1. Introduction
Following the high social, economic, and human impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic, the theme of pandemic prevention, preparedness, and response (PPPR) has dominated international public health. Multilateral bodies including the Group of 20 Nations (G20), World Health Organization (WHO), and World Bank have called for a major expansion of international public health investment to reduce future risk. This process has produced negotiations on a Pandemic Agreement, the adoption of the amendments to the International Health Regulations (IHR) (WHO, 2024), and the establishment of several new initiatives (e.g. the World Bank’s Pandemic Fund) (World Bank, 2022).
Currently, the PPPR agenda has settled on estimates provided by a joint 2022 WHO and World Bank (WHO/WB) report to the G20, Analysis of Pandemic Preparedness and Response architecture, financing needs, gaps and mechanisms (WHO and World Bank, 2022). The report estimates approximately US$31.1 billion in total annual funding for PPPR. This figure is consistent with those of partner agencies including US$171 to US$206 billion over five years from the G20 High Level Independent Panel (HLIP) in 2021 (G20 High Level Independent Panel, 2021) and US$285–US$430 billion over ten years from McKinsey and Company (Craven et al., Reference Craven, Sabow, Van der Veken and Wilson2021). McKinsey was involved in the WHO/World Bank report, while the G20 commissioned the WHO/World Bank report.
The US$31.1 billion from WHO and World Bank includes US$26.4 billion in annual PPPR investments in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) and US$4.7 billion required in new official development assistance (ODA) to shore up international efforts. These estimates assume, controversially (Shahid et al., Reference Shahid, Schäferhoff, Brown and Yamey2024), that 25% of existing ODA already covers international PPPR efforts and further assumes that LMICs will only require US$7 billion in extra ODA to fill national budget shortfalls. Thus, if these assumptions are right, the total estimated ODA requirement for PPPR would be US$10.5 billion. When compared to the annual budget for the WHO in 2024 at US$3.8 billion, this represents a significant reprioritisation in policy toward PPPR. Of note, the World Bank considers a further $10.3 to $11.5 billion should be added annually to address further One Health priorities (Berthe et al., Reference Berthe, Bali and Batmanian2022).
To justify these costs, the WHO/WB makes highly positive claims on return-on-investment (ROI). Use of ROIs in global health financing has increased appreciably as ‘donor fatigue’, associated with large Covid-19 debt and economic downturn, requires more convincing investment cases for global health. In simple terms, ROIs present a ratio between the cost of the initial and continued investment and value of its benefit (including profit and future costs saved, but also other values such as health outcomes, quality of life, increased productivity). As a heuristic, ROIs generally include some combination of fiscal savings, utilisation/impact reductions, and societal and economic benefits, although a recent systematic review of ROIs in public health revealed wide variance in what ‘values’ were included, how they were included, what time horizons were used, and how non-fiscal values were monetised, concluding that there is a need for greater methodological rigour in the use of ROIs (Turner et al., Reference Turner, Hori, Revill, Rattanavipapong, Arai, Jit and Teerawattananon2023).
Here, we briefly examine the assumptions underwriting the WHO/WB ROI for PPPR and consider the wider economic impacts and comparative disease burdens used to make their ROI case. By doing so, we argue that the current ROI for PPPR is an unreliable baseline for new policy design, which prompts the need for a more robust effort to avoid potential opportunity costs and suboptimal policy outcomes. Given the substantial estimates associated with PPPR financing, it is imperative that policymakers can be confident in these agencies’ claims.
2. WHO/World Bank report
The Analysis of Pandemic Preparedness and Response (PPR) architecture, financing needs, gaps and mechanisms was produced at the request of the G20 Finance and Health Task Force ahead of the Bali G20 Leaders’ Summit in November 2022. The report’s remit was ‘to identify financing needs and gaps for Pandemic Preparedness and Response’ (p. 4) and in turn outline domestic, regional, and global cost estimates for PPPR together with an investment case and recommendations for financing (WHO and World Bank, 2022).
2.1. Return on investment
To make its investment case, the WHO/WB report begins with a graphic to demonstrate future costs saved (Figure 1).
Economic impact of selected outbreaks over past 30 years (in US$ billion).

The figure suggests that the economic impact of four of five listed outbreaks is magnitudes higher than the combined annual economic impact of HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria (for which the authors estimate an annual economic impact of US$22 billion over 32 years). Moreover, the report argues an upward trajectory in terms of outbreak impacts over this period, stating that this demonstrates ‘the costs of the next pandemic are likely to exceed those of COVID-19’ (WHO and World Bank, 2022, p. 4).
