during this time that an affective relationship to fundamental elements of acrobatics develops, both at the skill and emotional levels. Here, friendship and kinship are often crucial. Several acrobats recounted entering this phase as a result of being inspired by a long-term friend or a family member. These mentors teach trainees how to do somersaults, flips, cartwheels, and walk on their hands, all of which are basic building blocks of human pyramids and other acts. Stairs made of stone are invaluable for these training sessions: Acrobats use them to hop up and down on both or just one leg and to walk up and down the stairs on their hands. Jump ropes are also indispensable for training. This phase may take a year or longer, depending on how quickly an individual decides to pursue this career. Trainer-mentors are central to this phase, and the attraction to the career is tied to this affective relationship. Teamwork and a high level of commitment to one another are fundamental to the functioning of acrobatic troupes, and the first experience of these relationships occurs during the attachment phase. Apart from their relationship with the trainer-mentor, aspiring acrobats also observe the camaraderie among performing acrobatic troupes and begin to form attachments to the social and emotional world of acrobatics.
Once beginner acrobats have mastered these basic elements and reached a certain level of skill and stamina, they typically commit to the career path, joining a group of practicing acrobats or forming a new group under the guidance of experienced acrobats. During this third phase, which I call the commitment phase, the training focuses on mastering human pyramids, rope skipping, the tiger jump, balancing acts, and the pole show, and requires collaboration with other acrobats. Some of the acts require individual practice, such as juggling and certain balancing acts. An experienced acrobat may supervise and instruct from time to time, but trainees practice those acts mostly by themselves.
Once a person commits to pursuing acrobatics for a living, trainees practice five days a week for four to five hours each day, divided into two training sessions. They begin early in the morning and continue in the late afternoon, to avoid peak times for sunshine and heat (Figure 2). In some locations, small training centers with concrete platforms exist, used to practice juggling, balancing, and the pole show. During and after practice, acrobats give each other feedback, and more experienced acrobats help the trainees (Figure 3). They may also sit together afterward to discuss and “correct each other.”
Training on Diani Beach. Photograph by Sabine Skiba.
Critique after training. Photograph by Sabine Skiba.
This reflective process resonates with insights from studies on acrobatics. As Brümmer and Alkemeyer show, acrobatic training teaches “the ability to reflexively judge and monitor [their] performances from the perspective of the acrobatic figure’s requirements and with respect to local problems in the shared performance” (Reference Brümmer, Alkemeyer, Meyer and Wedelstaedt2017, 44). Acrobats thus learn to cognitively understand themselves as part of the collective enterprise. While practice draws on kinesthetic abilities to coordinate and connect, critique and conversation more broadly enhance awareness of each acrobat’s role in the group effort. As Brümmer and Alkemeyer state, they “develop the capability of participating as co-actors in practices and of contributing competently to their performance” (Reference Brümmer, Alkemeyer, Meyer and Wedelstaedt2017, 49).
In fact, trainees learn to connect and communicate on three levels: at the physical level through interkinesthetic connection,Footnote 4 at the emotional level through a wide range of neurological and physiological processes triggered by physical practice, and cognitively through conversation and reflective practices. Studies have shown that practicing circus arts enhances kinesthetic awareness and has additional benefits, such as promoting kinesthetic connection, which in turn strengthens self-knowledge, self-value, and dignity (Meyer and Wedelstaedt Reference Meyer and Wedelstaedt2017; Reynolds and Reason Reference Reynolds and Reason2012). Acrobats thus acquire essential skills not only in relation to enhanced physical ability, but also with respect to emotional and cognitive maturity. Studies on the effects of sports, acrobatics, and other physical activities explain the high level of emotional connectedness among acrobats, something I have observed through my fieldwork.
The effect of kinesthetic connection also transfers to audiences, which explains the enthusiastic responses of viewers who attend acrobatic and other circus arts performances (Bonini et al. Reference Bonini, Rotunno, Arcuri and Gallese2022, 769; Reynolds and Reason Reference Reynolds and Reason2012, 19). Children, in particular, express a desire to be part of the pyramids performed by African acrobats. During live performances, African acrobats—also drawing on their highly developed communicative and interactive skills—integrate children and other audience members into their formations, thus breaking down the boundary between performers and audience. The desire to be connected to one another and to feel one another is an observable phenomenon during acrobatic performances. Individuals with no background in acrobatics are enthralled when brought into an acrobatic act, and acrobats are careful and thoughtful in choosing appropriate activities for them.
