President Barack Obama and President Nicolas Sarkozy delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Urmas Paet in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning. Foreign Minister Paet. Good morning.

Secretary Clinton. Well, it is a pleasure to welcome my colleague, Minister Paet, again to Washington. We have enjoyed many productive conversations, both in the United States as well as in Estonia and in many other locations as well.

I particularly appreciate the leadership that Estonia showed in hosting the NATO ministerial meeting in Tallinn last April and at the recent NATO summit in Lisbon—the leadership and support that Estonia gave to the new strategic concept that calls for NATO to develop its defense capabilities against growing threats such as ballistic missiles and cyber attacks.

We have a strong and unwavering commitment to engagement between our nations. It's built on mutual respect, common security concerns, shared democratic values, and a history of cooperation from air policing in the Baltic region to development assistance in Afghanistan. The close friendship between our nations goes back many years, but it is certainly rooted in today's world in our admiration for Estonia's remarkable success. Despite years of occupation and depression during much of the 20^th century, the Estonian people never lost sight of the free, democratic, vibrant society they hope to build for themselves.

And in the short space of 20 years since they regained their independence, that's exactly what they've done. Their growth as a wired-in nation of internet voters and cyber innovators, their commitment to good governance, the rule of law, and fiscal responsibility make Estonia one of the most successful models for emerging nationhood anywhere in the world.

Once again, the minister and I covered a wide range of bilateral, regional, and global challenges. We appreciate the cooperation in helping the people of Afghanistan rebuild. We discussed the foreign minister's recent trip to Kabul and Helmand Province. Estonian civilian experts are working with Afghanis to build healthcare facilities and train police officers. Estonian soldiers are serving shoulder-to-shoulder with American troops and our other NATO-ISAF allies. And I thank the Estonian Government and especially the Estonian people for showing their commitment to the ISAF mission with 400,000 Euros in development and humanitarian assistance this year.

Beyond Afghanistan, Estonians have expanded their role as champions of freedom, security, and humanitarian assistance and prosperity from Georgia and Moldova to Haiti and Gaza. We saw this most recently in Belarus, where Minister Paet announced Estonia will maintain its support for an open civil society and educational opportunities for students despite the hostile political environment.

Estonia is also working with their Baltic and Nordic neighbors to liberalize the electricity market in the region and to promote energy independence and security. Through the Cooperative Cyber Defense Centre of Excellence in Tallinn, they have laid the groundwork for NATO's efforts to protect our alliance and our citizens from cyber attacks. And they adopted the euro as their currency this month to expand trade and attract investors.

Now I could go on and on about Estonia, and I have enjoyed already two visits as Secretary of State to Estonia. But what I am most excited about is how closely we are working together to meet the shared challenges of the 21^st century. We are grateful, Minister, for such a dependable, creative and close ally, and we look forward to the work ahead.

Foreign Minister Paet. Thank you very much, and thank you for hosting us here in Washington, and always welcome back to Estonia. Always glad to host you, once again, in Tallinn or in other nice places in Estonia.

But, well, Estonia is also very happy about our very close, open, and strong partnership with United States. Yes, I just also returned from Afghanistan, and I may say that our people on the ground in Helmand Province, also in Kabul, are very happy about direct and very close cooperation with representatives of the United States there. Our very clear and principled position about our joint mission in Afghanistan is that NATO decided together to start the mission in Afghanistan, and the reasons why NATO started with this mission, the reasons were the same for all of our allies and for us as well.

And it also means that decisions about possible withdrawal or possible changes with our mission, we also should make together because also, the environment or circumstances, when and how we can decide it, it's also the same for all of us. So that our very clear position is that these kind of decisions we have to make together among all allies.

2014 in Afghanistan, of course, is crucial, is important—a important year. We all hope that it will be possible for 2014, that security forces and Government of Afghanistan will take over the direct responsibilities for security and development. But at the same time, of course, most important thing is the situation in Afghanistan. I mean here that Afghanistan cannot be or create any risks for other countries, and it is the most important principle for very deep and principled changes for foreign missions in Afghanistan.

Yes, our important concern is also development of new democracies in Europe, and that's why we're going to open next week in Estonia East—European Union's Eastern Partnership Training Center. And of course, also United States is very welcome to participate with grants or with professors in this project.

Energy security is crucial and I'm glad that the United States has clear and strong interest, but concerns increasing the level of energy security in Europe, also in our region, to have new connections with other European countries, to have also alternatives—what concerns the resources of energy—is it nuclear energy or new possibilities to get gas, for example—so that all of this is and describes, again, the clear interest also of ours but also the clear interest of the United States.

And to sum up, then, for Estonia, it is absolutely crucial to see that the European Union—that Europe has a very strong relationship with the United States in all issues. Also, we'd like to see that in—for—in foreseeable future, we can witness new developments in European Union and NATO relationship, which is also crucial for developments of security and also other areas in Europe.

So that in this sense, I am happy, once again, to be here. I am happy to host our American friends in Estonia. And let's move together with all the challenges and issues we still face in today's world. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, my friend.

Foreign Minister Paet. Thank you.

Mr. Toner. We have time for just one question on each side. First is Elise Labott, CNN.

Secretary Clinton. Hi, Elise.

Q. Hi, Madam Secretary. Thank you. I'd like to start with the minister. Secretary Clinton spoke about your efforts in the cyber world, and we know that Estonia is a real leader in cyber security, especially since your attack several years ago. I was wondering, in the wake of WikiLeaks, what the Estonians can help the U.S. with in terms of developing an—as architecture to fend off cyber attacks?

And Madam Secretary, on the Middle East, in Lebanon, we saw that the Saudis, the Turks, and the Qataris have all abandoned efforts to help get the Lebanese Government to be stable, and some kind of mediation—they have abandoned their mediation efforts. Considering that the U.S. was relying very heavily on the Saudis and their influence, what now is the U.S. prepared to do to help these mediation efforts?

And on the Palestinian question, yesterday, a very substantial list of former officials and foreign policy heavyweights sent a letter to the Administration asking them to let this resolution at the UN on the illegality of settlements go ahead. What is the U.S. prepared to do to acknowledge the illegitimacy of settlements while not poking into Israel? Thank you.

Foreign Minister Paet. Thank you for the question. Also today, we discussed at least two very concrete issues that concerns our cooperation in cyber defense and in cyber issues. First, as you know, we have in Estonia NATO's Cyber Defense Centre of Excellence and also the United States is going to participate directly in the work of this center with the specialists, with experts. And this kind of joint cooperation inside the NATO among all of our allies and, of course, also U.S. plays important role here. It is important to develop new possibilities, how to avoid possible new cyber attacks.

Second issue is, for example, with Belarus where electronic mail there or what has relationship with internet and free internet, free electronic mail plays crucial role. Here again, our experts of United States, of Estonia should work together, also maybe with some other countries to find the ways how to assist, how to support the free mail, free electronic mail there, internet mail in Belarus and maybe in some other countries where, unfortunately, we see problems with free world and freedom of press.

Secretary Clinton. Elise, with respect to Lebanon, the United States supports the independence and sovereignty of Lebanon and believes that, ultimately, any decision will have to be made by the Lebanese people. Any mediation effort engaged in by anyone outside of Lebanon itself should be aimed at supporting the people of Lebanon and making decisions that will lead to stability and security, justice, and a commitment to bringing those who committed the murders of Prime Minister Hariri and 22 others to account. I think that over the next days you'll see a lot of activity within Lebanon itself, and we stand ready, as do many others in the region and beyond, to be of assistance. We strongly support the ongoing work of the tribunal and believe that it is in the long-term interest of Lebanon to end impunity for political killing.

With respect to activities concerning the Israeli and Palestinian efforts that we and others support, there is a Quartet meeting of envoys going on in Jerusalem in the next day to discuss the way forward. We continue to believe strongly that the only way that there will be a resolution of the conflict and a two-state solution that will result in an independent, viable Palestinian state and security for Israel is through a negotiated settlement. Therefore, we don't see action in the United Nations or any other forum as being helpful in bringing about that desired outcome. Our position on settlements remains as it has been. I clearly spoke out about that on many occasions, and will continue to do so. But, ultimately, the Palestinian and Israeli people have to make a decision about whether they can engage in negotiations that will result in compromise on both sides to obtain what we believe will be not just two states living side by side in peace and security, but a much better future for the children of both Israelis and Palestinians.