However, several elements require scrutiny. First, the report provides no methodology on how economic impact has been determined but simply adds a note in Figure 1 that the data was sourced from ‘UNAIDS, The Lancet, WHO, The Journal of Infectious Diseases, World Bank and BCG analysis’ (WHO and World Bank, 2022). Typical analyses of the economic effects of epidemics examine the economic costs deriving from disease-associated medical costs or forgone incomes due to disease-related morbidity and mortality. Global-level analysis can also be expanded to include national or global measures of estimated lost economic output or gross domestic product (GDP) as well as the inclusion of fiscal costs incurred such as government loans, guarantees, and capital injections.
Without specification, it is not possible to know whether the five epidemic diseases presented were appropriately compared using the same methodology or modes of analysis and whether different methods were employed in some or all cases. This is problematic, since there is often wide variation in how economic impacts are estimated between studies (Turner et al., Reference Turner, Hori, Revill, Rattanavipapong, Arai, Jit and Teerawattananon2023) and methodological transparency would have significantly improved confidence in the reliability of the data used as well as its consistent application between comparators.
Given the high economic impact associated with Covid-19 in Figure 1, a reasonable assumption is that some measure of lost GDP and indirect impacts (e.g., stimulus packages to counter economic recession) were included. However, as will be outlined below, including these somewhat voluntary costs can result in disproportionately high economic impact that may not be comparable with other diseases.
If traditional economic impact measures were used, then Figure 1 does not reflect the wider literature regarding the limited impacts of several of the diseases presented. For example, in the case of SARS the disease did not present high medical costs as the caseload was small in comparison to major historical epidemics. Unlike HIV/AIDS, the duration of hospitalisation of the infected patients is short, with more than 90 percent of the patients recovering quickly, thereby rendering medical costs comparatively low. The fatality rate of the SARS coronavirus is high, but, with fewer than 800 deaths from SARS worldwide from just 8096 cases (WHO, 2015), the death toll is small compared with the 3 million who died of AIDS that year. Therefore, forgone incomes associated with morbidity and mortality from SARS must also be negligible.
Second, and relatedly, the estimated total annual economic impact of HIV, tuberculosis and malaria of approximately US$22 billion per year in Figure 1 is inconsistent with other sources. For example, The Lancet estimated that the 1.4 million deaths from tuberculosis in 2018 resulted in US$580 billion in full income losses (Silva et al., Reference Silva, Arinaminpathy, Atun, Goosby and Reid2021). A Lancet study on HIV argued that between 2000 and 2015, US$562.6 billion was spent on HIV/AIDS worldwide, which would equate to US$37.5 billion per year for HIV alone (Dieleman et al., Reference Dieleman, Haakenstad, Micah, Moses, Abbafati, Acharya, Adhikari, Adou, Kiadaliri and Alam2018).
These gaps and likely undervaluation of comparator infectious disease burdens raise important questions about the methodology used to calculate the economic impacts of the five outbreak diseases as well as HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria. This information is crucial when reflecting on PPPR policy, since various methods can produce wildly different outcomes, raising concerns about their reliability and their potential to produce suboptimal policies (Turner et al., Reference Turner, Hori, Revill, Rattanavipapong, Arai, Jit and Teerawattananon2023).
Third, the report estimates economic impacts but does not include relative disease burden in terms of mortality or years of life lost. Three of the five outbreaks (SARS, MERS and West African Ebola outbreak) total less than 13,000 deaths (Bell et al., Reference Bell, Brown, Tacheva and von Agris2024), while the H1N1 influenza outbreak had a far lower mortality than that expected from normal seasonal influenza (164,000 deaths) (WHO, 2019). Including Covid-19, the mortality total from all five outbreaks listed in Figure 1 rises to just over 7.1 million (WHO, 2024). Although this is not insignificant, it is dwarfed by the combined number of deaths of HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria, which amounts to approximately 120 million over the same period (WHO, 2023a, 2023b; UNAIDS, 2024).
Since Covid-19 mortality was largely restricted to those aged over 75 years with chronic morbidities (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2024), whereas malaria largely kills children under the age of five (WHO, 2022b), comparing impact in disability-adjusted life years lost (DALYs) would also provide a very different picture.