To sum up the effects of acrobatic training and practice in terms of developing an enterprising mindset and skills: Practitioners of acrobatics, who often have lived through various forms of deprivation during their childhood and youth, receive benefits similar to psychological therapy from their activity.Footnote 5 Training and performances foster not only physical skills, but also exert a strong impact on the emotional and cognitive capabilities of acrobats, who regain or acquire trust, self-worth, and dignity. On the group level, these bodily practices also enhance group coordination, solidarity, and empathy among the performers. Acrobats critique each other and are accustomed to receiving professional feedback and participating in mechanisms of development, and thus engage in communicative and self-reflective practices (Filho and Rettig Reference Filho and Rettig2018).Footnote 6 They are also experienced in working interactively with a range of audiences. These reflective skills transfer to other parts of the lives of practitioners and enhance their chances of succeeding in a social and economic environment that is hostile to them (as artists, members of the Mijikenda minority group, and socioeconomically marginalized individuals). Overall, they acquire attributes and skills that ultimately foster their enterprising energy. The effect of acrobatic training resonates with what Jesse Weaver Shipley has termed “self-making,” which he associates with stardom-oriented musical entrepreneurship in Ghana (Reference Shipley2013, 4). While acrobatic troupes pursue their artistic careers primarily as collectives, the positive effects of acrobatic practice contribute to their “self-making” as both artists and individuals.
It is important to recognize that coastal acrobatic troupes consist solely of male performers, whereas those in Nairobi, for example, sometimes include women. An all-male composition may foster group cohesion; however, in the absence of comparative data from integrated troupes, I cannot determine whether a homosocial setting is more or less conducive to developing group solidarity, as well as artistic and economic ambition, than a mixed-gender model.
Utu—I am because you/we are
The practice of acrobatics—with its components of trust, empathy, and enhanced self-awareness—is also informed by a humanistic worldview that is grounded in local thought and creates a group spirit supportive of their collective enterprise. The idea that utu inspires and is an expression of its principles was first brought up by the acrobats during my initial interview and has since been invoked on several occasions as a key element of their relationships with one another and with the larger society.
Utu is essential to the lives of acrobats and is practiced via acrobatics itself, during meetings, in relation to parents and extended family, and in various acts of solidarity, especially with fellow acrobats. Acrobatic practice, as we have seen, fosters self-worth in the individual but also group solidarity, which is an essential element of utu. From another angle, acrobatics itself can be seen as an embodied form of utu because human pyramids epitomize the interconnectedness of bodies and thus highlight the relational aspect of utu. The carrier provides stability from the base, the middle position balances the next level, and the top position enables the formation to reach even higher levels. The pyramids are created by three to twelve acrobats who connect with each other in various formations. All participants must remain in tune, interlinked, and deeply attentive to one another’s movements. Signals are given when instability is perceived, and the pyramid needs to disassemble quickly. Other acrobatic feats are also dependent on the connectedness of the performers, such as rope skipping, which can involve up to four people, or the tiger jump and chair balancing. As performers, acrobats also must ensure that their bodies are groomed and their mental states are sound. Their success depends on the extent to which they respect themselves and each other. Thus, the notion of “I am because you/we are” is a key element of acrobatics.
In response to my question about the values that unite acrobatic troupes, acrobats stressed the notions of kupendana, heshima, and utani, three values that are integral to the practice of utu. Kupendana (“to love each other”) was clearly identified as the primary value and invoked in interviews as key to the functioning of acrobatic troupes. I also observed how acrobats, during training and various gatherings, referenced kupendana in their interactions to resolve conflicts and make decisions. Some group members take on mediating roles, often reminding the group that they are there to support each other and that kupendana is important and should prevail over strife. In all cases of conflict that I observed, solutions were found, even if it took a few hours or several meetings to arrive at a consensus. The lack of kupendana and resulting lack of unity was also raised, especially when acrobats discussed competition among acrobats along the coast and the lack of an umbrella organization that could represent acrobats vis-à-vis the hotels.