Secretary Clinton. We're working to keep the focus where we think it needs to be, and that's not in New York.

Mr. Toner. The second question, Estonia media.

Q. Hello, and thank you for allowing to ask a question. Madam Secretary, was Estonia's big neighbor Russia mentioned today during the talks and how can Estonia contribute to the success of the reset policy the U.S. has with Russia? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Yes, I don't know that I've ever had a discussion with any Estonian without Russia coming up, and that's only understandable because of history and geography. But I appreciate the support that Estonia has given to our reset efforts, its strong and vocal support of the START Treaty which the United States Senate ratified before the end of last year and which we hope and expect the Duma to ratify very shortly.

We have a long agenda with the Russians that we are pursuing with the support of our allies and friends in NATO and in the EU. Of course, we recognize that it's imperative for Russia to work with and cooperate on many issues from energy to diminishing the threat of any ongoing problem whether it be cyber or anything else. And we're very forthright in raising that with both the Russians and our friends in Estonia and in Europe. Ultimately, we believe that a more regularized, normal relationship with Russia is in the best interest of Eastern Europe, of the Baltics; that's why we're pleased to see a NATO-Russia summit in Lisbon. But there are many continuing challenges that have to be addressed, and we are clear-eyed and realistic about those. Did you want to add anything?

Foreign Minister Paet. I also wondered that it's interesting that with Americans when we meet, there are no meetings without speaking about Russians. So in this instance, it's the same. But yes, I, of course, can confirm also from our side that NATO-Russia, EU-Russia relations, if we manage to improve them to make them more pragmatic and practical, of course, it's possible and positive. And we also are happy that also from U.S. the START agreement has been ratified. I hope that the Russians will do it in the foreseeable future, so that all these kind of steps to make Europe, to make world more stable—also what concerns security, of course—it's also our clear interest. I agree that there are challenges there in Russia still which have their relationship also with internal developments in Russia, internal developments of rule of law and democracy in Russia.

But generally, I hope that it will be possible, step by step move closer to normal and every day's normal relationship between NATO and Russia, between EU and Russia because it's also our clear interest.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Foreign Minister Paet. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks with Minister Trinidad Jiménez in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning, everyone, and it is such a pleasure to welcome the minister here for her first official visit in this new capacity. I met with her in Lisbon and asked if she could come early in the year, and I'm delighted this worked out. We just had a wide-ranging and productive discussion about mutual security, economic and development goals around the world. I look forward to many more such conversations.

The enduring partnership between the United States and Spain is rooted in friendship and common values. We are not only bilateral partners, but regional and global as well, and united in a shared vision for a world that is peaceful, secure, and prosperous.

Are we going to translate as we go or are we going to do it in English?

Foreign Minister Jiménez. No, I can do it in English.

Secretary Clinton. Okay. I wish I could do it in Spanish.

We discussed the evolving situation in Lebanon where Spanish soldiers have served in the peacekeeping operations of UNIFIL, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon, under a Spanish commander. We both share deep concerns about the influence of outside forces, and we hope to see a government emerge that will serve the interests of the people of Lebanon and sustain the independence and sovereignty of Lebanon.

As NATO allies, we have worked closely and comprehensively to support the people of Afghanistan as they rebuild their country. Spanish troops are fighting the insurgency in Badghis Province and helping Afghan forces take lead responsibility for their own security. At the same time, civilian experts from Spain are helping Afghans grow food crops, train police forces, build roads that connect the country's far-flung rural communities.

As global partners, we are working side by side to solve some of the most pressing problems. Both our countries are committed to fighting chronic hunger. Spain was one of the founding contributors to the World Bank's Global Agriculture and Food Security Program, which has already helped farmers boost productivity, encouraged investments in high-yield technologies, and helped improve nutrition for women and children.

With its historical and lasting ties with Spanish-speaking countries, Spain is an especially important partner in this hemisphere. We are working together to help the people and governments of Central America ensure safety and build prosperity. After the United States, Spain is the second largest donor of development assistance in the region, including its work with the Group of Friends, a consortium of governments and organizations that fosters aid donations. It is actively working in Guatemala, El Salvador, Mexico, Colombia, so many other places. And I want to thank the government and the people of Spain, especially during what I know are challenging economic conditions for all you are doing to help people get a better education, to help farmers, to help bring clean water and so much more to advance development. But I would expect no less, because Spain is a great champion for human rights not only in the Western Hemisphere but around the world.

I expressed our thanks for its work with the Catholic Church to secure the release of political prisoners and for Spain's ongoing efforts to encourage Cuba to release Alan Gross, who has been harshly and unfairly jailed for too long. I also appreciate all the work that Spain is doing in Haiti. They have worked with a wide range of international partners donating food and medical supplies, providing doctors and nurses, and now working with us to ensure a legitimate, democratically elected government.

Now, we have both been challenged by economic circumstances over the last two years. And Spain and the Spanish Government, under the leadership of Prime Minister Zapatero, has taken decisive measures to reduce its debt, calm the markets, reassure other Eurozone partners that it's working toward financial stability. We know how important a healthy Spanish economy is.

As we look toward the future, we see many, many challenges, but I feel much better and take great comfort in the fact that Spain and the United States will be working together.

Foreign Minister Jiménez. Thank you. Thank you very much Secretary of State Hillary.

Hello, good morning. Let me start by expressing my deep satisfaction of being here in the State Department and in this great country and this great capital. I'm very grateful to be here and to have the opportunity to exchange views of many things that we have in common.

We had a very fruitful exchange of ideas. Spain and the United States are close friends and close allies, and we are close partners, bilaterally speaking, but also inside the European Union and also within the G-20. We have to speak about so many issue, as the Secretary of State has explained. More specific, our talks today have (inaudible) the quality and intensity of our relation. We have covered a broad range of topic in a very short time, almost an hour. But we have found a high degree of proximity and mutual understanding and empathy.

In the field of bilateral relation, we have touched upon the issue of common interest and concern. It included a string of visits. I expressed my desire to receive her in Spain as soon as possible.

Secretary Clinton. I expressed my desire to do so.

Foreign Minister Jiménez. We are waiting for her. Trade and investment relation, (inaudible). So we have so many things now in which we are working. (Inaudible) issue that has been mentioned here in the—of our meeting. But also security and cooperation, the field of defense, has been part of our work talks. In that same, we have opted for ascending the Defense Cooperation Agreement, which is—which expires next February introducing (inaudible). We also exchanged views of Afghanistan (inaudible) of our (inaudible) determination to assist success in the process of transition endorsed by the political leader for (inaudible).

We have been speaking about also the current situation in the Maghreb. This is also very important. It's (inaudible) strategic important for Spain but also for the United States. We have exchanged views on the Western Sahara, but Tunisia also has been part of our talks today, very important also for us. Also we have spoke about Middle East, Lebanon, the new Government of Lebanon and how we can coordinate our position, our initiative in order to get stabilization of the region.

Spain and the United States also share a profound attachment to Latin America. We have strong historical ties, have become the two main investors in the continent. Well, we share also view about Central America, and we are planning to collaborate and coordinate our position because, well, there is a problem of security in the region in which we can coordinate some initiative with our different (inaudible), cooperation (inaudible). And so I think we will develop that opportunity to work intensively together.

Also we have spoke about Haiti. We are also worried about the situation of Haiti, and we want—I mean, to be together also in that process in order to recognize the result of the election, the recent election. So we are working together with some other countries in the region—Canada, and Brazil—but also with the United Nations mission and the European Union.

I don't want to finish without mention also the—our decide for the candidacy of Mr. Moratinos to the FAO so—well, in the end we—what I want to say is that we want to thank, once again, Secretary of State for your kindness and your commitment with Spain and with our country, I mean, for the future of our relationship. So I feel very happy to be here. I thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much.

Foreign Minister Jiménez. Thank you.

Q. Madam Secretary, on Lebanon, do you anticipate being able to continue a normal, political, or aid relationship with a Lebanese Government that's—in which Hezbollah is believed to be calling the shots. I know outgoing Prime Minister Hariri described it as tantamount to a coup. What's your expectation for the future of our relations?

And in our tradition of two-parters, there are some major demonstrations in Egypt today, and I'm wondering if there is concern in Washington about the stability of the Egyptian Government, of course, a very valuable ally of the United States?

