Introductory Remarks Omitted

Q. Does the United States consider the sinking of the South Korean warship an act of war? And seeing as the United States has vowed to defend South Korea, what do you plan to do about it? What are your options?

Secretary Gates. Well, first of all, we certainly support the findings of the Korean—the South Korean investigation. We obviously are in close consultation with the Koreans. The attack was against one of their ships. And we will—naturally they would have the lead in determining the path forward. They've laid out some paths forward, and we will be consulting very closely with them as we move ahead.

Admiral Mullen. I spoke to my counterpart yesterday. And we've been engaged with them since the incident, not just from here, but also Admiral Willard in PACOM, as well as, obviously, General Sharp. And we are all focused on that region, the stability in that region—that needs to be sustained—and at the same time very focused on supporting our strong ally in the Republic of Korea.

Q. But could you say whether or not you agree that—with the South Koreans that it is in fact an act of war? And can you go over some of the options that you have to respond?

Secretary Gates. I think that—I think basically what we've said is about all there is for us to say. We accept the findings and support the findings of the investigation. The Republic of Korea has outlined several paths forward, and we will be consulting very closely with them going forward.

Q. Admiral, could you address that too, please? It's clearly an act of war, isn't it?

Admiral Mullen. Again, I think the secretary—we've said all we want to say on this right now. Certainly we're concerned about it. We've supported them. We've helped them in the investigation and we agree with the conclusion. They're a great friend and great ally, and we'll continue to do that.

Q. Secretary, back to Korea, are you concerned that the takeaway for both North Korea and maybe beyond, Iran, is that the U.S. is stretched so thin that it's impotent to respond in a meaningful way?

Secretary Gates. Absolutely not. You know, the truth of the matter is we've said for a long time that, if there were a problem in Korea, our main arms would be the Navy and the Air Force.

And so we—those are not stretched in the same way that the—that the ground forces are. But again, the key to remember—the key thing to remember here is that this was an attack on a South Korean ship, and the South Koreans need to be in the lead in terms of proposing ways forward.

Q. Can I ask, while you're examining the different paths that you suggested that the South Korean government was—had presented to you, are any of the American forces in South Korea on a higher state of alert?

Admiral Mullen. They're on their normal state of readiness. We're engaged very routinely out there. We have a considerable number of forces that are stationed both, obviously, on the land and in the air and sea. And the forces are clearly aware of what's gone on. But we haven't changed any readiness levels as a result of this up to this point.

Q. Mr. Secretary, the U.N. resolution on Iran, is this the kind of thing that you've been calling for for months? Is it enough? And most importantly, do you think it's really going to change Iranian behavior?

Secretary Gates. Well, I think first of all, it's—as best I can tell, if the resolution were to be passed in anything like its current form, it's actually somewhat stronger than I expected. But as I discussed with a lot of our allies, the importance of the resolution is twofold.

First, it serves as a reminder of Iran's international isolation, that all of the major powers are arrayed against Iran's nuclear-weapons ambitions. Second, and more concretely, it—the resolution provides a new legal platform that allows individual countries and organizations such as the E.U. to take significantly more stringent actions on their own that go way beyond, well beyond what the U.N. resolution calls for in and of itself. So I think that the resolution has benefit on two levels.

And I would just make a final comment. If the resolution did not have an impact in Iran, it's not clear to me why the Iranians would have made—are making and have been making such an extraordinary effort to prevent it from being passed. If it were irrelevant as far as they were concerned, I don't think you'd see them expending the kind of diplomatic and other kinds of energy to try and prevent its passage.

Thanks.