James McGivney (Reference McGivney1993) argues that heshima (respect and respectability) and utani (joking) are complementary ways of relating to others in Mijikenda societies. Acrobats invoke both concepts as part of their expression of utu -based practices. Heshima was identified as a key element that holds acrobatic troupes together. Essentially, the term encompasses respect for one another and for fellow human beings, including family, friends, audiences, and managers. Some acrobats also stressed the primary importance of self-respect and stated that “if you don’t respect yourself you can’t respect others.” Acrobats, whether in private or public, practice this self-respect and respect for others through polite forms of interaction but also by paying close attention to their appearance. They wear colorful and clean clothes and dedicate time to personal grooming, especially their elaborate hairstyles. The lack of respect for acrobats and acrobatics, especially from hotels and other employers, emerged as a key theme.
The third principle, utani , which acrobats translated as “joking,” refers to a mode of camaraderie and a form of discourse that unites troupes through a shared rhetorical practice. Utani is etymologically related to utu , and while joking and teasing are essential, there is more to the practice. As Daniel K. Ndagala states, “the reality is that these manifestations are far more intense and obliging than what is often associated with joking. Such expressions are open, sometimes ritualised, verbal or behavioural exchanges” (Reference Ndagala2016, 45). The practice of utani serves a wide range of functions across East Africa, depending on location, ethnic group, and time, but is often associated with what Samuel A. Nyanchoga calls “the leveling of social hierarchies and autocratic tendencies” (Reference Nyanchoga, Kaiser and Okumu2004, 103). I observed contemporary examples of this in the Giriama practice of playfully reversing kinship terms in speech, that is, an uncle calling a nephew “Uncle” ( mjomba ) or an older person calling a small girl “Mama.” Stephen A. Lucas stresses that the linguistic roots of utani are less relevant than understanding “the social institutions, beliefs, and customs that surround utani in order to determine its sociological significance” (Lucas Reference Lucas1974, 93). Acrobatic utani occurs outside of, for example, kinship and village settings, and mainly helps to resolve conflict and increase group cohesion, corresponding to what Thomas J. Herlehy identified as the uses of utani in the coastal region of Kenya (Reference Herlehy1984, 305–306).
Acrobats in Diani and Shariani reference and practice historical and contemporary forms of utu on the Kenyan coast, where larger groups of people raise money for weddings, funerals, and the like, and smaller groups of people either work together on specific projects or raise funds collectively (Berman Reference Berman2017, 68–73). Individually, utu is practiced by supporting family members and friends. If they have a family of their own, acrobats prioritize their spouses and children, but also care for parents or other family members. If they don’t have their own family, they regularly send money to other members of their immediate family, despite their meager earnings. In addition, acrobats support members of the network of acrobats but reciprocity is key: if the person who seeks support has not supported the needs of others, contributions will be scant. When an acrobat passes—sometimes due to a performance-related accident—the funeral rites ( mazishi ) and postburial event ( matanga ) become important occasions for the community to come together. Acrobats from across the coast (and beyond) contribute to the fundraiser, and those living nearby attend various parts of the mazishi throughout its duration. The matanga can become a large gathering, drawing acrobats from far away and featuring acrobatic performances, a DJ, food, and drinks. Weddings ( harusi ) and the celebration when a child is taken out of the house for the first time (zhalusa in Giriama) are also occasions that catalyze fundraisers among acrobats. In Diani, a group of five acrobats formed a financial support group.
Acrobats are not unique in practicing these forms of solidarity; what is distinctive is that they enact them within the context of acrobatic solidarity. That is, acrobatic identity substitutes for village identity. As village-based social bonds have loosened or even ceased to exist, acrobatic communities assume roles once held by the village community. Overall, acrobats are deeply enmeshed in obligations toward members of their acrobatic network as well as their extended families.