Secretary Clinton. Well, David, we are watching the situation closely and carefully in Lebanon. We are monitoring new developments. As you know, the government formation is just beginning. A Hezbollah-controlled government would clearly have an impact on our bilateral relationship with Lebanon. Our bottom lines remain as they always have been. First, we believe that justice must be pursued and impunity for murder ended. We believe in Lebanon's sovereignty and an end to outside interference. So as we see what this new government does, we will judge it accordingly.

With respect to Egypt, which, as your question implied, like many countries in the region, has been experiencing demonstrations. We know that they've occurred not only in Cairo but around the country, and we're monitoring that very closely. We support the fundamental right of expression and assembly for all people, and we urge that all parties exercise restraint and refrain from violence. But our assessment is that the Egyptian Government is stable and is looking for ways to respond to the legitimate needs and interests of the Egyptian people.

Q. Secretary Clinton, regarding Tunisia, I wonder if you could elaborate a little bit more on the discussions you had today with Minister Jiménez. And also, how likely do you see the possibility of the violence in Tunisia spreading to the rest of the region, and if you're planning to collaborate?

And for Minister Jiménez, I'd like to know if you have expressed some disappointment to Secretary Clinton with the fact that Guantanamo is not being closed. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Well, first, with respect to Tunisia, both the United States and Spain have a great interest in and commitment to Tunisia and the people of Tunisia. We each have our respective involvements that have been focused on our bilateral relations. But at this point in time, we are very much concerned about how we help the people of Tunisia make this transition. I have spoken to the foreign minister and to the interim prime minister, the prime minister as recently as this weekend. I'm encouraged by the direction that they are setting toward inclusive elections that will be held as soon as practicable. But there's a long way to go. As the minister and I were discussing, there's no experience. There's no institutional muscle memory about how you do this. And, therefore, Spain, United States, European Union, United Nations, other organizations around the world that want to see this transition successful and leading to a democratic vibrant outcome are offering whatever help we can. In fact, Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern Affairs Jeffrey Feltman is in Tunisia right now meeting with a full cross section of Tunisians to hear from them firsthand how they want to see this process unfold. So we're going to stay in very close touch, and I know that this will be on the agenda of the European Union on Monday—

Foreign Minister Jiménez. Monday, yeah.

Secretary Clinton.—when there's a full meeting. And before I turn to the minister, on Guantanamo, let me say how much President Obama and I appreciate what Spain has already done. We are absolutely committed to closing Guantanamo. It's turned out to be a little more challenging than we had hoped when we set that goal, but there is no doubt about our commitment, and the continuing support from friends like Spain will enable us to keep moving in that direction.

Foreign Minister Jiménez. Thank you. If you don't mind, Secretary, I prefer speaking in Spanish in order to give—

Secretary Clinton. Yes.

Foreign Minister Jiménez.—a Spanish voice to the media about Guantanamo. As the Secretary has said, this is something that we discussed, and Spain is supporting the U.S. Government in its decision to close Guantanamo. Spain and Europe support the United States in its firm decision in this regard, and for that reason, Spain has already received three detainees from Guantanamo. We hope that the U.S. will continue its good efforts with the U.S. Congress in this regard and there will be continued and greater efforts from European countries to help to this end. We're doing this because we are friends, we are allies, and we believe that this is a good decision.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Munich, Germany

Secretary Clinton. Well, good morning, and it's very good to back in Munich. Thank you, Wolfgang, for your continuing leadership, and it was wonderful to see Chancellor Merkel earlier today, and I'm here with so many of my colleagues, and, of course, Foreign Minister Westerwelle and all who are working on behalf of our common objectives.

I'm also delighted to be sharing this session with the President. I'm looking forward to our discussion and will be meeting later with Lady Ashton who has become an indispensible partner on so many issues during the last 14 months.

I want to make remarks on two important subjects briefly. First, America's enduring commitment to Europe and European security and then how we view the recent upheaval in the Arab world. The events unfolding on Europe's doorstep remind us that in today's interconnected world, rapid change is the new norm. The past several years have been difficult on both sides of the Atlantic. The United States face down the most serious financial crisis since the 1930s. We have broken the back of the recession, but we are still challenged by high unemployment in debt.

In Europe, the financial crisis has caused deep pain and anxiety about the health of the Euro-zone. And I know that from time to time, on your side of the Atlantic, critics worry that America is preoccupied with its domestic problems or distracted by Afghanistan and other global issues.

On our side, critics fear Europe's fiscal difficulties and political constraints will prevent it from remaining a robust partner in promoting global security. But the contents of my inbox tell a very different story. They show a strategic partnership between Europe and the United States that has never been stronger.

On the economic front, the ties between us run deep. The transatlantic economy accounts for more than half of world trade, and when it comes to investment, the numbers are higher still. Now, these figures will change over time. And emerging markets are, indeed, promising. But our partnership is proven, and it must endure if we are to promote sound market-driven economic policies in countries around the world, level playing fields, and fight protectionist forces in an increasingly globalized economy.

This is crucial work because strong economies are the ultimate foundation for our security and leadership. We are also working together to fight poverty, disease, and hunger. The United States and Europe together are responsible for nearly 80 percent of all international development aid. And this, too, is an essential component of common security. We have seen over and over again that healthy prosperous societies are more likely to be good partners, and of course, we work together to secure peace.

In Afghanistan, nearly 40,000 Europeans serve alongside U.S. troops and those of 47 other nations in the International Security and Assistance Force. Together we are striving to build a durable peace by training Afghanistan's police and army, and it is a strategy that is beginning to bear fruit. And we are stretching beyond traditional military solutions. In so many aspects of our partnership in Afghanistan, we see a difference.

On Iran, Europe and the United States joined together to give Tehran a clear choice: Meet your international commitments to demonstrate that your nuclear program is peaceful, or face increasing pressure and isolation. And last year, Russia joined us in voting for tough Security Council sanctions, an important precedent that we intend to build on.

In many other regions, we are also cooperating—preventing violence during the referendum on Southern Sudan, curbing piracy off the Horn of Africa, taking a unified stance on Belarus to support free and fair elections, defending civil society where it is under pressure, imposing sanctions on those responsible for human rights violations, promoting economic growth and democratic governance in the Western Balkans, and working to integrate the region more deeply with the EU and NATO remains a shared goal. In all of these ways and many more, our relationship with Europe is, as President Obama put it, the cornerstone of our engagement with the world and a catalyst for global cooperation.

But we are not standing pat. Our relationship continues to evolve. We've been working together to modernize and enhance the European security architecture, an effort that culminated with the approval of NATO's new strategic concept in Lisbon last year. As Secretary Gates has noted, now that the strategic concept has been approved, we are reviewing its implications for the U.S. force structure in Europe. Ultimately, our decision will be guided by a fundamental principle: We will maintain the necessary balance of forces and capabilities to meet our enduring commitment to Article Five. And we will maintain our ability to protect ourselves and our allies, not just against traditional threats, but also new ones such as cyber attacks, terrorism, and weapons of mass destruction.

Perhaps none of these threats is more pressing today than the proliferation of ballistic missiles. President Obama has outlined a new approach to European missile defense which was endorsed by allied leaders in Lisbon. The European phased-adaptive approach will protect us against the current generation of missiles. And it will evolve over time as the threat evolves. This year we will be taking missile defense off the drawing board and putting it into action starting with the deployment of radar systems on land and Aegis ships in the Mediterranean.

We have made it absolutely clear we will not accept any constraints on our missile defenses. The U.S. Government will do what is necessary to protect America, our forces, our allies and friends from attacks, from countries outside of Europe. In Lisbon, allied leaders also reaffirmed our desire to cooperate with Russia on missile defense and President Medvedev embraced that idea. We seek a genuinely cooperative approach to this common challenge; one that strengthens cooperation with Russia and increases our common security while maintaining strategic stability. We have already started that conversation with Moscow about how this can be accomplished in practice, and we are eager to begin a joint analysis, joint exercises, and sharing of early warning data that could form the basis for a cooperative missile defense system. We will work together to ensure that our missile defense systems are mutually reinforcing.

The New START Treaty between the United States and Russia is another example of the kind of clear-eyed cooperation that is in everyone's interests. I am delighted that Minister Lavrov and I will be exchanging instruments of ratification of the New START Treaty later today. We will also discuss further arms control issues including nonstrategic and non-deployed nuclear weapons and our ongoing work to revive, strengthen, and modernize the regime on conventional forces.