Q. So do you expect it to change their behavior?

Secretary Gates. Well, we'll see. I think it's a combination of things. As I said, it's not just the U.N. resolution. It's the—it's the actions of individual countries over and above that. It is—it is a variety of pressures on Iran. You know, by itself, we've seen other resolutions before that have not, obviously, changed their behavior. But as we go along in this process, I think that the ratcheting up of what other countries are willing to do on their own, using the resolution as a basis, does have the potential to change behavior.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Today, we face another serious challenge provoked by the sinking of the South Korean ship. So we must work together again to address this challenge and advance our shared objectives for peace and stability on the Korean peninsula. We ask North Korea to stop its provocative behavior, halt its policy of threats and belligerence toward its neighbors and take irreversible steps to fulfill its denuclearization commitments and comply with international law.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in Beijing, China

Secretary Clinton. I want to commend President Lee for his strong and dignified speech today. It was a testament to his leadership, and to the character and resolve of the South Korean people.

We have consulted closely with the Republic of Korea, and we will continue to do so as we move forward. I will be traveling to Seoul on Wednesday for further discussions. I have also had in-depth conversations with the Japanese leadership, and I am in the midst of intensive consultations with the Chinese Government on this issue. My colleagues in the United States Government, including Secretary Gates and others, are also actively engaging countries in the region.

The United States fully supports President Lee's responsible handling of the Cheonan incident, and the objective investigation that followed, which we and other international observers joined. The measures that President Lee announced in his speech are both prudent and entirely appropriate.

The Republic of Korea can continue to count on the full support of the United States, as President Obama made clear when he spoke to President Lee last week.

First, we endorse President Lee's call on North Korea to come forward with the facts regarding this act of aggression and, above all, stop its belligerence and threatening behavior.

Second, our support for South Korea's defense is unequivocal, and President Obama has directed his military commanders to coordinate closely with their Korean counterparts to ensure readiness and to deter future aggression. As part of our ongoing dialogue, we will explore further enhancements to our joint posture on the Peninsula.

Third, we support President Lee's call to bring this issue to the United Nations Security Council. I will be working with Ambassador Rice and our Korean counterparts, as well as Japan, China, and other UN Security Council member states to reach agreement on a way forward in the Council.

Fourth, President Obama has directed U.S. Government agencies to review their existing authorities and policies related to North Korea, to ensure that we have adequate measures in place, and to identify areas where adjustments would be appropriate.

As I have said, the path that will lead North Korea to security and prosperity is to stop its provocative behavior, halt its policy of threats and belligerence toward its neighbors, and take irreversible steps to fulfill its denuclearization commitments, and comply with international law.

Let me also briefly address another matter that several of you have inquired about. I want to commend Prime Minister Hatoyama for making the difficult, but nevertheless correct, decision to relocate the Futenma facility inside Okinawa. We are working with the Japanese Government to ensure that our agreement adopts Japanese proposals that will lighten the impact on the people of Okinawa. We are confident that the relocation plan that Japan and the United States are working to conclude will help establish the basis for future alliance cooperation.

As a former politician, I know how hard Prime Minister Hatoyama's decision was, and I thank him for his courage and determination to fulfill his commitments. This is truly the foundation for our future work as allies in the Asia Pacific region.

I will be glad to take your questions.

Q. Secretary Clinton, on North and South Korea, can you specify precisely what kinds of things the U.S. Government will look at as it studies policies and authority regarding North Korea? Are you, for example, specifically looking at the possibility of putting them back on the state-sponsor of terrorism list?

Regarding the military coordination that the President has ordered, will that include such things as joint anti-submarine warfare measures to try to prevent precisely this kind of incident from happening again?

And you've said that you will—that you fully support South Korea taking this matter to the UN Security Council. Do you think that North Korea should actually face additional sanctions, sanctions that go beyond 1874, in the Council?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Arshad, we are obviously continuing to review and consult closely on these matters, some of which are quite sensitive. And I look forward to discussing them in depth when I am in Seoul on Wednesday. We will provide additional details at the appropriate time.

With respect to your specific question about the state-sponsor of terrorism list, the United States will apply the law as the facts warrant. The legislation, as you know, sets out specific criteria for the Secretary of State to base a determination. And the Department of State continually reviews North Korea's actions to determine if the evidence supports its designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. If the evidence warrants, the Department of State will take action.