Economic activities
The spirit of utu , along with the formative impact of acrobatic practice, inspires enterprising energy at both the group and individual levels. Economic activities are necessarily pursued collectively in their acrobatic careers (since acrobatic acts require a troupe), both locally and internationally. The decision to pursue a career as an acrobat opens a number of pathways that require an enterprising drive: putting oneself out there, taking initiative, and marketing what has been created by the group. First, acrobats develop a show, which requires creativity and a sense for the choreography. Most acrobatic shows that are performed in hotels along the coast include a range of segments that the animation team will expect to be covered. Individual groups will have their signature acts, along with the expected routines. Groups also have to raise funds to acquire costumes and props, thus making a significant investment in their collective enterprise. Second, acrobats must audition in hotels in order to be hired for performances. Securing an audition is challenging, as the animation teams often request bribes and rely on recommendations by known middlemen. It can take months for a qualified group to be allowed on the heavily guarded hotel premises to show its work. Third, groups often audition for other opportunities, such as private events and government-organized cultural activities. Again, success here depends on being networked and having contacts that promote individual groups. As is the case with securing employment in hotels, active perseverance, persuasive skills, and knowledge of how to navigate bribing practices are essential. Fourth, acrobatic troupes produce and submit videos, photos, and personal information to secure international contracts. Here too, most of these opportunities are tied to personal connections. Once an offer has been relayed, they must produce videos of their acts. However, most troupes do not have a proper location where they could film, as the hotels won’t allow them to use their stages. Instead, they will usually film on the beach, where the sand will affect the quality of their performance. The quality of their phone cameras also plays a role. Attaining international employment is the dream of all acrobats; even though they are de facto underpaid given the amount of work required, they tend to be able to save amounts significant enough to acquire a small plot of land or build on ancestral land.
Most groups keep their collective activities to these four areas, but in a few cases, other initiatives occur, especially when acrobats face the realities of old age. Acrobats in Shariani, most of whom are retired from performing in hotels, have developed the “Shariani Arts and Cultural Center” (https://sharianiarts.org/) that trains up to 120 school-age children after school. The Center generates funds through performances in tourist venues, to private groups, and through donations. The Diani Mambo Acrobats Group (https://dianimamboacrobats.org/) that I studied more closely also aspires to create a performance and training center. They have succeeded in acquiring a plot and are now raising funds to create the center.
It should be noted that employment in the hotels occurs in the gray zone between “formal” and “informal” employment, a dichotomy that rarely captures the realities of many economic activities associated with the informal sector (Meagher Reference Meagher2013; Rosaldo Reference Rosaldo2021). For example, all acrobats (like most Kenyans) have a tax payer identification number (known as a KRA pin—Kenya Revenue Authority pin), and several, but not all, hotels in Diani require electronic Tax Invoice Management System (eTims) forms for acrobats to receive payments. However, the low salaries they receive as artists do not move them into the taxable income bracket (Kenya Revenue Authority, n.d.). Low payments from hotels and government events (private performances are more lucrative) therefore necessitate additional income-generating activities. Many of these individual side jobs, such as running small convenience stores ( vibanda ) or passenger transport, require licenses and pay what Mick Moore et al. call “small taxes” that tie the economic activity to the tax system (Reference Moore, Prichard and Fjeldstad2018, 147–77). These side jobs often put acrobats into the taxable range for personal income tax, but to date, compliance among self-employed low-income earners is generally not enforced. Other side jobs fit the notion of the “hustle economy” that “can reflect aspects of informality, precarity, the gig economy, and entrepreneurship, but … also reveals a more complicated story that does not fit into discourses of survivalism and poverty traps or those of uplift and poverty reduction” (Thieme Reference Thieme2025, 6).
Acrobats work for wages in construction, as gardeners, as askari (security guards, especially at night), and as household help. Some are self-employed, often enabled through start-up funds obtained primarily through interactions with European tourists. Passenger transportation is a popular option. Several acrobats I studied operate tuk-tuks, the three-wheelers that are common across Africa and Asia. Others use motorbikes for passenger transport, often after taking out exploitative loans that can lead to repossession of the motorbike because the conditions are difficult to meet (Berman Reference Berman2024). Still others generate additional income through food-vending businesses they run with the support of family members, selling fried cassava, roasted corn, chewing gum, fruit, and other small food items (Figure 4). Food-vending and tuk-tuk businesses provide the greatest financial stability, generating significant income and allowing individuals to support their families.
