Surveys of entering college freshmen indicate that there is more interest in politics today than has been the case in the recent past. Incoming students report the highest levels of discussion of politics in high school in decades, increasing ideological identification, and increased commitment to community service (Pryor et al. Reference Pryor2006). When I took responsibility for a freshman seminar in LaGrange College's multidisciplinary core program, I decided to use this new interest in politics to fulfill the course objectives of stimulating critical thinking and reading, developing research and presentation skills, and increasing awareness of other cultures. To meet this challenge, I designed a course based on simulations using Reacting to the Past games.Footnote 1 Simulations have long been recommended as a tool for promoting active learning, stimulating student participation, and spurring interest in political science courses (Walcott Reference Walcott1980). They have been developed for a variety of political science subjects in recent years (see, for example, Shellman Reference Shellman2001 or Franke Reference Franke2006). Further, there is empirical evidence that the use of simulations both stimulates learning and substantially increases student involvement (Pappas and Peaden Reference Pappas and Peaden2004; Galatas Reference Galatas2006). I reasoned that a course utilizing an experiential learning design substantially different from those students had taken in high school and based on examining the perennial political problems underlying contemporary events would best accomplish the course objectives.
This article describes the course I developed and the simulation methods at its center. I describe the way the games were used in my freshman seminar, pointing out some of the differences and similarities between Reacting games and other simulations. Finally, I present some results from a comparison of the course with other freshman seminars that bear out the expectations I had for the pedagogy.
COURSE OBJECTIVES
My course was somewhat different from the political science courses using simulations that I cited previously. Since the course was one of the required multidisciplinary freshman seminars (the “Core Cornerstone”) taught at LaGrange College, I could not convert it into a straightforward introduction to politics. Further, I doubted that a conventional introductory course would present the best opportunity to use the students' new interest in politics as a tool for increasing student engagement. I decided instead to focus the course on the problem of creating political order. Doing so had several immediate advantages.
First, it would bring the War in Iraq and its consequences directly to the center of the course. The War is the defining issue in contemporary American politics and one of the main reasons for the increased student interest already mentioned (Institute of Politics 2007). However, as Rankin (Reference Rankin2005) has shown, most opinions college students hold concerning the Iraq War are the product of emotional cues centered on patriotic attitudes rather than in-depth knowledge of the actual situation. As a general rule, students can form some notion of how intense primordial cleavages and the displacement of national sovereignty can combine to create immense problems for recreating political order. However, in my experience, students see the insurrection and the difficulties of the new Iraqi government as caused by an irrational populace deformed by an incomprehensible culture. What is missing from the equation is any understanding of why the antagonisms fueling the War have developed and how actors can come to rational decisions about their political interests that lead to dire collective consequences. I reasoned that putting the students through simulations of dilemmas similar to those faced by Iraqis might activate and develop their critical faculties and insure their engagement with the ideas at the center of the course.
I built the seminar around two Reacting games: Rousseau, Burke, and the Revolution in France, 1791 (Carnes and Kates Reference Carnes and Kates2005, hereinafter the French Revolution game) and Defining a Nation: India on the Eve of Independence, 1945 (Embree and Carnes Reference Embree and Carnes2005, hereinafter the India game). Playing the India game would provide students with insights into the difficulty of reaching decisions about new political institutions in faulted societies under conditions of military occupation, even when all sides appear to agree on the primary goals. The French Revolution game, on the other hand, would show the difficulties of establishing political institutions when no sovereign government exists and public order has largely collapsed.
Second, using the games gave me an opportunity to show the direct relevance of political ideologies for creating political order. Students were tasked with reading selections from Indian writers (Mohandas Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Muhammed Ali Jinnah, and their predecessors) and, for the French Revolution game, Jean Jacques Rousseau's The Social Contract and excerpts from Edmund Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. Since the theories of these writers are relevant to winning the games themselves, students would learn that success in political conflicts is as dependent on ideological justification and persuasion as force.
I expected that:
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• the papers required to support student positions in the games would encourage critical and analytical thinking about the readings and develop writing skills,
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• the debates between factions central to the simulations would encourage teamwork and presentation skills, and
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• showing the practical relevance of theoretical thinking and political choices made in the past to the Iraqi situation would develop understanding of other cultures and the ethical dilemmas involved in creating political order.
