Turkey’s Africa engagement policy continues to attract academic interest, not only in Turkey, but also in Europe and elsewhere. Federico Donelli’s book provides a well-documented and comprehensive analysis of this much publicized foreign policy agenda. Donelli’s principal goal is to highlight the distinct characteristics of Turkey’s Africa policy and how it is put into practice by making comparisons with other extra-regional actors and by questioning the sustainability of Turkey’s approach.

Donelli develops the ‘Ankara consensus’, a term he coined in 2018 in order to explain Turkey’s approach to the continent. He argues that the Ankara consensus is ‘a new model for the economic, political and social development of African countries’ (p. 121). He describes this approach as distinct from the Washington consensus, which is followed mainly by former colonial powers and Western countries; the Beijing consensus, China’s state-led development model; and other forms of South–South cooperation. The Ankara consensus, he argues, is a particular mix of these three frameworks: liberal and private sector-led in nature, unconditional, and (allegedly) mutually beneficial. Coupled with Islamic humanitarianism, this specific policy framework makes Turkey a ‘hybrid actor’ on the continent. Donelli also differentiates between Turkey and other emerging powers, whose priorities are principally commercial and economic, by characterizing Turkey’s approach as having a multidimensional and multi-stakeholder framework. He further highlights the role of Turkish non-state actors in the implementation of this policy across humanitarian, development and educational areas. When detailing the implementation of the Ankara consensus, he concentrates on the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia.

Donelli’s analysis is sound yet theoretically unconventional. He associates Turkey’s policy mix with neoclassical realism, which sees foreign policy as an outcome of ‘international structure and domestic influence and a complex relation between the two’ (p. 16). In this respect, he attributes not only the conception and launch of a fully fledged Africa engagement but also the critical adjustments to this policy to internal and external circumstances, and accordingly to neoclassical realism. Correspondingly, he duly points out Turkey’s setbacks on other foreign policy fronts (i.e. Syria and the EU) and in the domestic realm – namely, the country’s authoritarian drift and the ultimate split between the Gülen movement and Erdoğan regime in 2016. These developments have drastically altered the multitrack and multidimensional nature of the Turkish approach. Preoccupied with security concerns, the government took every step to stamp out the personnel and institutional presence of the Gülen movement on the continent and replace it with semi-official authorities and/or government-favoured NGOs. As a result, the state has become excessively dominant over non-state Turkish actors.

As rightly stated by Donelli, Somalia is an outstanding ground on which to observe the evolution of the Turkish approach and the implementation of the Ankara consensus. However, the author does not give enough attention to other African countries that have also experienced Turkey’s multifaceted and multi-stakeholder engagement. Even in Somalia, Turkey’s interest and engagement in political issues have been limited. For instance, Turkey’s mediation/facilitation efforts between Somalia and Somaliland, as well as between the federal government and Al-Shabaab, have proven unproductive. And in no other African country was Turkey’s mediation called for by conflicting parties. Therefore, Turkey’s Somalia engagement remains an exception that does not necessarily speak to broader trends elsewhere on the continent.

Donelli mentions the Gülen movement occasionally in the first six chapters, analysing it in greater depth in the final chapter. However, this choice in a sense understates the influence of the movement in the formulation and implementation of the policy, particularly in the domains of public diplomacy, economic engagement and education. In addition, he claims that the movement, after falling out with the ruling Justice and Development Party, has become an ‘anti-state lobby’ in Africa (p. 6) and a ‘major threat to the country’s [Turkey’s] image and policies abroad’ (p. 172) without referring to a particular case or source. He also argues that the movement’s sympathizers were ‘infiltrating’ bureaucracies and power chambers (pp. 167, 178) in African countries without, again, substantiating his claim with empirical data or evidence. Finally, despite stating that he used semi-structured interviews and field observations (p. 18), Donelli does not specify what these sources are in the book, with a single exception. That exception is an interview (p. 82) conducted in 2014 on an aspect secondary to the overall argument.

Regardless of these shortcomings, the book provides the most recent and comprehensive account of Turkey’s ongoing Africa engagement policy over the last two decades. Donelli is successful in striking a balanced and objective approach, a quality that is often absent in the analyses of most Turkey-based scholars. With this publication, the author is among only a small group of non-Turkish scholars to have published a book exclusively on Turkey’s Africa policy. Readers interested in African studies or Turkish studies will no doubt find it enriching.