Acrobat frying cassava. Photograph by Sabine Skiba.
Interpersonal relations are another pathway that enables acrobats to achieve economic stability, though often only temporarily. The relations that acrobats pursue mirror the different types of relationships that have emerged in the context of tourism and through humanitarian and religious networks connecting individuals across these regions, ranging from friendships to romantic relationships. My research shows that many acrobats, or their family members, have been in a relationship with or married to a (mostly) European or North American woman. The complexity and power structures of these relations demand a separate discussion, so I will limit my comments to acknowledging that most of these relationships provide economic and personal opportunities for acrobats and their families, though they also come with significant emotional and economic risk (Berman Reference Berman2017, 127–71, 187–205; Kibicho Reference Kibicho2009; Meiu Reference Meiu2017).
In conclusion, the enterprising spirit that emerges from acrobatic alliances produces both group-based and individual activities that enhance acrobats’ economic well-being. While acrobats succeed in bringing a degree of financial stability to their lives and those of their families, they also face numerous impediments, especially in relation to their professional acrobatic enterprises.
Impediments to Acrobatic Success in Kenya
Mijikenda background and lack of education
Acrobats face hurdles to their enterprising ambitions arising from their ethnicity, socioeconomic background, educational levels, and the conditions of the entertainment industry. As explained in the section on the ethnic background of coastal acrobats, as Mijikenda, they belong to an ethnic society that has experienced a history of marginalization and economic oppression that persists into the postindependence period. Most Mijikenda live in areas with poor infrastructure, including educational infrastructure, and acrobats overwhelmingly come from these disadvantaged backgrounds. Lack of resources often ends their education prematurely, well before completing secondary (now senior secondary) school. This low level of education makes them vulnerable in public life and places a ceiling on their economic aspirations. In particular, their lack of English proficiency and low literacy levels in civic and economic matters subject them to various forms of abuse and fraud, such as police harassment and predatory loans (Berman Reference Berman2024). Entertainment managers, hotel managers, and other stakeholders in the tourism industry, as well as government and business sector representatives, look down on Mijikenda acrobats and consider them to be “low-lives,” thereby conflating their economic and moral status.
Status as artists
In addition, as artists they are seen as living nonnormative lifestyles and are often viewed critically by their fellow citizens. This perception is amplified by their locs, which identify them as “rastas,” a label that associates them—for some, but not all people—with drug use, promiscuity, and laziness, in stark contrast to what acrobats associate with Rastafarianism, namely values such as love and universal justice. While some acrobats use marijuana, most prefer to drink beer or mnazi (palm wine), and primarily on social occasions. Among the acrobats I studied more closely, I am aware of only one individual who used to take hard drugs but has since recovered. Many acrobats have also stopped using marijuana due to the constant risk of police harassment. The presumed promiscuity of acrobats stands in contrast to the fact that men without resources are not very popular with local women (which, as least in part, explains the high number of acrobats in relationships with female tourists). Over the course of my research, I have observed that many acrobats have families and are in stable relationships, mostly with women from the home village, while others have been without a partner for years. Regardless of these realities, acrobats face significant prejudice in the local community.
Overall, these various factors, along with the bias tied to their identity as Mijikenda, generate a precarious situation for acrobats, making them vulnerable to abuse by their employers, government and private sector officials, police, and medical personnel, among others.