As I will show, evaluations of the course indicate that all these expectations were largely met.
HOW REACTING WORKED IN THE COURSE
The class was one of 14 sections of the Cornerstone seminar taught at LaGrange College in the fall semester of 2006. It had 18 students, roughly the optimum size for Reacting games, although most games allow for up to 30 students. The class was 61% male, 39% female, and 17% minority, roughly the same demographic breakdown (56%, 44%, and 23%, respectively) as for all the Cornerstone sections combined. Both Reacting games took four weeks to complete and each fell into the same three phases. Since the games have been extensively tested and the time frames are set in the game script, staying on schedule was relatively easy.
Phase 1: Initial Preparation
Basing simulations on historical situations is a common strategy (Newmann and Twigg Reference Newmann and Twigg2000), but Reacting games differ in that they are simulations of historical turning points. Before the games are played, students get a traditional mix of lectures and discussions that bring them to the brink of the actual historical situation being simulated. The game books include excerpts from standard histories of the independence movement in India and the French Revolution. The lectures, assigned classic readings, and reading test are designed to provide a broad outline of these historical events, not to provide the kind of in-depth coverage one would find in a more advanced course. Students are also responsible for reading the sections of the game book outlining the rules of the game itself. Once the reading quiz is completed and the instructor has reiterated the procedures used in the game, this phase ends with the distribution of game roles.
Roles in Reacting games reflect the goals and, in some instances, the personalities of historical figures. For instance, in the French Revolution game, most players are members of one of four factions: Jacobins, Feuillants, the nobility and clergy in the “National Assembly,” and the crowd of Paris in the “balcony.” (The crowd is seated at a table separate from the voting members of the game.) There are roles for individuals both in and out of factions; among others, Danton, the Marquis de Lafayette, and King Louis XVI are active participants. There are also a number of “indeterminates”: members of the Assembly who are not members of any faction and who by design hold the balance of the votes necessary to win as the games proceed. Each role has a set of clearly specified “victory objectives”; winning the game means achieving those objectives and winning is tied to a grading bonus. Stepping out of character or ignoring the objectives can endanger the person who does so (characters can be “killed” or “threatened” in both games) and her final grade. The character of the roles brings a level of discipline and teamwork (and attendance) to the games that far exceeds what I have found in other simulations. Further, since the roles and game strategies have been exhaustively tested and are included in the extensive instructor's manuals available for the games, a common obstacle to using simulations—the need to develop detailed role descriptions and playing rules—has been removed.
Phase 2: The Games
The second phase moves on to the simulations. In my course, each game took six 50-minute class sessions.Footnote 2 The games take the form of a series of debates and votes on actual issues either considered at a hypothetical Simla Conference in 1945 or by the National Assembly during 1791.Footnote 3 Each faction member, the individual characters, and the indeterminates present speeches supporting their side of the issues debated. In both games, the speeches are supported by papers (four–five pages) due at designated sessions of the games; the first lays out initial positions, the others further explain positions in light of on-going events and respond to criticisms. There are two such papers in the India game and three in the French Revolution game. In the latter, the factions also produce three editions of a newspaper incorporating their views. Indeterminates can ally themselves with factions, but most prefer not to show their hand until later sessions when it may be easier to see who is winning. Like all Reacting games, these games have an open podium rule for all participants so that speeches can be rebutted and defended formally before the class as they are given. All players can ask questions of speakers or comment on speeches from the floor.Footnote 4 Students quickly begin to identify with their characters as the games progress. They also become adept at developing victory strategies, insuring teamwork (even among the indeterminates), and negotiating with other players for support. The presentations and debates also help develop leadership and public speaking skills.
The games, like history, are inherently contingent. The historical sequences in the simulations do not have to play out the same way they actually did. While the odds slightly favor the historical winners, all Reacting games are decided by a final vote on the positions of the factions. Victory is dependent on the votes of the indeterminates in the game and on the positions won in debates as the game progresses. In the India game in my class, for instance, the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress agreed on a compromise combining a new national constitution based on a very loose form of federalism, while refusing Commonwealth status for India.Footnote 5 Gandhi reluctantly agreed to it to avoid civil war. Gandhi's support swung the indeterminate representing the rural masses behind the constitution and insured its passage in a simulated national referendum. India cut its ties with Great Britain, Pakistan never emerged, and a weak central government hemmed in by protections for religious minorities took power.