Currently, several North Korean entities, financial institutions and individuals, are subject to sanctions due to their involvement in or their support of North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile program.

You may also know that the White House issued a statement a few hours ago. We are closely coordinating what we're doing in Washington and here in the region, and I think the requests that President Lee made in his speech are fully appropriate, and are being analyzed. So there will be more to report in the days ahead.

Q. Hello.

Secretary Clinton. Hello.

Q. I was wondering how much you can tell us what the Chinese are telling you, as far as their response to the Cheonan issue. There has been a lot of anger in South Korea that the Chinese haven't been more proactive in condemning the North, and I would like— maybe you could say what the Chinese are telling you.

And also, how serious is this situation? I mean, are you concerned this could escalate into a war? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Okay. As I said, we are in the midst of very intensive consultations with the Chinese Government on this issue. It would, again, be premature for me to discuss details of those conversations. But I can say that the Chinese recognize the gravity of the situation we face. The Chinese understand the reaction by the South Koreans, and they also understand our unique responsibility for the peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.

As I said in my statement earlier today, we have cooperated very well with China to respond to North Korea's provocative actions last year, and we are discussing how we will be able to cooperate equally effectively in this context, as well. It is part of the—obviously, a category of its own, when it comes to the strategic and economic dialogue.

But I have to say that we are off to a very good start, with respect to the dialogues. We spent in a very small group at dinner last night about two-and-a-half hours discussing important matters. I have just completed another small group discussion with about—of about two-and-a-half hours. So, the Chinese are taking this very seriously, and recognize the importance of maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. And we will continue to work with them on the way forward.

We are working hard to avoid an escalation of belligerence and provocation. This is a highly precarious situation that the North Koreans have caused in the region. And it is one that every country that neighbors or is in proximity to North Korea understands must be contained. So that is what we are working to achieve. And, at the same time, to send a message to North Korea that we are not simply resuming business as usual, that we intend to work with the international community to create a climate in which both consequences are felt by North Korea, and working to change their behavior, going forward, to avoid the kind of escalation that would be very regrettable.

Moderator. Thank you, everybody.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Yu Myung-hwan delivered these remarks in Seoul, South Korea

Foreign Minister Yu. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I wish to once again welcome Secretary Clinton on her visit to Seoul. During our meeting today, the Secretary and I reaffirmed the Korea-U.S. alliance is a cornerstone of peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in northeast Asia. And building on common values and mutual trust, our countries are developing an alliance relationship that now stands stronger and better than ever. And, furthermore, we had extensive discussions on ways to respond to the Cheonan incident, based on this robust alliance.

We also talked about the Korea-U.S. summit meeting scheduled for late June, and the 2+2 foreign and defense ministerial in late July.

With regards to the Cheonan incidence, Secretary Clinton conveyed her solid confidence in and support for the outcome of the joint investigation team's scientific and objective investigation, and expressed her regards for the calm and measured manner in which the Korean Government is dealing with the incident.

Moreover, we concurred that North Korea's attack constitutes a clear violation of the armistice agreement, the South-North Korea basic agreement of 1991, and the UN charter, and that North Korea should, accordingly, be held to full account. We and in-depth consultations on what concrete measures should be taken.

We also agreed that this—it is when the international community criticizes North Korea's wrongful actions and furnishes a stern response, that we can help North Korea go down the right path. And in this regard we decided to cooperate closely together to ensure that the incident is taken up internationally in such forum as the UN, and that appropriate response is made.

Meanwhile, the Secretary and I agreed to work closely together so that the summit meeting in June and the 2+2 ministerial in late July can lead to productive discussions on appraising the successful development of our strategic alliance, strengthening our security posture, based on our combined defense capabilities, and enhancing cooperation at the regional and global levels by faithfully implementing the joint vision.