The work we are doing together today is part of a journey we have been taking for more than 60 years. Since the end of World War II, we have worked shoulder to shoulder to advance security and freedom throughout Europe to create a Europe that is whole, secure, and free. We have seen many nations make democratic transitions and begin contributing to growing stability and security across the continent and across the Atlantic. This project is not yet complete, and it has not always been easy, but we see its benefits again and again as more free nations share in the progress of the Euro-Atlantic community.

In the Middle East, we have not yet seen security and democratic development converge in the same way. Let me offer a few observations about where we've come from and where we need to go. We have built strong security partnerships with countries across the region to promote peace between Israel and her neighbors, to curb Iran's dangerous nuclear ambitions, to support economic development, to stop the spread of terrorism, and we will continue to advance these goals, these goals we believe are essential to American and European security as well as the security of the people in the region.

For decades, though, most of these same governments have not pursued the kind of political and economic reforms that would make them more democratic, responsible, and accountable. In Doha last month, I urged the leaders of the region to address the needs and aspirations of their people and offer a positive vision for the future for their sake and for ours because the region is being battered by a perfect storm of powerful trends. A growing majority of its people are under the age of 30. Many of these young people, even the most educated among them, cannot find work.

At the same time, however, they are more connected with each other and with events occurring around them because of technology. And this generation is rightly demanding that their governments become more effective, more responsive, and more open. All of this is taking place against a backdrop of depleting resources. Water tables are dropping, and oil reserves are running out.

Leaders in the region may be able to hold back the tide for a little while, but not for long. That has been the story of the last weeks. It is what has driven demonstrators into the streets of Tunis, Cairo, and cities throughout the area. The status quo is simply not sustainable. So for all our friends, for all the friends in the region including governments and people, the challenge is to help our partners take systematic steps to usher in a better future where people's voices are heard, their rights respected, and their aspirations met.

This is not simply a matter of idealism. It is a strategic necessity. Without genuine progress toward open and accountable political systems, the gap between people and their governments will only grow, and instability will only deepen. Across the region, there must be clear and real progress toward open, transparent, fair, and accountable systems. Now, in some countries, this transition is happening quickly; in others it will take more time. Different countries face different circumstances.

And of course, there are risks. There are risks with the transition to democracy. It can be chaotic. It can cause short-term instability. Even worse—and we have seen it before—the transition can backslide into just another authoritarian regime. Revolutions have overthrown dictators in the name of democracy only to see the political process hijacked by new autocrats who use violence, deception, and rigged elections to stay in power or to advance an agenda of extremism.

So the transition to democracy will only work if it is deliberate, inclusive, and transparent. Those who want to participate in the political system must commit to basic principles such as renouncing violence as a tool of political coercion, respecting the rights of minorities—ethnic and religious minorities, participating in a spirit of tolerance and compromise. Those who refuse to make those commitments do not deserve a seat at the table. We will continue to champion free and fair elections as an essential part of building and maintaining a democracy.

But we know elections alone are not sufficient. They're not even sufficient to secure lasting change. So we also must work together to support the institutions of good governance, the rule of law and an independent judiciary, transparency and a free press, strong political parties, protection for the rights of minorities and more, because those, indeed, are the building blocks of a true democracy.

The transition to democracy is more likely to be peaceful and permanent when it involves both the government in power and a broad cross-section of the citizenry. So in addition to supporting institutions and free and fair elections, we are committed to supporting strong civil societies, the activists, organizations, congregations, intellectuals, reporters who work through peaceful means to fight corruption and keep governments honest. Their work enriches the soil in which democracy grows.

So the United States urges the leaders of the region to work with civil society, to see it as a partner rather than a threat, and making the political, economic, and social reforms that are being called for. And just as America engages leaders in the region, we will continue to engage the people through civil society, through dialogue like the town halls that I have enjoyed doing on my travels.

Now, some leaders may honestly believe that their country is an exception, that their people will not demand greater political or economic opportunities, or that they can be placated with half measures. Again, in the short-term that may be true, but in the long-term it is untenable. And in today's world where people are communicating every second of every day, it is unbelievable. Other leaders raise fears that allowing too much freedom will jeopardize security, that giving a voice to the people, especially certain elements within their countries, will lead to chaos and calamity. But if the events of the last weeks prove anything, it is that governments who consistently deny their people freedom and opportunity are the ones who will, in the end, open the door to instability.

So when we make this case to our friends in the region, we do so in the fundamental belief that their countries will emerge stronger and more prosperous if their societies are more open and responsive. Democracies with vibrant and truly representative institutions resolve differences not in the streets, but in city halls and parliament buildings. That is what leads to real stability and security. That is what leads to prosperity. That is what makes countries even stronger allies.

And we have our own experience to look to. This alliance of the Euro-Atlantic community has stood the test of time. And America has always, even when Europe was not wholly free, stood for the principle that free people govern themselves best. I look out at this audience. I see presidents and prime ministers and foreign ministers from countries that were neither free nor truly secure not so long ago and who today are, and whose examples are inspirations to so many seeking that same kind of future. We believe that that is the best foundation to build on for a more peaceful and prosperous world. Thank you very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Munich, Germany

Secretary Clinton. First, let me thank the hosts and organizers of this conference. It is fitting that we celebrate this moment here in Germany, a country that once embodied the divisions of the Cold War, but now brings us together on behalf of global security.

I also want to acknowledge, Minister Lavrov, there are a number of members of Congress who are here for the event. I want to thank all of them. Some were very strong supporters of the treaty, and others helped to make our efforts even better.

When we met two years ago not long after the 2009 Munich Conference, we exchanged gifts, ideas, and pledges to repair relations between our countries, and today we exchange the instruments of ratification for a treaty that lessens the nuclear dangers facing the Russian and American people and the world.

Two years ago, we all laughed about the translation of the ceremonial “reset” button that I gave to the foreign minister in Geneva. But when it came to the translation that mattered most, our two countries, led by our two presidents, turned words into action to reach a milestone in our strategic partnership.

And when it comes to the button that has worried us the most over the years, the one that would unleash nuclear destruction, today, we take another step to ensure it will never be pushed. With the exchange of these instruments, we commit ourselves to a course of action that builds trust, lessens risks, and improves predictability, stability, and security. Our countries will immediately begin notifying each other of changes in our strategic forces. Within 45 days, we will exchange full data on our weapons and facilities. And 60 days from now, we can resume the inspections that allow each side to trust, but verify.

I thank both of our negotiating teams that worked so far for so long for their professionalism and seriousness of purpose, and I congratulate the Russian chief negotiator, Anatoly Antonov, who has now become a deputy defense minister. And our Under Secretary Ellen Tauscher and our Assistant Secretary Rose Gottemoeller stand ready to continue the cooperative relationship that this treaty demonstrates.

So Minister Lavrov, I thank President Medvedev, I thank you, I thank your team and your country for the leadership that this moment represents, and we look forward to working together as we continue to build on the positive relationship that we have developed.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Radoslaw Sikorski delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Vice President Joe Biden and President Tarja Halonen delivered these remarks in Helsinki, Finland

President Halonen. So once again, good morning to everybody. I think that Vice President Biden has chosen a very, very good day to visit Finland because today marks the 100 years anniversary of the International Women's Day. And I think that both—you yourself, your wife and your granddaughter are very pleased at that.

So you already know that we all very warmly welcome you, Vice President Biden, to Finland. Our discussions today have been fruitful, and I have a feeling that we have succeeded update quite many topical issues. Of course, it was too short time, anyway.

But relations between Finland and the United States of America are excellent and the reason to support continuation of many contacts. But as we have also said, the United States is an important partner for us—for Finland, for Europe. And I hope so that old friends have strong ties, and we could also be looking for new opportunities to cooperate. Finland is committed to develop further our bilateral relations in all things— I've already mentioned cultural cooperation, trade, investments, green economy, clean technologies. I know you are interested in the welfare state system, health, education, gender—whatever you mentioned earlier.

But we are a part of the—part of the global system, the part of the world. I already said that I felt very strongly when President Obama—first time held a speech in the United States, General Assembly. And I was witnessing him, and I had gained a feeling that it was a very, very welcome speech. So I'm very pleased then with President Barack Obama and his administration. You yourself have been placing more emphasis on the work done in the United Nations and other multilateral organizations. We do need it. We are very happy that your administration, including also Hillary Clinton, have taken very strong interest in women in all speeches and always done in security—and everywhere.

So the United States and Europe have worked hard for democracy, human rights and the rule of law and people decide what is values is very strong.