This all has implications in terms of opportunity costs since the estimated ODA for PPPR to avoid another ‘covid-like’ outbreak (US$10.5 billion) represents over 25% of 2022 ODA total spend on all global health programmes. Tuberculosis receives just over 3% of ODA despite its higher disease burden in terms of DALYs (WHO, 2022a). Opportunity costs represent reductions in resources available to address an alternate disease or health issue. These will be greatest in the short and longer terms in more resource-constrained countries, where readily avoidable disease burdens tend to be higher. There is increasing evidence that these shifts are already occurring, particularly as health budgets constrict, debt servicing increases, and donors become fatigued (Global Health Watch 7, Reference Labonté and Bodini2025). For example, ODA for nutrition fell by 10.5% and basic health by nearly 32% during Covid and have not returned to pre-Covid levels (Brown et al., Reference Brown, Tacheva, Shahid, Rhodes and Schäferhoff2022; Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, 2024). Moreover, a study by Penn et al. (Reference Penn, Morgan, Ahmad, Elgar and James2025) concluded that PPPR has ‘clearly displaced other health priorities’ noting that a significant post-covid ODA shift has also occurred away from sanitation, family planning, and reproductive health.
Fourth, if lost global GDP or government fiscal injections were factored in the cost estimates, then Figure 1 does not disaggregate the direct cost of SARS-CoV-2 (hospitalisation, treatments, lost wages due to illness or caring for the ill) from the economic costs resulting from policy responses with high economic impact, such as lockdowns and travel bans. This complicates the investment case, since the latter constituted the greatest economic impact associated with the pandemic and there are an increasing number of studies questioning their effectiveness (Fadlallah et al., Reference Fadlallah, El-Jardali, Karroum, Kalach, Hoteit, Aoun, Al-Hakim, Verdugo-Paiva, Rada and Fretheim2024). This issue is acknowledged in the recent Global Burden of Disease study estimating the excess mortality over the Covid-19 years, including both SARS-CoV-2 deaths and those that arose primarily from the various impacts of the public health response (Naghavi et al., Reference Naghavi, Ong, Aali, Ababneh, Abate, Abbafati, Abbasgholizadeh, Abbasian, Abbasi-Kangevari and Abbastabar2024).
Furthermore, as Covid-19 largely directly affected the elderly and sick likely to be dependent on support rather than contributing to economic output (Gasmi et al., Reference Gasmi, Peana, Pivina, Srinath, Gasmi Benahmed, Semenova, Menzel, Dadar and Bjørklund2021), the economic impact per case should be less than for HIV, tuberculosis and malaria. HIV and tuberculosis mortality removes productive people from the economy, whilst malaria child deaths impact future growth. This creates a situation where Figure 1 is arguably comparing apples with oranges in the case of Covid-19, counting lockdowns and trillion-dollar stimulus packages as Covid-19 costs but ignoring permanent workforce removal and loss of economic potential through HIV, tuberculosis and malaria. To some extent, tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS also add chronic disability to the population, whilst Covid-19, due to its associations of severity with severe co-morbidities, remove it. This will have major economic impact and burden in DALYs.
Lastly, the report’s claim that ‘the costs of the next pandemic are likely to exceed those of COVID-19’ cannot be derived from the data provided. The five outbreaks are of quite different nature, with SARS, MERS and Ebola being relatively isolated and H1N1 demonstrating a relatively low mortality for an aerosolised influenza outbreak. Logic would suggest a sixth outbreak would be more in keeping with the nature of the first five.
Together, these concerns raise an important issue regarding the entire hypothesis on which the requests for pandemic funding rely. There were no major acute pandemics listed by WHO killing more than 1.1 million people in the century between the Spanish Flu and Covid-19.
Rising pandemic costs over recent years will be dominated by costly choices in the response. As example, the prior pandemics did not include mass long-term work closures, travel restrictions and most other trappings of Covid lockdowns, with their inescapable short- and long-term economic costs. Rising costs also include an increase in surveillance and detection which improves the opportunity to detect potential pathogens (Bell et al., Reference Bell, Brown, Tacheva and von Agris2024; WHO, 2019). However, if this steady expansion in detection technologies translated into increasing extent and more frequent responses, divorced from a comprehensive assessment of the actual impact and costs of this response, then we risk harming economic growth and healthcare based on unreliable and seemingly inflated ROI assumptions.