In addition, Secretary Clinton and I agreed to cooperate actively to ensure the success of the November G20 summit meeting and the 2012 nuclear security summit, both of which will be held in Korea, and we concurred that the (inaudible) FTA will serve to take our broader relationship to a higher level, and agreed to work together to bring about its early ratification.

Lastly, we affirmed that Secretary Clinton's visit underscores our common determination in dealing with the Cheonan incident, and will serve as an occasion for further strengthening the strategic alliance. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Minister Yu. And it is wonderful to be back here in Seoul today on such a beautiful day to express our strong solidarity and support for the people of Korea.

South Korea is a staunch ally, a friend, and a partner. And I want to thank President Lee for his hospitality and the very important discussions that we had today. The fortunes of our two nations have been bound together for many decades. We have stood watchful guard together for 60 years, vigilant in the cause of peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula and in the wider region. And for the United States, the security and sovereignty of South Korea is a solemn responsibility and a rock solid commitment. Our alliance is a source of strength and confidence, confidence that our two peoples will continue to enjoy security, prosperity, and shared progress in the days and years ahead.

But this relationship extends far beyond our security guarantees. The United States has been a partner to the people of South Korea as they embrace democracy, and embark on a historic economic transformation. Our people trade and study together. Generations of American service members have come to know and respect the Korean culture. And Korean Americans have contributed significantly to the economic, social, and cultural life of the United States.

Under President Lee's vision of global Korea, the ROK has accelerated its progress as a confident and respected player on the world stage. South Korea is a valued partner on regional and global challenges, including its contributions in Afghanistan, and its efforts to combat piracy, among many others. And we are very pleased that Seoul will host the G20 later this year, and the second nuclear security summit in 2012.

When President Obama and President Lee first met last year, they committed to a joint vision statement for our alliance in the 21st century. That speaks to our desire to turn our bilateral relationship into a truly global partnership. And in our meetings today we discussed how we can continue building upon this vision, and further strengthen the ties between our peoples and our nation.

But to seize the opportunities of tomorrow, we must first meet the challenges of today. As President Lee said in his strong and dignified speech to the nation, we cannot turn a blind eye to belligerence and provocation. Let me repeat publicly what I expressed privately to President Lee and Minister Yu. The United States offers our deepest sympathies to the families and friends of the 46 sailors killed in the sinking of the Cheonan, and to all the peoples of South Korea. We will stand with you in this difficult hour, and we stand with you always.

I applaud President Lee and his government for the firm, patient, and deliberate way that they have pursued the truth, and then formulated a response. The international independent investigation was objective, the evidence overwhelming, the conclusion inescapable. This was an unacceptable provocation by North Korea. And the international community has a responsibility and a duty to respond. The measures that President Lee announced in his speech are prudent. They are absolutely appropriate. And they have the full support of the United States.

Over the last week I have consulted with leaders in Japan and China, and we have stayed in close contact with our friends here in Seoul about the best way forward. We will be working together to chart a course of action in the United Nations Security Council, and I want to acknowledge Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon's strong statement on this issue.

The U.S. and South Korean militaries have announced plans for joint exercises, and we will explore further enhancements to our posture on the Peninsula, to ensure readiness, and to deter future attacks. The United States is also reviewing additional options and authorities to hold North Korea and its leaders accountable. We call on North Korea to halt its provocation and its policy of threats and belligerence toward its neighbors, and take steps now to fulfill its denuclearization commitments, and comply with international law.

North Korea can still choose another path. Instead of isolation, poverty, conflict, and condemnation, North Korea could enjoy integration, prosperity, peace, and respect. Its people could finally experience a better life. We know this is possible. Here in South Korea we see it every day, the talent and creativity of the Korean people flourishing in a vibrant democracy. North Korea's future depends on the choices that its leaders make today.

For our part, we remain resolute in our defense of South Korea, unyielding in our pursuit of justice, and determined to achieve security and stability across the Asia Pacific region. The alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea will continue to be a cornerstone of peace and prosperity for both our nations.