We spoke also of the recent events in Northern Africa and in Libya, particularly. And there are signs that the international community is quite unanimous on that, that the will of the people should be that what we are hoping for, not giving the possibilities only for those who have very strong military and many forces.

So both the humanitarian situation and also the grasp for the stability of the—are on our mind. And I give it more for you how you feel about Northern Africa.

Finland and United States have worked side by side in many crises, humanitarian operations and I think that we have a respect for both sides concerning Afghanistan and also many other countless systems.

Finland is not a member of NATO, but an acting Partnership for Peace country, such as Sweden, Austria and Ireland, for example. And we share—both a responsibility in many ways—to work. So—for the—it's for the Afghans for themselves—democracy, the rule of law and the respect of human rights, including the rights of women and the girls. But as we discussed Afghanistan, we left all—the crisis of—so what has been committed is past, but looking forward to speak more for the sustainable development of the global work and for both of our countries. So I do hope so that we can find those ways how to combine stable economic growth, social justice and ecologically sustainable development. We will have a good—with our governments, with a lot of the good ministers.

To the media I would say that it's not only the President and the Prime Minister in Finland who are women, but—aside my job, in the government, there are also ladies.

And what the world is needing, more women—but also more progressive men because it's not—having lots of those. So, Mr. Biden, you are most welcome.

Vice President Biden. Well, thank you, Madam President. I apologize for—we kept the press a little bit. I would prefer that I had a whole day to spend with the President. I notice a couple of you remarking that we keep smiling and laughing. There's a whole lot of reasons for that. Most of all it's based on how comfortable the President has made me feel and all our countrymen.

Our ambassador was—who we're very proud of—was saying nothing but good things about his stay here in Finland and about you, Madam President.

And we have agreed—I've invited the President, if she has the time when she's in the States, I'd like to take her up on her offer to spend more time with me because there's so much more that we have to talk about. It's great to be back here in Helsinki. This is an absolutely beautiful capital with a very, very long history of very important contributions to international affairs.

It seems like yesterday—I know you're not old enough to remember but I remember as a U.S. senator the Helsinki Accords and how—

President Halonen. We are exactly the same age. Both 68 years old.

Vice President Biden. But seriously when you think about how the world has changed, how it's changed so remarkably. And I would mark the Helsinki Accords as one of those moments when the tides of history really began to move. And Finland remains in the forefront of a range of global challenges.

The President was very complimentary about the remarks of the address of my President to the General Assembly, and I was telling her that the President and I—but the President feels very strongly that it's not sufficient that America exercises a leadership role merely by the example of its power, but by the power of our example—not just by the example of our power, but the power of our example.

And we understand fully and welcome the fact that this is a world in which no one nation has the capacity to change the course of history for the better. Some have the capacity to change it for the worse, but no one nation has the capacity to change it for the better.

The American people and the people of Finland enjoy a strong and very enduring relationship, reflecting of the fact that we've often stood shoulder-to-shoulder in responding to global crises, as we continue to do. And in that vein, I want to thank the President for her recent trip to the Middle East, which continued to demonstrate Finland's commitment to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and her visit to Afghanistan. We almost were there the exact same day.

President Halonen. Yes, it was.

Vice President Biden. I think we missed by a day or two.

I have made multiple visits to Afghanistan, and yet we found that our assessment was fairly consistent as to where we stand at the moment, and we have been standing, quite frankly, side-by-side in the International Security Assistance Force. In Mazar-e-Sharif, the Fins and the Swedes have done a great, great job, and we appreciate them very, very much.

In fact, as I said, we had a very similar view about the commitment that was taken—and by the way, Finland has been just a great and critical partner also in unleashing economic potential, new technologies in combating climate change, in combating nuclear proliferation and in a responsible search—I emphasize a responsible search—for resources in the Arctic region, which we look to Finland's leadership and example.

And innovation, as we both discussed, is the key—is the key to the future—and Finland has been a renowned global leader in that department fueled by a truly world-class system of public education, which I also sought some input—didn't have enough time really to talk about it more—but I hope when the President is in New York, you may be able to come to Washington—about the great success of your public education system, which is of the highest priority for President Obama and me in the United States.

Vice President Biden. President Obama has said many times, Madam President, the United States supports a strong and united Europe so that together—together—we can face and meet the extraordinary challenges and seize the extraordinary opportunities of our time.

We are extremely grateful, and I mean this sincerely that Finland shares our vision of a robust transatlantic relationship. And we also thank you for all you've done to make that relationship real and make it thrive.

Let me conclude by saying that it seems only fitting to be here in Helsinki on International Women's Day. It is not hyperbole to suggest that Finland has been a leader in the world—in the world—a pioneer when it comes to women having the right to an equal—equal—place in society. And I believe that to be the single greatest moral imperative of our time. And I mean that literally.

Vice President Joe Biden and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin delivered these remarks in Moscow, Russia

Prime Minister Putin. Mr. Vice President—(inaudible)—there are quite a few things to enjoy in Moscow. And you haven't been here for quite a while. Since you've been here last time, and over this period of time, Moscow and Russia has changed a lot, and for the better I might add.

Vice President Biden. I would agree.

Prime Minister Putin. You might be interested in getting to know Russia better, visiting other sights and cities. And on top of that, the relationship between our two countries has been developing quite well. Last year, the (inaudible) Russia has grown by 29 percent.

Turning—we have completed several important things, including seeding for and verification of START III, and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. And the major American companies are doing business in Russia and are doing well. To name a few, General Electric, Boeing and Chevron—virtually all the biggest companies are here.

And it is especially pleasing for us to witness the rise of the presence of big Russian investments between—again, we are very pleased and very thankful to you for the fact that this has been—(inaudible)—and very sensitive areas such as I referred to earlier, use of nuclear energy. And I'm pleased with the fact that all of it has been passed through the procedures of the Foreign Investment Commission, and we are grateful for you for that to happen.

Again, it was very obvious to see the (inaudible) between the U.S. and Russian people is on the right track.

Currently, we are in the process of negotiating the possibility of the visa-free exchange between Russia and the countries of the European Union. The fact of the matter is, the U.S. enjoys this visa-free regime of exchange with virtually all of those countries in Europe.

This will be an important step in development of the Russia-U.S. relationship if we work first to introduce this visa-free regime of exchange between U.S.-Russia rather than European Union and Russia.

Vice President Biden. Good idea.

Prime Minister Putin. Let's look to break all the outdated stereotypes con- cerning Russia and the U.S. Thus we have turned over a very substantial part of our history during this stage and we have started to have everything new. That would support absolutely before the—in the relationship between Russia and the U.S.

And with this positive relation on your part, Distinguished Mr. Vice President, such an important person in the U.S. administration with clout (inaudible).

Vice President Biden. Mr. Prime Minister, in case you haven't noticed, there's a real difference between being President and Vice President. The very good news is the President and I agree 100 percent on the need to continue to establish a closer and closer relationship.

That's why the very first foreign policy annunciation our administration made was when I made the speech in Munich that it was time to push the reset button and change the atmosphere.

I would view the previous eight years—did not take advantage of the opportunities that exist for both our countries. It does not really matter how—it's in our self-interest and I hope in the self-interest of Russia to have our relationship grow.

I've made one observation the last two years, when other countries around the globe have a problem they either go to Moscow or Washington. They don't want to go to the other capitals.

We have an opportunity to build on this over the years. Not only on New START, cooperation in Afghanistan, cooperation on drugs, cooperation in—a whole range of other areas—now is the time to focus on the economy.

You mentioned Boeing; yesterday, I met with a group of American and Russian CEOs—conference. A Russian—the chairman of a Russian organization, I'll not state it, said that there was reason for American companies to be here because the markets are here and named some other reasons why it was in the interest of American companies.

The chairman of Boeing USA in Russia said, I beg to disagree with my friend. He said the market in China for aircraft is seven times bigger. He said let me tell you why we're here. Russia has the best engineers in the world. Russia has intellectual capital. Russia is a great nation. Your titanium lets the planes fly that you buy.

Prime Minister Putin. Allow me to make a point, we have the largest in the world engineering center here in Moscow.

Vice President Biden. There's a reason. Mr. Prime Minister, I've been around a long time. The first time I was here—the second time I was here, I was here meeting with President Brezhnev. We were trying to pass SALT II—

Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks at Moscow State University in Moscow, Russia

Vice President Biden. [T]oday, I want to address—and the main reason I'm here—is the state of U.S.-Russian relations. I don't need to tell anyone in this audience that our administration, when we took office in January of ‘09, our relationship with Russia had hit a fairly low point that had accumulated over the previous eight years.