2.2. Investment and zoonosis risk
WHO/WB illustrate their predicted impact of preparedness and early intervention on outbreak health and economic outcomes in a graphic repeated here in Figure 2.
Continuum of outbreak, epidemics and pandemics: from prepare and prevent to detect and respond.

There are three reflections worth noting from this figure. First, the report assumes that prevention and preparedness efforts will be so effective that they completely halt spread (discussed elsewhere in Paul et al. (Reference Paul, Brown, Bell, von Agris and Ridde2024)).
As aerosolised viruses can travel vast distances quickly and may induce only mild symptoms in much of the population, even an intensive global surveillance network is unlikely to exclude early and extensive spread. Such a surveillance network may then have been funded in vain, resulting in no or minimal return. There is evidence that non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) had very little impact on overall spread and virus-related impact of Covid-19 (Fadlallah et al., Reference Fadlallah, El-Jardali, Karroum, Kalach, Hoteit, Aoun, Al-Hakim, Verdugo-Paiva, Rada and Fretheim2024). Arguably, only a small number of well-positioned countries (e.g. island states such as Australia and New Zealand) managed to postpone large outbreaks throughout 2020 with strict border and quarantine regimes, but even these ultimately could not prevent the virus from infecting their populations. Even in the short run, the effect of stricter NPIs on Covid-19 mortality has been shown to be small (Herby et al., Reference Herby, Jonung and Hanke2023). The Nordic countries had relatively low excess mortality during the pandemic despite some of the least stringent mitigation policies (Andersson and Jonung, Reference Andersson and Jonung2024). Thus, it is not clear whether the continuous investments in pathogen surveillance and vaccine R&D being proposed will provide the protection claimed (Ioannidis et al., Reference Ioannidis, Zonta and Levitt2023). Surge funding to address the outbreak once established is not included in these estimated costs but will still be additional.
Second, to assist in their estimates, the WHO/WB report refers to research at Imperial College London, which built a scenario model to project the deaths and short-term GDP loss associated with future pandemics (WHO and World Bank (2022, p. 18), yet without specific citation to any Imperial study). The scenarios included three other potential respiratory pathogens, including a ‘Spanish flu-like, SARS-like, and Swine flu-like event’ (WHO and World Bank, 2022, p. 18). The scenarios also modelled outbreak mitigation strategies (unmitigated, full lockdown, and reactive closures) for each type of pathogen across the USA, UK, China, and India. Based on this study, the WHO/WB report concluded that PPPR was a ‘highly cost-effective investment’ and, depending on country-level health spending and mitigation strategies, deaths averted averaged between 40 and 124 per 100,000 population. In the case of the USA, the model estimated that every dollar invested in PPPR provides a health gain of US$1703 and an expected economic gain to the value of US$1102 (WHO and World Bank, 2022, p. 18).
There are several concerns with the model from which these claims are derived. According to a presentation at the Center for Global Development, the model assume a pandemic every 10 years, with the four mentioned diseases weighed equally (Center for Global Development, 2021). This effectively assumes that both a Covid-19-like event and a Spanish Flu-like event will happen every 40 years. Conversely, Marani et al., quoted in the World Bank report Putting Pandemics Behind Us (Berthe et al., Reference Berthe, Bali and Batmanian2022), suggest a mean recurrence time of 129 or 523 years for a Covid-19-like event and 292 or 879 years for a Spanish Flu-like event respectively (Marani et al., Reference Marani, Katul, Pan and Parolari2021). In both cases such modelling is itself highly uncertain.