Another aspect of the contingency built into Reacting games is the intervention of “outside elements” into game play. This can influence outcomes significantly. For instance, in the French Revolution game the crowd of Paris cannot vote on any proposals but it can denounce members of the Assembly as “enemies of the Revolution” and eliminate them (and their votes); in the India game, the Muslims and the Hindu nationalists can foment widespread disorder and the Hindu nationalists can assassinate their enemies. The effect of these interventions is determined by a roll of dice; the numbers that result are attached to particular outcomes. These “threats” raise the level of tension in the simulations and give some voice to non-voting forces. Students respond with a surprising seriousness that lends additional credence to the games.
The game format makes the theoretical underpinnings of political positions increasingly important as the situation in the games becomes more volatile. Both the papers in the games and the presentations based on them must present the ideologies of the classic writings assigned in ways that support the victory objectives of the character the student represents. For instance, all participants in the India game had to support or criticize Gandhi's ideas using readings consistent with their victory objectives. Similarly, in the French Revolution game, the various factions and characters must all either defend or refute the theories in Rousseau's The Social Contract and Burke's Reflections in their papers and in debate. This forced students back to their required readings to understand what the authors were saying and how to use their arguments effectively. Since all students know that their positions will be publicly opposed by their faction's opponents and that the grade they receive for their papers and their participation will be partly determined by their use of arguments from the classic readings, they must develop enough command of the material to stand their ground effectively on paper and in person. The level of understanding reached as a consequence is well beyond what would normally be expected of freshman students.
Finally, although the actual conduct and results of the games are in the hands of the students themselves, as “gamemasters” instructors play a vital role. Students must be kept on track and in character in order for the games to work. In my course, this took a considerable amount of email and personal contact with individual students and factions both during the game sessions and afterward, usually to remind them of their victory objectives. Further, gamemasters must intervene in some circumstances to help decide the course of the game. In keeping with the contingent elements in both games, I had to throw dice to determine the effect of uprisings by either the crowd of Paris or the Hindu nationalists and the Muslims. I also introduced documents at the end of each session in both games that influenced strategies at the next session. Occasionally, I would also have to intervene as the instructor to answer questions about game and grading procedures or, more commonly, to force an end to debate.
Phase 3: Debriefing the Games
After the last game session, the pedagogy again reverts to a more conventional framework. In Reacting games, the last assignment of the second phase is to read the sections in the game book concerning the actual outcome of the events in the simulation. This provides background for a discussion of the way the game played out and why. At this point, all students revealed their victory objectives and discussed why they had either succeeded or failed. This can be quite instructive. For example, in my class the French Revolution stalled due to the crowd heeding the advice of their factional allies, the Jacobins. The Jacobin objectives included controlling the influence of the crowd by limiting crowd assaults on the nobility and clergy. The result was that not enough inroads were made into the voting strength of the nobles. When the nobility joined the Feuillants to suppress the crowd and the Jacobins in the game's last session, the majority of the indeterminates, seeing which way the wind blew, joined them. By referring to this outcome in our class discussion, I was able to make some trenchant points referring to the opportunistic response of different Iraqi factions to the Iraqi Constitution and the difficulties of establishing sovereign governments in revolutionary situations. Similarly, the India game made the intransigence of the various ethnic groups in Iraq, despite the potential gains from cooperation, much easier for the students to understand. After all, they had been intransigent themselves in a similar situation.
Iraq and “Lessons Learned”
After the games were completed, the final section of the course involved a three-week examination of Iraq. The students read Nir Rosen's (Reference Rosen2006) In the Belly of the Green Bird as the main text and were responsible for some additional readings. A final four–five page paper on Iraq was also assigned. While this part of the course also used a lecture and discussion format, the game experience bled over into the final classes in unexpected ways. One of the discussions involved parts of the class answering questions about Iraq from the perspective of various American and Iraqi characters in Rosen's book. When the students realized that they had been divided into Iraqi and American factions, they turned the class into a shortened game! They assigned roles within the factions and came up with some basic rules for debate. I quickly abandoned my original lesson plan and reverted to being gamemaster. I have seldom been so gratified in a classroom.