Yes, so we saw a war between Russia and Georgia played out, and played a role in that decline. But even before that conflict erupted in August of ‘08, a dangerous drift was underway in this important relationship. While we no longer considered each other enemies, we couldn't always tell from the rhetoric that was flying back and forth across the continent.

Ironically, this came at a time when American and Russian interests—on nuclear arms control, nonproliferation, stabilizing Afghanistan, fighting terrorism, opening global markets and a range of other issues—at a time when all of them, we were more closely aligned than ever on each and every one of those issues.

So to seize this opportunity, President Obama and I proposed forging a fresh new start by, as I said in the initial speech on our foreign policy, by pressing a restart button, reset button. We wanted to literally reset this relationship, reset it in a way that reflected our mutual interests, so that our countries could move forward together.

The President asked me to make that “reset” the focus of our administration's first foreign policy speech, that I delivered several weeks after our inauguration at the Munich Security Conference. And I said then, and I quote, “the United States and Russia can disagree and still—still—work together where our interests coincide. And they coincide in many places.”

Now, we know that pursuing this agenda—we knew pursuing this agenda would be hard work, that old habits—as we say in America, old habits die hard. That's why President Obama has met nearly a dozen times with President Medvedev, and why together we established a Bilateral Presidential Commission with working groups on key issues like arms control and energy, broadening the contacts between our two governments.

And in spite, in spite of what we call—excuse me, in the spirit of what we call in America a “dual-track engagement,” we've also worked to deepen our ties between our countries’ business leaders, including many of the distinguished men and women in this room, as well as between our civil society groups.

Our business and civil society summits, alongside our presidential summits in 2009 and 2010, were in my view very important in strengthening these relationships. We believed then, and still believe, in focusing on concrete outcomes that serve both countries’ interests, as President Obama puts it, “win-win,” situations.

And we reject—we reject, the President and I—the tired theory that our values and our interests must compete for influence over our politics. We flat reject that notion because we believe and we will continue to stand up for our principles. And I believe those principles make all of us, Americans and Russians alike, more secure, more prosperous, and more free.

Two years since we pressed that reset button, I would argue the benefits of this approach to both our countries are absolutely clear on issue after issue. Arms control: We signed and ratified a New START Treaty, which will reduce our deployment of strategic weapons while ensuring that we maintain stable and predictable verification.

The two countries with the largest nuclear arsenals showed the world that they are serious about arms control and strengthening global nonproliferation. And that gave us even more credibility to deal with the most egregious violators of their international commitments.

Iran: With our partners in the so called P5 plus 1, we—Russia and the United States—gave Tehran a chance for meaningful dialogue based on mutual interests and mutual respect to develop peaceful nuclear means. They simply rejected it. So Russia and the United States, along with our partners on the U.N. Security Council, adopted what is known as Resolution 1929, the most extensive package of sanctions Iran has ever faced.

And Moscow, on its own and to its own—as costing it in dollars and rubles—Moscow took another important step: It canceled its contract to sell to Iran S-300, air-defense missile systems, which was an unambiguous sign—an unambiguous sign—of international resolve that Iran must address the concerns that we have over their nuclear program.

North Korea — working closely with Russia and our other international partners on the threat posed by Pyongyang, we adopted another U.N. resolution, referred as 1874, which authorized inspections—almost unprecedented, authorized inspections of vessels—Korean vessels—suspected of carrying nuclear materials into or out of their country. And the nations of the world have cooperated.

I would argue it's because Russia and the United States were leading in this effort.

Afghanistan—we're cooperating on what we call the Northern Distribution Network, which now brings vital supplies to the ISAF, International Security Forces, including American soldiers and civilians into Afghanistan. In addition to rail cars rolling through Russia with supplies, over 800 flights have carried nearly 120,000 passengers overRussian territory to Afghanistan. That would have been thought impossible four years ago.

And Russia is also providing badly needed military equipment and training to the Afghan National Security Forces. We're also cooperating on drug eradication.

European security—using America's improved relationship with Russia as a model, we also reset relations between Russia and NATO during last year's Lisbon Summit, and a great deal of credit goes to President Medvedev. And we identified missile defense as a common project. I've talked extensively with your leaders on this issue. It will be difficult, but it will be a game-changer if we can get it done. It will say to the world, the two largest superpowers in the world are mutually developing the ability to have missile defenses, which I would argue would have an extremely important impact on dissuading so many of the countries who are contemplating becoming nuclear powers from doing so.

This year, we'll seek agreement on an ambitious work plan for cooperation on this once contentious issue. And we'll also pursue an agreement on negotiations to modernize and strengthen the Conventional Forces in Europe Treaty. I've been around a long time—the CFE Treaty has been something we've been working on since the late ‘70s. We have an opportunity to make more progress.

Central Asia—we're working together to foster a stable —a stable, democratic government—a stable, democratic government—and I might add a great deal of the credit goes to your President—in Kyrgyzstan, combating drug traffickers, eradicating polio — steps that suggest we can move beyond the so-called “Grand Game” and “spheres of influence,” a Cold War relic in my view.

Cooperation on each of these important issues has made America more secure—and I would argue, presumptuous of me, but I believe it's made Russia more secure.

But the reset has also produced more subtle signs of progress, again ones that would not have been contemplated even four years ago. Russian helicopters used for relief efforts in Sudan. California firefighters helping to fight wildfires in central Russia. American and Russian drug officers working side-by-side in Afghanistan, the world's largest producer of heroin and opium as a consequence of it. Student body presidents from American universities discussing democracy and human rights with Kremlin advisors. And we're very pleased that are here today in the audience.

These things clearly would have been hard to imagine amid the mistrust and ill will a little over two years ago. And to some of you, they may sound small. But having been involved in this relationship for over 36 years, they are more than the sum of their parts.

And if you think I'm exaggerating and overstating the case, consider the following statistics—or polling. In December of 2008—December of 2008, one month before we were sworn in as President and Vice President, polling showed that only 17 percent of all Russians had a positive opinion of the United States—17 percent. This year, that number has jumped to over 60 percent. Our goal is to have it continue to climb.

That same year, Americans ranked Russia as one of the top five countries threatening American security—two years ago. This year, only 2 percent of the entire American population say they view Russia as a threat. All of this leads to one very important conclusion in the mind of one Vice President that I think is now beyond dispute: the reset is working. Working for all of us, working for Russia. And I would presumptuously suggest working for the world.

But there is still, still much work to be done to enhance our security cooperation and our closeness.

On the Caucasus—we have a genuine disagreement not only with your leadership but with the vast majority of the Russian people over Georgia. But there's a larger principle at stake here in our view—and I want to be straightforward because if friends cannot be straightforward with friends, it really isn't friendship based on mutual trust.

We think there's a larger principle at stake here. As I said when I announced the reset at Munich I said, “It will remain our view that sovereign states have the right to make their own decisions and choose their own alliances.”

And further: “We will not recognize any state having a sphere of influence.” And almost regardless of the difficulty, we don't support any state deciding through force changing the leadership of an elected—democratically elected individual.

We have also worked closely, though, with both Russia and Georgia to reduce the threat of further conflict. As a result, Georgia recently restarted its commitment—restated its commitment to non-use of first use of—non-use of force, and commercial flights have resumed between Moscow and Tbilisi. But we must do more to assist those displaced by the 2008 conflict and enable normal travel and commerce to occur.

Our joint diplomacy was essential and is essential in ending conflicts in other areas. Excuse me—Nagorno-Karabakh, where I would again commend President Medvedev for his tireless work for a peaceful and permanent settlement there.

But the next frontier in our relationship — and the main area in my view and the President of the United States’ view of future opportunities and challenges — will be building stronger ties of trade and commerce that match the security cooperation we have accomplished over the last two years and hopefully will continue to grow.

In the 20th Century, the wealth of a nation was measured by the abundance of its natural resources, the expanse of its landmass or the size of its army. Russia had all of those things.

But in the 21st Century, the true wealth of a nation is found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate. There, too, Russia is remarkably blessed. Unleashing Russia's full potential will be a boon and an opportunity not only for the United States and for Russians, but again for international commerce and peace and justice.

Already, our economic relationship is moving to center stage. Pepsico has made a multi-billion dollar investment in Russia—Russia's leading juice and dietary producer. Imagine five years ago, the likelihood that an American company could buy, in effect, the largest of anything in Russia.