Third, the model presented in the Imperial study assumes that one year into a pandemic a vaccine will be available that ends transmission, and the degree of preparedness determines the speed of vaccine administration. Thus, deaths are averted through an assumed effective vaccination. The ROI estimates are based on scenarios of unmitigated pandemics, but other calculations estimate even higher economic GDP losses under a reactive closure strategy. None of these assumptions are based on historical examples. Spanish Flu, SARS, and Swine Flu did not trigger the same level of lockdowns, and all ended without vaccination. For Covid-19, vaccines were indeed rolled out a year into the pandemic and evidence indicates they improved clinical outcomes of SARS-CoV-2 infections (Chemaitelly et al., Reference Chemaitelly, Tang, Hasan, AlMukdad, Yassine, Benslimane, Khatib, Coyle, Ayoub and Kanaani2021; Tartof et al., Reference Tartof, Slezak, Fischer, Hong, Ackerson, Ranasinghe, Frankland, Ogun, Zamparo, Gray, Valluri, Pan, Angulo, Jodar and McLaughlin2021). However, vaccine-induced immunity has been proven to wane quickly, particularly against infection (Chemaitelly et al., Reference Chemaitelly, Tang, Hasan, AlMukdad, Yassine, Benslimane, Khatib, Coyle, Ayoub and Kanaani2021; Tartof et al., Reference Tartof, Slezak, Fischer, Hong, Ackerson, Ranasinghe, Frankland, Ogun, Zamparo, Gray, Valluri, Pan, Angulo, Jodar and McLaughlin2021; Nordström et al., Reference Nordström, Ballin and Nordström2022). Most crucially they may be associated in the long term with higher infection rates and did not stop transmission from vaccinated individuals (Nordström et al., Reference Nordström, Ballin and Nordström2022; Shrestha et al., Reference Shrestha, Burke, Nowacki and Gordon2023; Link-Gelles et al., Reference Link-Gelles, Chickery, Webber, Ong, Rowley, DeSilva, Dascomb, Irving, Klein, Grannis, Barron, Reese, McEvoy, Sheffield, Naleway, Zerbo, Rogerson, Self, Zhu, Lauring, Martin, Peltan, Ginde, Mohr, Gibbs, Hager, Prekker, Mohamed, Johnson, Steingrub, Khan, Felzer, Duggal, Wilson, Qadir, Mallow, Kwon, Columbus, Vaughn, Safdar, Mosier, Harris, Chappell, Halasa, Johnson, Natarajan, Lewis, Ellington, Reeves, DeCuir, McMorrow, Paden, Payne, Dawood and Surie2025). While future vaccines, especially if inhaled, may prove more effective, historically vaccines have not alone halted a respiratory virus pandemic (Morens et al., Reference Morens, Taubenberger and Fauci2023), though they may be important in mitigating severe disease and mortality from first infections (Chemaitelly et al., Reference Chemaitelly, Tang, Hasan, AlMukdad, Yassine, Benslimane, Khatib, Coyle, Ayoub and Kanaani2021, Tartof et al., Reference Tartof, Slezak, Fischer, Hong, Ackerson, Ranasinghe, Frankland, Ogun, Zamparo, Gray, Valluri, Pan, Angulo, Jodar and McLaughlin2021; Nordström et al., Reference Nordström, Ballin and Nordström2022). This is not specific to Covid-19 but expected from injectable vaccination for most respiratory viruses (Morens et al., Reference Morens, Taubenberger and Fauci2023), with the US Centre for Disease Control estimating influenza vaccines to have below 50% efficacy on average against inflection, although efficacy against severe outcomes may be significantly higher (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2026). The six-month trial data on the major mRNA vaccines demonstrates that all-cause benefit remains unclear in non-high-risk age groups (Thomas et al., Reference Thomas, Moreira, Kitchin, Absalon, Gurtman, Lockhart, Perez, Marc, Polack and Zerbini2021; El Sahly et al., Reference Sahly, Hana, Baden, Essink, Doblecki-Lewis, Martin, Anderson, Campbell, Clark, Jackson and Fichtenbaum2021).
All in all, the return on investment on which WHO/WB relied rests on an inflated frequency of disease emergence and an efficacy not seen with current vaccines for respiratory viruses. The ROI calculation assumes that proposed investments are fit to achieve this scenario. This adds to the importance of a thorough re-examination of the assumptions and inputs on which the model relies.
3. Conclusion
When examined closely, the claims made by the WHO/WB about PPPR returns-on-investment are unconvincing, suggesting the need for more reliable estimates as a basis for ongoing policy design. The ROI model used often problematic, crude or unexplained baselines for comparison while not examining wider impacts on economies and other disease burdens. The report unrealistically assumes that PPPR measures could prevent 100% of the economic impact associated with outbreaks after 12 months via the discovery, production and rollout of an efficacious transmission-blocking vaccine. Of similar concern, the model used the economic impact of Covid-19 as their comparative baseline yet did not disaggregate direct impacts resulting from the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 (hospitalisations, treatments, lost incomes due to illness) from indirect impacts resulting from society-wide public health responses not used at scale in previous responses (lockdowns, stimulus packages, welfare nets) with ongoing debates about whether, and the degree to which, these response policies were necessary/appropriate. This becomes crucial to policymakers, since these responses were most likely responsible for the largest economic costs of Covid-19. The ROI predicted is therefore based on a series of questionable assumptions.