Systemic exclusion
Presently, in Diani, acrobats are severely underpaid by most hotels. They are subject to discriminatory practices (including poor communication, abusive comments, and degrading treatment) and receive little respect for their art and skills, despite the enthusiasm they garner from local and international audiences (Figure 5). Generally, they do not have contracts with the hotels, despite being required by several venues to submit tax forms. Overall, salaries for performers have remained largely stagnant over the past twenty years. As reported by senior artists, salaries in 2003 ranged from KSh1,500 to KSh3,000 per show for a group of five or six (the equivalent of roughly US$12 to US$23, though with significantly greater purchasing power at that time). Salaries have increased only marginally since; today, they range between KSh1,500 and KSh9,000 for most shows (roughly US$20 to US$70 per group of five per show, with most hotels paying the lower rates), which amounts to a de facto decrease, even for the highest payment, given the rise in the cost of living. The cost of living has skyrocketed in Kenya; food inflation has been especially dramatic, averaging 9.32 percent per year from 2010 until 2025 (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, n.d.). This has left performers living hand-to-mouth, with hunger knocking on the door, especially during the off-season. While complaints about low wages have increased across the working-class population in Kenya, acrobats and other performing artists are particularly vulnerable. An attempt by Diani acrobats in the spring of 2024 to request a salary raise through a formal letter addressed to entertainment managers was met with disregard and, even worse, led to the cancellation of shows for some of the petitioning acrobats.
Performance at hotel. Photograph by Sabine Skiba.
Figure 5. Long description
A group of five male acrobats perform a balancing act in the center of a room with a black and white checkered floor. The pyramid is structured as follows.
* At the base, one performer stands with legs wide, supporting two acrobats who are positioned horizontally or at angles.
* The middle tier consists of two performers extending their arms and legs outward to maintain balance.
* At the peak, a fifth performer stands upright with arms outstretched, completing the vertical stack.
All performers wear matching black and white costumes with gold waistbands. The performance takes place under a high, vaulted wooden ceiling supported by thick timber pillars. In the background, a painting of a lion is visible on a wall. To the left and right of the checkered performance area, audience members are seated in wicker chairs, watching the show. The scene is illuminated by warm overhead spotlights integrated into the wooden rafters.
Police officers are often on the lookout for “rastas,” on the pretext that they might find marijuana on them, but in practice they seek bribes in exchange for not pressing charges. I witnessed one case in 2023 in which an iPhone was stolen from a white tourist in the Diani area. The suspect was said to have had locs. In an apparent attempt to show action (and likely seeking an opportunity to collect bribes), the police picked up various acrobats and brought them to the station. Even without evidence or an actual charge, acrobats had to get “bailed out” through bribes, a lucrative side business for Kenyan police, who tend to target the most vulnerable populations for additional income. As this event unfolded, acrobats shared various stories illustrating instances of the police harassment they regularly face, and they have continued to inform me of such incidents whenever they occur. Members of the Sarakasi Trust organization in Nairobi confirmed that police harassment also affects acrobats across the Nairobi area.
On several occasions, I observed members of one acrobatic group interacting with government officials. In one case, they wanted to open a bank account and needed a letter from a government official. They were given the runaround across Kwale County, from Kwale to Diani and Msambweni, and back to Diani. Because I provided transport, they accomplished the task in one day, but without that support, they would not have had the means to pay for transportation for the three group members who were authorized to represent the group in financial transactions. In some instances, they had to fight hard to avoid arbitrary requirements imposed by government and bank officials, while in others they had to comply with petty requests. Some officers also use English to assert their authority, the language in which the acrobats are least fluent (after their mother tongue and Kiswahili). In 2025, the renewal process for the self-help group’s certificate was moved to a digital format, accompanied by exorbitant fees. While the responsible government officers assisted the group by revising and scanning the submitted documents (including a five-page form, minutes from various meetings, membership lists, scans of all members’ ID cards, and an annual report), the fees amounted to the equivalent of a month’s rent for a room in the town of Ukunda, where most acrobats live: KSh1,100 for the new certificate, KSh1,000 for the online application, and KSh50 for each of the twelve members. The resulting KSh2,700 (about US$21) was a tremendous burden for the group.
English also functions as a tool of exclusion at some medical facilities, as some doctors and nurses in Kenya use English more than Kiswahili in their interactions with patients. For example, Diani Beach Hospital, the best facility in the area, has an excellent staff of doctors, but not all are proficient in Kiswahili. As a result, unless acrobats have assistance, they may remain uninformed about their medical conditions and fail to take the necessary steps to address them. Other facilities are more accessible in terms of linguistic needs, but acrobats may still encounter the prevailing hostility toward “rastas” or poor people who are unable to pay for necessary treatment.
