To break away from the legacy of Spanish colonial rule, Latin American republican elites rapidly embraced the ideals of progress and modernization. London and Paris, along with the universal expositions around the world, became spiritual beacons for the young republics seeking their place in the world. This process, characterized by creativity and invention, was deeply tied to urban development. It is important to note that it was born, promoted, consolidated and expanded in and from the region’s major cities. In the Federal District (now Mexico City), in the former Santa Fe de Bogotá (now Bogotá), in Lima, Santiago, Buenos Aires and other capitals, urban life was transformed with the introduction of technologies aimed at addressing demographic and food supply demands, improving transportation and communication services, enhancing entertainment options and, of course, governing the urban population.
From a longue durée perspective, regional historiography has often been dominated by anecdotal and superficial accounts of technological changes in nineteenth-century Latin American cities. Such narratives frequently reduce history to a mere chronological list of dates and events, overlooking the intricate social dynamics of urban life – its actors, intentions and contradictions. In recent decades, however, influenced by the social studies of science and historiographical innovations, works have emerged that break this mould. Undoubtedly, Electrifying Mexico: Technology and the Transformation of a Modern City by professor and researcher Diana J. Montaño is one such work. Published by the University of Texas Press, the book explores the arrival of electric light in Mexico between 1880 and 1960. It spans the first technological installations of the nineteenth century to the political mobilizations aimed at nationalizing this resource.
The book is divided into six chapters. I will not summarize each chapter here; instead, I will highlight six social processes discussed by the author, which embody the book’s most important idea: the appropriation of electricity by urban residents at various levels. The first process is the genealogy of the electric landscape in the transformation of the colonial into a republican city. During a series of liberal measures aimed at expanding the housing supply in the city and diminishing the power of the church through the expropriation of its properties, the introduction of lighting in its technological variations – first gas and later electric in 1881 – enabled the capital’s inhabitants to enjoy nightlife years later. Amid this transition between technologies, the second process emerges: an intense public debate about the social, health and environmental impacts of electricity.
The third process addressed by the author is the performative use of electric light by the authorities to position Mexico City as ‘civilized’ and ‘modern’ on the international stage. Electricity, both technically and symbolically, was conceived as a tool to connect Mexico with global powers. It was used for social and cultural events, but especially to illuminate religious ceremonies and civic festivities.
The fourth process is the technical transformation of the transportation system in Mexico City during the early twentieth century, which saw a shift from animal power to electric trams under Porfirio Díaz. These vehicles not only shortened spatial distances but also revealed deep social divisions. Montaño demonstrates how classism and the perception of such machinery as the embodiment of progress exacerbated conflicts, with technical failures during fatal accidents being overlooked and the blame shifted to the popular classes for not knowing ‘how to use them’. This shows that the introduction of technology does not resolve pre-existing social conflicts.
The fifth process concerns the adaptation of Mexico’s legal system to regulate this technology. This is one of the most compelling aspects of the book. Through the examination of 63 court cases involving individuals accused of electricity theft, the author explores not only the varied arguments of defendants seeking to avoid punishment, but also the evolution of Mexico City’s legal framework to manage an intangible resource. This process involved normative invention, appropriation and public education about the technology, weaving an intricate social plot between the streets and the courts.
The sixth process is the political appropriation of electricity by the city’s vital social forces. Montaño examines the role of the Sindicato Mexicano de Electricistas (SME; Mexican Electricians Union) and its protracted struggle for the nationalization of the electricity industry. Struggles were documented in the magazine Lux, a resource that Montaño skilfully uses to analyse, for example, the construction of masculinity among electrical workers and the transformation of conceptions about what the revolution should be throughout the early decades of the twentieth century. High electricity tariffs that hindered Mexico’s industrial development and the restrictions for public access to technological conveniences further fuelled the demand for nationalization, as the author convincingly demonstrates.
I would like to conclude this review by highlighting one of the book’s most important qualities: the need to see the urban beyond the cement. Montaño’s work invites us to analyse the complexity of Latin American cities through environmental, social, technological and political networks. Above all, the book urges us to understand that the construction of the city does not depend solely on a group of planners at the top of the social hierarchy but is the result of dialogues and conflicts between diverse actors. With creativity and dedication, Montaño has shown us another way of looking at the city.