EVALUATION OF THE COURSE
I evaluated the use of Reacting games in the course on creating political order both informally and formally. Informal evaluation was done by interviews with several students in the subsequent semester.Footnote 6 While some students complained of the writing requirements—the course required six medium-length papers as well as the reading tests and a final examination—all found the Reacting games challenging and engaging. Many students mentioned how the liminal aspects of the in-class debates enhanced their engagement with the course. As one said, “You looked at our faction and person in history and compared yourself to them. You became ‘kindred’ spirits per se, both fighting for France or India. I've never been so involved in history before.” Engagement was further illustrated by the level of out-of-class preparation needed to get ready for debates mentioned in several responses. An example: “It was really interesting, but it was really hard. I can remember staying up late to work with [one of her faction members] on arguments before class.” Several also described how knowledge they had gleaned from the course had proven useful in other courses. One responded, “At the time of my participation in this class, I was studying comparative politics…. The combination of my research into varying political systems and my need to utilize that research within the Reacting to the Past class gave me a unique perspective on the curriculum for both courses.” Further, though those with prior debate experience thought they faired better in the give and take in class, there was little evidence that the level of confrontation put students off unduly. Indeed, most relished instances where they had made good points in debate. Perhaps one student summarized the responses to the course best: “I loved playing the games because we weren't playing. It wasn't a game, we were not really even Reacting to the Past as the series of games is called—we were living it and, as they say, Live and Learn!”
Formal evaluation was done using an in-house instrument devised to test how well the freshmen seminars were achieving their pedagogical goals. This survey included 40 questions intended to capture student assessments of the freshman seminar in several categories: empathy, community involvement, critical thinking, cooperation and active learning, and others. Responses were given on four-point scales ranging from either “Never” to “Very Often” or from “Very Little” to “Very Much.” Table 1 reports comparisons of responses from the Reacting course and aggregate readings for all other Cornerstone seminars for questions that showed significant differences at the .10 level of confidence using the two sample Kolmogorov-Smirnov test.Footnote 7 For most areas surveyed, there was little difference between the Reacting course and other sections. As can be seen, however, the games appear to have stimulated critical thinking, teamwork, active learning, consideration of real world problems, incorporating diverse perspectives, and application of theories to course material. Perhaps the most revealing statistic, however, is that the Reacting course averaged 50.73% of all respondents in either the “Very Often” or “Very Much” categories; the mean for other seminars was 24.44%. In other words, on these questions twice as high a percentage of students gave my course the highest rating available.
Student Evaluations of Creating Political Order and Other Seminars

CONCLUSION
Reacting games are complex enough to be used in a variety of different courses from senior honors seminars to the freshman course described here.Footnote 8 However, they are not for everyone nor for every situation. First, the games take more class time than most simulations. Not every course has three or four weeks to spare for a simulation, no matter how effective. Consequently, the games should be carefully matched to course objectives. Second, the games do not scale well. Unlike some simulations based on historical events (Newmann and Twigg Reference Newmann and Twigg2000), Reacting games are not advisable in classes of over 30 students. Third, given the complexities involved in directing Reacting games, training for instructors planning to use them is imperative. While there are now national and regional (and some state) Reacting conferences available for training and expenses are minimal, some interested scholars may find the additional burdens too great. Finally, as Dougherty (Reference Dougherty2003) cautions, a lack of student involvement and commitment can doom any simulation. Reacting games have many ways of drawing students into the process, but there is no guarantee these will always work. In particular, the need for the students to interact out of class to prepare for debates may make the games more problematic for institutions with large numbers of non-traditional students.
That said, the use of Reacting games in my seminar was a success. It provided the students with a learning experience quite unlike what they had been exposed to before and, if their testimony and the evaluation survey results are to be credited, achieved the pedagogical goals set for the course. In addition, it stimulated their interest in politics; four of the students decided to major in political science as a result of the course. I have since used another Reacting game, New York City in the American Revolution, 1775–76 (Offutt Reference Offutt2006), as the opening section in my course in American government, again with good success. I believe that other instructors—and their students—could achieve benefits similar to those I have outlined here. ■