In addition, the coveted international contracts often contain unfair conditions that acrobats, because of their limited literacy, may not fully understand. Conditions may include significant fines for speaking up or showing up late for a show, as well as clauses that release employers from responsibility if an acrobat falls ill. Contracts in China tend to have more favorable conditions, with acrobats being able to save funds for development at home. Contracts in Iran, India, and Turkey are among the most exploitative.
Acrobats thus experience systemic discrimination and structural violence, as Mijikenda, as individuals from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds, and as artists. They navigate these constant pressures through the reassurance and support derived from membership in an acrobatic troupe and the larger network of acrobats.
Precarious Dignity
Mijikenda acrobats create livelihoods that are sufficiently stable to sustain themselves and their families (even if not primarily through acrobatic work), at levels comparable to or even better than those of many socioeconomically marginalized Kenyans. They build social networks that are grounded in shared identity (Mijikenda, artists, men) and energized by the benefits of kinesthetic practice as well as the moral framework of utu , including the notions of kupendana , heshima , and utani . Their shared identities, together with their equally shared experience of socioeconomic deprivation, drive collective initiatives and confirm the capacity for empowerment inherent in collective economic activity (Cairns et al. Reference Cairns, Southern and Whittam2023; Edobor and Ogunleye Reference Edobor and Ogunleye2015). However, similar to what Kate Meagher (Reference Meagher2010) has shown in her analysis of ethnicity-based enterprise networks, the potentially successful careers that acrobatic practice offers are counteracted by systemic factors that impede the development of poor, undereducated, and marginalized people. As performing artists from a marginalized ethnic group and with a specific public image (e.g., their locs and nonnormative lifestyle), acrobats encounter discrimination, at times even from members of their own ethnic group (such as hotel entertainment managers) who have advanced within existing power structures. These systemic factors limit the initiatives they aspire to pursue as acrobats, including their professional development and the establishment of sustainable economic careers. This situation exemplifies what Felwine Sarr bemoans when he invokes the economic drive that could be unleashed if only Africa were able to create its economy on its own terms, since much of the systemic nature of exclusion is rooted in colonialism and imported social and economic norms (Sarr Reference Sarr, Burk and Jones-Boardman2019, 44).
Is the story of Mijikenda acrobats one of success or failure? Acrobats themselves repeatedly affirmed that they would proudly choose the profession again, if they were to start over, in spite of its challenges. They enjoy their work, the pleasure they bring to audiences, the camaraderie of the group, and the independence that comes with the lifestyle (especially compared to the alternatives, such as working in construction or gardening). They often added that they wished they were more educated so they could represent themselves better, which would enable them to negotiate more lucrative contracts. Corresponding to this self-assessment, this study confirms insights from research on acrobatics and kinesthetic practices, more broadly—namely, that acrobatics strengthens the physical, emotional, and cognitive capabilities of its performers. These varied benefits of acrobatic practice enable acrobats to lead their lives with a sense of self-worth and pride (visible in their practice of utu and their personal styles of appearance, including their locs), and also generate economic initiative. This constellation speaks to the intertwining of economic and sociocultural activities, exemplifying that they are “often inseparable in practice” (Hart et al. Reference Hart, Laville, Cattani, Hart, Laville and Cattani2010, 5). The case of acrobats shows that economic activity is not a distinct phenomenon, and confirms the interrelatedness of economic, cultural, political, and social factors for human well-being. Similar to what Alex Perullo has shown for Tanzania’s music economy, “profit … does not always mean monetary gains,” but rather may refer to the social and cultural capital of economic actors (Reference Perullo2011, xi). This study of Mijikenda acrobats highlights the interplay of sociocultural and economic forms of value, beyond the creation of monetary value. Acrobatic activities, grounded in practices of utu as essential expressions of African humanism, allow acrobats to live dignified lives and to connect social practices both past and present.
Acknowledgements
I am deeply grateful to the anonymous reviewers and the ASR editorial board for their thoughtful, detailed, and constructive feedback on the earlier version of this article.
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The author used OpenAI’s ChatGPT (GPT-5) for minor editorial assistance, limited to improving grammar, syntax, and stylistic consistency. The AI tool did not contribute to the conceptualization, analysis, or interpretation of data. The author reviewed and approved all suggested edits.
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