So, thank you again, Minister Yu, for your hospitality and your friendship. I look forward to continuing our consultations in the days and weeks to come. Thank you.

Moderator. Next we will be receiving questions from the floor. First there will be a question from Fong Ki Jong from KBS.

Q. My question goes to Mr. Yu. I wonder if there were—what details were discussed regarding the measures today in your meeting. And also, there can be some painful measures, such as cutting off financial channels through the BDA. If such measures were to be taken, when and how do you plan to execute such measures?

And also, there was a statement saying that—and do you plan to take this to the UN Security Council after you persuade China, or are you going to take this to the UN Security Council first, before—

Foreign Minister Yu. Well, first of all, our two countries, in response to the Cheonan incident, we are cooperating fully, and there is no difference in our position, whatsoever.

Regarding our measures, on May 13th President Lee has already given a statement to the people, and he has announced various measures, including restrictions in terms of trade. And the U.S. is also going through its various domestic laws and regulations to take measures against North Korea within its domestic framework. And the details that were discussed, I don't think it's appropriate for me to mention that here. We will, of course, take various measures in the future, depending on how North Korea reacts.

And regarding Mr. Wu Dawei, the head of the Six-Party Talks, he did mention China's position, and I also expressed our position, as well. We will continue to cooperate, the two countries, the U.S. and Korea, and we will—especially when it comes to the issue of the UN Security Council, because Korea is not a standing member, and because the U.S. has the ability to communicate there, we will continue to make our communications with standing members, non-standing members, and I am sure that that will help us to achieve our goals.

The measures that we will take towards North Korea, the measures themselves are not an end. They are just a means to send a clear message to North Korea that it is in response to their actions, and it is also a means to lead North Korea down the right road. Thank you.

Q. Good afternoon. This question, I guess, is for both Secretary Clinton and Minister Yu. Is there—initially it appeared that South Korea would possibly go this week, as early as this week, to the Security Council. Is there any sense of the timing of when this might happen?

And I am also interested in—there have been past crises between North and South Korea, but that was before North Korea developed a nuclear capability. I am curious, particularly from Minister Yu, how North Korea's nuclear capability kind of constrains how the U.S. and South Korea respond. Thank you.

Foreign Minister Yu. For the denuclearization of North Korea, for a long period of time—over seven years—we have made various efforts. However, unfortunately, North Korea has conducted nuclear tests twice.

Regarding North Korea's nuclear capabilities, we have not been able to verify those capabilities, so it is difficult for me to publicly make a statement on that. But with the Cheonan incident, I think the Cheonan incident will serve as an occasion to solve the nuclear issue, as well. The—and it's not to bring North Korea back to the Six-Party Talks, per se, but to see progress in North Korea taking steps towards denuclearization. And we have once again affirmed that—through this incident—that it is very important for North Korea to denuclearize.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Jay, with respect to your question about Security Council action, we are very confident in the South Korean leadership, and their decision about how and when to move forward is one that we respect and will support. I have to say that I found both Minister Yu and President Lee very confident, very relaxed, just very resolute. It was an opportunity for me to exchange views, but to clearly underscore the fact that the United States will be supporting South Korea as it makes the decision, moving forward, on matters such as timing, content, approach to the Security Council.

Q. My question goes to Secretary Clinton. You asked for—you urged China for its cooperation on this incident. So how—what do you expect China to do, and how did you persuade China?

And also, I am sure that Korea and the U.S. is cooperating for joint measures, but how is the U.S. responding? And does the U.S. also—do you also have a resolution in the UN Security Council in mind? And also, if North Korea is to retaliate militarily, how will the U.S. respond?

Another question is I am sure that you will also go—look into the policies that you have towards North Korea. What do you have in mind, in terms of a vision to deter an attack and bring about stability? Any long-term visions? And what kind of a vision that you have personally.