Chevron and ExxonMobil recently announced major new deals with Russian partners. General Electric is undertaking a major expansion of its operations here. And John Deere last year opened a major manufacturing center in Moscow—in the Moscow region—and is already—I met with the President—I think he may be here—yesterday—they're already doubling its capacity and as a consequence, employment.

And Alcoa is working closely—very closely—with a nanotechnology firm, Rusnano, on an array of high-tech products that are the future.

This week a coalition of public and private sector partners in Russia and the U.S. announced a new program, as well, supported by an American company, Johnson & Johnson. That program will provide pregnant women and new mothers with health information via text messages—a great example of how civil society, government, and the private sector can work together to find innovative solutions to shared challenges—real challenges to real people, ordinary people.

And just yesterday, I witnessed the signing of a $2 billion sale of eight Boeing 777 aircraft to Aeroflot, expanding last year's agreement to sell 50 737s to Russian Technologies. These contracts were able to be done and the plane was able to be built I might add because of Russian titanium, ingenuity and the engineers here; as well as the brilliant engineers and workface back in the United States. These contracts will create or sustain tens of thousands of jobs in Russia and in the United States.

On his visit to Silicon Valley last year, President Medvedev made clear Russia's desire to bolster our partnership in the innovation economy—a priority the United States shares, and the President of the United States has announced as the hallmark of what we're attempting to do.

Yesterday, I had the opportunity to—Skolkovo—to be in Skolkovo—a high-tech hub on the outskirts of Moscow that has the promise of becoming the Silicon Valley of Russia.

Closer cooperation will allow American companies to benefit from greater access to Russia's deep pool of talented engineers, mathematicians and computer scientists.

Mr. President, if you'll forgive me to—I will not mention the context, but yesterday we had this discussion—a roundtable discussion of American businesses and CEOs from Russian business. A Russian businessman said something that was true. He said the reason why it's good to be here in Russia and investing—the United States—is because of its market. An interesting comment from the chairman of the board of Boeing in Russia, he said, with all due respect to my good friend, that may be true, but that's not the reason we're here. Other countries have four, five, six and seven times the capacity to purchase our planes in terms of their needs. But we're here. He said let me tell you why we're here. We're here because the best engineers in the world are here. Many educated at this great university.

We're also providing—not as a gift. When I say providing it sounds like we're providing a gift—we're also—American venture capitalists and other foreign investment is flowing into the Russia's economy to allow it to diversify beyond your abundant natural resources—metals, oil and gas—and help Russia—Russian start-ups get their ideas to market.

Those of you who are studying business know that it's one thing to have an idea, it's another thing to get to market. It takes people willing to make a gamble, make an investment, make a bet.

Already, several of America's leading firms have shown their support for this vision, by committing to invest in the case of several venture capitalists over $1 billion dollars—already committed—investing in Russian high-tech industry.

But despite these steps, our trading and investment relationship is not what it should be. As a matter of fact, it was higher years ago than it is now. Russia was America's 37th largest export market in 2010. The value of the goods that cross our border, the United States border with Canada and Mexico every few days exceeds the annual value of our trade with Russia. We've got to do better. We've got to do better. And I believe we can.

This is one of the reasons the President and I so strongly support Russians accession to the World Trade Organization. Accession will enable Russia to deepen its trade relations not only with the United States, but the rest of the world. And it will give American companies a greater and more predictable—important word, predictable—access to Russia's growing markets, expanding both U.S. exports and employment.

The renewed energy that Russian negotiators have brought to the table in this accession effort and Moscow's political will to get the job done are for the first time in a long time genuinely moving things forward.

We're making progress on these issues that have caused so much friction in the past. We're making progress on agricultural trade, sanitary regulations, enforcement of intellectual property rights, though we still have more work to do.

So let me make this as clear as I possibly can: President Obama and I strongly support and want to see Russia in WTO. We've made that clear to the Congress; we've made that clear the world; and we've made that clear to anybody who is willing to listen.

It's better for America—and presumptuous of me to say this, never tell another man his business or another country their interest—but it's better for America, and I believe better for Russia to be able to trade with each other under predictable and transparent rules. And that's also why we're going to work with Congress to terminate the Jackson- Vanik amendment.

Over the past few months alone, our Administration has spoken out against allegations of misconduct in the trial of—excuse me—Khodorkovsky—you can tell I didn't do very well in Russian—and of the beating and detention of “Strategy 31” demonstrators.

Some of you may say, well, how can you say those things out loud, Mr. Vice President, and expect to have a better relationship. They're necessary to have a good relationship. We should not have to make choices. We will continue to object when we think human rights are violated or democracy and the rule of law is undermined.

For us, these are matters of principle, but I would argue they're also matters of pragmatism. History shows that in industrialized societies, economic modernization and political modernization go hand-in-hand. You don't get one without the other. Or put it this way, you don't get industrial modernization without political modernization. And I realize—I realize—it's been a short journey—a short journey since, as we say in the West, the wall came down. And I realize there is an awful lot that's been accomplished. But—but—modernization in every way is essential.

I think that's why so many Russians now call on their country to strengthen their democratic institutions. Courts must be empowered to uphold the rule of law and protect those playing by the rules.

Non-governmental watchdogs should be applauded as patriots, not traitors. As a famous American jurist once said, a Supreme Court justice, he said, sunlight is the best disinfectant—sunlight is the best disinfectant. In today's society, we'd probably say transparency is the best lubricant.

Journalists must be able to publish without fear of retribution. In my country it was a newspaper, not the FBI, or the Justice Department, it was a newspaper, the Washington Post that brought down a President for illegal actions.

Thomas Jefferson said that if he only had a choice of a free press or what we had. He said he'd choose a free press. It's the greatest guarantee of freedom there is, the so-called Third Estate. And believe me to the American press up there, they drive me crazy.

It's not like they say nice things about me all the time. But I really mean it: It is the single best guarantee of political freedom.

And viable opposition—and public parties that are able to compete is also essential to good governance. Just as competition between top athletes produces better players and better teams, it's also true that that works as well among firms who provide better services and better products. Political competition means better candidates, better politics and most importantly, governments that better represent the will of their people.

In my view, the Russian people already understand this. Polls shows that most Russians want to choose their national and local leaders in competitive elections. They want to be able to assemble freely, and they want a media to be independent of the state. And they want to live in a country that fights corruption.

That's democracy. They're the ingredients of democracy. So I urge all of you students here: Don't compromise on the basic elements of democracy. You need not make that Faustian bargain.

And it's also the message I heard recently when President Medvedev said last week—and I quote him—“freedom cannot be postponed.” Joe Biden didn't say that. The President of Russia said that.

And when Deputy Premier and Finance Minister Kudrin said that “only fair elections can give the authorities the mandate of trust we need to help implement economic reforms.” That's a Russian leader, not an American leader.

Russia and America both have a lot to gain if these sentiments are turned into actions, which I am hopeful they will be.

Now, there are some in Russia who say we hold your country to an unreasonably high standard. It is true our expectations are high, but it's because we've learned during the Cold War just how capable the Russian people are. When you launched Sputnik we had to marshal our greatest intellectual talents to begin to meet the challenge. And we had no illusions ever about the capacity of our then-adversary.

And in this new era of partnership, our respect for the Russian people as innovators, as thinkers remains undiminished. Unleashing the intellectual capacity of this country is not only in Russia's interest but it's in America's national interest; and I would argue the world's interest. This is no longer a zero-sum game.

Folks, as you well know, we've already come a long way. I visited Moscow for the first time in ’73, but in the summer of ’79, I was asked by then President Carter, some 30 years ago, to lead a delegation of United States Senators who were uncertain about the SALT Talks, SALT II—Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. And I was a strong supporter of that treaty.

But there were a group of new senators who were not familiar with the treaty, and agnostic on it. And I was asked to bring nine of them to Russia. And we sat across—I sat across a table—a conference table in the Kremlin, across the table from Leonid Brezhnev. To his left was Defense Minister Ustinov and to his right was Premier Kosygin.

And to state the obvious, it was a very different time. And I recall President Brezhnev was sicker than we thought then. And he excused himself and left the meeting early and turned it over to Kosygin, Premier Kosygin, who in his opening statement said the following—I will never forget it—he said: Before we begin our discussion, Senator, let's agree that we do not trust you, and you do not trust us. And we both have good reason. Literally.