There are several potential explanations for why the WHO/WB report may have adopted this simplified ROI framing.
First, the WHO/WB report was produced in just over three months prior to the Bali G20 Leaders’ Summit. Given the compressed timeframe, the report may have had to employ a series of shortcuts and simplifications to produce multiple areas of analysis in a short period of time. This alone does not mean that the analysis provided is wrong, yet it would mean that there would have been little or no time for meaningful independent counter verification or feedback from reviewers.
Second, the report was written at the close of the Covid-19 pandemic, when significant data gaps would have existed, thus forcing the report to rely on emerging, unpublished, and/or indeterminate analysis. Given that the methodologies associated with the ROI are not provided in sufficient detail and given the lack of transparency in terms of the data used in its calculations, as it stands, interpreting the ROI requires assumptions about the data sources, methodological speculation and reconstruction, undermining the robustness of the WHO/WB estimates but also representing a key limitation of any attempt to reexamine the ROI (including ours).
Lastly, Covid-19 occasioned a major reflection on global health security. PPPR quickly reached the realm of ‘high politics’, commanding unprecedented calls for political action, solidarity, pooled resources and major investment. To capitalise on this ‘post-Covid moment’ many policies were accelerated and/or adopted quickly (e.g. Pandemic Fund, WHO Global Hub for Pandemic and Epidemic Intelligence, 100 Days to Vaccine Mission, IHR amendments, Pandemic Agreement) with an early sense that renewed focus on health security might sustain political and financial mobilisation in the face of general donor fatigue, overall reductions in ODA, and dwindling trust (Holst and van de Pas, Reference Holst and van de Pas2023). If this securitisation reading has legs, then another explanation emerges. Namely, that the WHO/WB report is not an evidentiary document per se but a political document aimed to provide policymakers with an uncomplicated and authoritative narrative to overcome the ‘panic then forget’ policies of the past (World Health Organization, 2020) and to capitalise on any remaining ‘post Covid-moment’ before political interest wanes (Jacobsen, Reference Jacobsen2020). Yet, a result of a political focus to get a particular PPPR strategy over the line, versus a technical focus to inform a more nuanced debate about what that strategy ought to be, is that the robustness of the evidence provided becomes a secondary consideration. And this is unfortunate, since pandemics occur and it is prudent to maintain an appropriate level of PPPR based on as much reliable evidence as possible. Moreover, despite the trade-offs and opportunity costs, it is also reasonable to assume that investments in PPPR would yield some positive externalities depending on how they were designed (improved laboratory networks, improved warning and communication systems, training, etc.), thus strengthening the argument for having a more accurate ROI that included those values.
In this light, greater returns would result from a more thorough review of preparedness levels and response measures used during Covid-19 to properly determine their efficacy and costs versus benefit. In addition, a more convincing ROI case would result from rudimentary alternations in how ROIs are generated, including guidelines for citing data sources, methodological transparency, the use of peer-review, and the presentation of existing limitations. Global public health policy would also benefit from more regular independent audits of underwriting investment claims where policy adaptions could be made to reflect new evidence or identified shortcomings. Lastly, and importantly, the use of routine comparative cost-effectiveness, efficiency and equity frameworks between pandemic and endemic disease programmes would help identify opportunity costs and inequities, helping to assure a level of overall proportionality and optimality in global public health.
Given the high price tag and opportunity costs involved with PPPR, it is crucial that decision-makers are fully aware of the limitations of these current investment claims. Failure to reassess the under-substantiated claims of WHO and the World Bank will undoubtedly generate significant opportunity costs, risking overall harm in terms of economic and health outcomes.
Data availability statement
All items reviewed are publicly available on-line.
Acknowledgements
Garrett W. Brown (GWB) from University of Leeds received funding from the Brownstone Institute, USA, under the project title ‘Re-Evaluating the Pandemic Preparedness And REspone agenda (REPPARE)’. The funding body did not play any role in the design of the study and collection, analysis, and interpretation of data nor in writing the manuscript. We would like to thank Dr Brendan Collins (University of Liverpool) for his astute comments on earlier drafts. Any remaining deficiencies are of course ours alone.
Competing interests
The authors declare none. The authors alone are responsible for the views expressed in this article and they do not necessarily represent the views of the organisations listed.