Sorry for having so many questions, but it just reflects my interest.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much. With respect to China, I briefed both the minister and President Lee about our two-and-a-half days of meetings with our Chinese counterparts. And you know that Premier Wen will be coming to Seoul on Friday. So the South Korean Government will be able to engage the Chinese Government at the highest levels. And I believe that the Chinese understand the seriousness of this issue, and are willing to listen to the concerns expressed by both South Korea and the United States. We expect to be working with China as we move forward in fashioning a response to this provocation by North Korea.

We have also underscored our rock solid commitment to the defense of South Korea. There should be no mistaking that by anyone. As you know, the U.S. and South Korean militaries will be engaging in joint exercises, and the President has ordered that our military, working with the South Korean military, look at what additional enhancements can be made to ensure readiness and deter future attacks.

I think both the United States and South Korea share the vision that was articulated by President Lee, which I referred to in my opening remarks, that there is a different path for North Korea. And we believe it's in everyone's interests, including China, to make a persuasive case for North Korea to change direction.

We can't predict what the actual response of the North Korean leadership would be. But there is an opportunity here for the North Koreans to understand that their behavior is unacceptable. And, therefore, they need to look internally toward what they could do to improve the standing of their own people, and provide a different future. But we will be working very closely with our South Korean friends on all of these issues.

Really, there is the immediate crisis caused by the sinking of the naval vessel, which requires a strong but measured response. But there is the longer-term challenge of changing the direction of North Korea, making a convincing case to everyone in the region to work together to achieve that outcome, denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula, and offering the opportunities for a better life for the people of the north. So, we have to work on both of those tracks simultaneously, and that's what we are attempting to do.

Q. A question to you, Madam Secretary, first, and then one to both. You describe the investigation into the sinking of the Cheonan as objective. So the conclusions were inescapable. What will it take to convince the Chinese that this is indeed what really happened?

And a question to both. The situation doesn't seem to be settling. How concerned are you that this could get out of hand? And how does the fear of an escalation limit your actions and what you do, when it comes to dealing with North Korea?

Secretary Clinton. Well, with respect to the report, I believe it was 400 pages long. It was very thorough, highly professional and, in the opinions of objective experts, very convincing. We have urged our Chinese counterparts to study that report. We have offered additional information and briefings about the underlying facts of the event, and I know that the South Koreans have done the same. So, we hope that China will take us up on our offer to really understand the details of what happened, and the objectivity of the investigation that led to the conclusions.

There are two objectives that President Lee has outlined. One is to unite the international community in an appropriate response to this provocation. And the other is to avoid escalation and greater conflict. I believe strongly that that is the right approach to take. So, as we work with South Korea and other partners internationally, we are keeping in mind President Lee's very strong, effective speech, a real act of statesmanship that laid out the problems, offered the measures that South Korea would take, but pointed toward a different future.

So, I think that South Korea has done this extraordinarily well under very difficult circumstances. And I really commend the government and the people of South Korea. Because when something like this happens, it is easy to respond very emotionally and viscerally. But what South Korea has done is to say, “No, first we will get the facts. We will turn that over to an independent group of five nations. And we will wait for those conclusions. And then we will determine what way to act.” And I have the greatest admiration for how this has been handled.

Foreign Minister Yu. Well, during the process of investigation going to the root of the Cheonan incident, we had a joint investigation team, including the U.S., Britain, Australia, Sweden, Canada, a total of 24 experts, foreign experts, were on board this joint investigation team. And they analyzed and they discussed the issue and made a lot of effort to get the results.

And also, China and Russia were also provided with the objective data and material beforehand. And, if they requested, we were willing to receive experts to discuss the issue. And we did actually make that proposal. And that shows—and that is because we believe that objective data has to speak, and no political judgment should play a role in that kind of data. And that is based on fact. And I think that that kind of factual data is the basis for us taking this issue to the UN Security Council.

China and Russia, of course, will take time, I am sure. But they will not be able to deny the facts. And we have, up until now, exerted all of our efforts, and we will continue to do so in the future to bring about further cooperation. Thank you.