He was absolutely right back then. But he would be absolutely wrong today. Russians and Americans inside and outside of government have worked extremely hard to overcome decades of mistrust, to identify common ground, to fashion a more secure and more prosperous future for both countries.

And in the second decade of this new century, the United States and Russia no longer have good reason not to trust one another. There is no good reason not to trust one another.

It's legitimate to be skeptical as you are in dealing with any nation because their self-interest may be different to you. But it's not—does not translate into: We cannot trust.

If two great nations that for 40 years stood on the opposite sides of the 20th century's deepest divide can stand side-by-side facing the 21st century challenges, it will benefit not just the American people and the Russian people, but all people.

That future is not just the stuff of which dreams are made of. We are already moving in that direction. Yes, it can be knocked off course. But we are already moving in that direction. And I say to you young people in this audience, it's incumbent upon you and incumbent upon the young people of my country to not allow us to get off that path, to stay in this direction.

And I know that for many of you here today, this will be a joint effort—that you'll join us. There's much to overcome, but there's much we've done. And I would argue that based on what we've recently done, it's a clear indication we can fundamentally change this relationship on a permanent basis.

Thank you all for being so gracious waiting and even more gracious listening. Thank you.

Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks in Chisinau, Moldova

President Barack Obama and Minister Enda Kenny delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Hello, everybody. It is my great pleasure on St. Patrick's Day to welcome the new Taoiseach, Prime Minister Kenny. We are thrilled to have him here. And we want to congratulate him on his historic victory. We obviously have the strongest possible relationship with Ireland. The warmth, the affection, the familial and person-to-person contacts between our two countries extend far beyond any dry policy issues. There is just an incredible bond between our two countries. And that's one that we want to reaffirm here today.

We have had an excellent conversation about how Ireland is going to be bouncing back from the severe economic challenges that it's experienced over the last several years. The Taoiseach shared with me his plans and his efforts to make sure that people are put back to work in Ireland, that the financial system is stabilized. And he exudes great confidence, and I'm sure that we will be cooperating very closely with him and providing any assistance that we can on the economic front.

In addition, Ireland obviously plays an important role in the world. We want to thank him for the operations at Shannon that are so vital for us moving our troops into Afghanistan. It is a testimony to Ireland's friendship to us. In addition, Ireland actually has trainers in Afghanistan that have provided us great assistance. And I expressed my appreciation for those sacrifices. We've worked together on issues like international food security, and we will continue to work on those issues as well.

We remarked on the fact that the situation in Northern Ireland has proven to be stable, and we are going to continue to pursue all the progress that's been made there.

So, overall, the state of the relationship between our two countries is extraordinarily strong. This is a wonderful tradition each St. Patrick's Day for me to be able to once again reaffirm the great warmth and affection that we have towards the people of Ireland.

And finally, I wanted to say today that I intend to come to Ireland in May, and I'm expecting to go not only to all the famous sites, but also to go to Moneygall, where my great-great-great-great-great grandfather hails from. Joe Biden is envious because he wants to go first—but my expectation is, is that I'll just be laying the groundwork for what I'm sure will be an even more wonderful trip by him.

But I'm very much looking forward to that. And thank you so much for being here today. Thank you.

Prime Minister Kenny. Well, could I just say that it's an honor and a privilege for me to be here, as the Taoiseach of Ireland, together with my wife, Fionnuala, representing the Irish people, being the Prime Minister, and to meet President Obama and later his wife Michelle as well.

My message to the American people is that the new government, which I lead, which has the strongest mandate in the history of the state, will continue to build on the very strong traditional links that we've had with the United States—in business and in politics and in culture and the arts, and so on.

And Ireland is open for business and we continue to be open for business to the United States. We appreciate the investment of so much foreign direct investment from the U.S. to our country. But unlike previous centuries, we come bearing gifts as well. There are many Irish companies now operating in the U.S. with at least 80,000 American jobs created by the Irish firms here.

So from that point of view, Ireland will continue to be a very strong and loyal friend of the United States and we will work with the authorities and the political process to the benefit of both countries.

I've explained to the President what our program is for our new government, how that's been accepted in terms of its fiscal element by the IMF, who have been in Dublin recently. We also reiterated that I will work with our European colleagues for the benefit of the European Union—a union of 500 million people, which is so important in the interests of this connection with the United States and the bigger world outside.

I'm absolutely thrilled, I have to say, that President Obama has confirmed that he is to come to Ireland. He follows a long line of Presidents of the United States who visited Ireland. And I can assure you, Mr. President, that this visit will be rapturously received by the people of Ireland.

And from that perspective, I thank you and hope that you will enjoy the fulfilling experience during your visit of visiting Moneygall, where some of your ancestors contributed to the welfare and the well-being of that little village right in the center of Ireland. You will be made very welcome, President, and we appreciate for a person with so many difficulties on his plate as you have, in the global sense, that you'd take time to visit Ireland.

So from that point of view, I can testify as the Irish Taoiseach, this is another great day in our country's journey and it's a very significant statement of confidence by the most powerful political office in the world that the President of the United States decides to come to Ireland in May. We appreciate that very much, indeed, Mr. President. And we'll make sure that your visit is warmly received and generously treated. And if you want to do a round of golf I'd be very happy to participate with you.

President Obama. I hear Taoiseach is pretty good, so I've got to be careful. I may have to practice before I play with him.

So, thank you so much.

Prime Minister Kenny. Thank you very much, indeed, Mr. President.

Secretary Hillary Clinton, Minister Peter Robinson, and Minister Martin McGuinness delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, I'm delighted to welcome two friends, two colleagues for many years. Both the first minister and the deputy first minister are extraordinarily welcome here. And we're delighted to have this chance to catch up on everything that is happening in Northern Ireland. And I want to warmly welcome you here and, Martin, back to the State Department.

Minister Robinson. Well, we really appreciate the Secretary of State taking time. I think we all know just how busy her days have been with everything that's happening around the globe. But we want to bring her some good news—Northern Ireland was completing the first four-year term of an assembly ever for our power-sharing administration. So in the past, assemblies have collapsed and been suspended, but we have managed to complete a whole term of the assembly. And we have made a number of very significant successes. We have created, even against the global economic downturn, more jobs over the last four years than at any time in the history of Northern Ireland. We have spent more money on infrastructure in the last four years of that assembly term than at any time since records began.

So there's a good news story from Northern Ireland. We really do appreciate all of the assistance that the Secretary of State (inaudible) presidents past and present have been to Northern Ireland and it's our opportunity to say thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, Peter.

Minister McGuinness The Secretary of State was one of the best friends that the island of Ireland has ever seen. And all that has been achieved, outlined just now by Peter, would not have happened without the support of President Clinton and without the present Secretary of State. So we will always be indebted to her for the fact that we now have completed the (inaudible) four unbroken years of an executive which takes decisions on behalf of the entire community that represents real progress and has been an honor for me, both Peter and before him was Ian Paisley to bring about what has been an historic change. We absolutely believe that in the aftermath of the upcoming elections, due to happen on the 1st of May, that the institutions that we're part of, which are power-sharing in nature and north-south, will go from strength to strength.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks en route to Russia, from Andrews Air Force Base

Q. I have a question about Russia. Can I just ask you, how successful do you think overall the Obama effort to reset relations with Russia has been? And given how many trips you've made here, how long you've studied Russia, can you talk about sort of how you see Russia today relative let's say to when you first took over as SecDef or when you first joined the CIA some decades back and looked at it.

Secretary Gates. Well, it's a lot different than it was in 1966, let me tell you. No, I think if you look at the areas where we are cooperating and the kind of dialogue that we're having with the Russians, we have come quite a distance. I mean, the Russians—here is a single fact that continues to amaze me. Russia is an integral part of the northern distribution network for supporting our operations in Afghanistan. At this point we have probably sent more than 30,000 containers across Russia. Russia's willingness to work with us in this I think is really extraordinary. And then you add it to the things we're doing together on counterterrorism, counter-narcotics—the fact that they have cooperated and supported the efforts on the Security Council resolutions with respect to both North Korea and Iran I think are very important. The fact that despite their reservations they didn't veto resolution 1973.

So I think there's a broad area of cooperation here that is really important. And we obviously have our differences. We have our concerns with some of the human rights issues in Russia, questions of law. The vice president spoke to those when he was in Moscow a couple of weeks ago. But overall, I would say there has been really extraordinary progress, and I'm looking forward to the visit.