Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks in India

Secretary Gates. Good morning, and thank you all for being here. I've just come from a meeting with the Minister of Defense and last night met with the External Affairs Minister and the Prime Minister. These discussions just two months after Prime Minister Singh's trip to Washington were an opportunity to continue strengthening ties that are indispensable to the future peace and prosperity of both our nations.

The emergence of India as a global power and the development of the U.S. India relationship is one of the great success stories of the last two decades. The last time I came to New Delhi was as part of the Bush administration. Now as a member of the Obama administration I am struck by how much our commitment to India over the last two years has grown, demonstrating that our shared values transcend any changes in our respective governments.

On defense matters I continue to be impressed by our increased cooperation, cooperation that would have been unimaginable even a few years ago. Whether the issue is joint training exercises or counterterrorism efforts, the United States and India have a tremendous amount to learn from one another and continue to look for areas to expand our engagement, maritime security being one.

These efforts are bolstered by our military exchanges. For example, one of my military assistants with me on this trip was an exchange officer in India in the 1990s.

During the meetings we also talked about larger regional and strategic issues including China. I appreciated the insights I heard, especially with regard to Afghanistan. As you know, last month President Obama announced a new strategy for Afghanistan that recognizes the importance of getting the mission there right. More than anything, the President's strategy represents a long term commitment to the Afghan people and to the people of all South Asia.

I expressed my appreciation for India's contributions to the mission and my belief that India's ongoing economic development support in Afghanistan is vital.

The scale of what we are trying to do requires many nations working in concert. Going forward, India can be an anchor for regional and global security.

Although my visit has focused on deepening our long term defense relationship, this is only one part of a larger strategic partnership that involves all elements of our governments and many convergent interests. And as our nations grow even closer in the coming years and decades, I am confident that together we will be able to meet any and all challenges.

As President Obama has said, this will be a defining partnership for the 21st Century.

Thank you, and I'll take some questions.

Q. Mr. Gates. My question is about the Communication Interoperability and Security Memorandum that you have signed. How different is it from the existing Defense Framework Agreement that you had? And will it include weapon systems, nuclear weapon systems and cyber security as well?

Secretary Gates. The communications, part of the growth in the relationship between the United States and India has been the sale of high technology weapons and military equipment. Associated with that, with those sales, are additional agreements associated with protecting the technology within that equipment or those weapons.

For example, the Communication Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement is an agreement that would allow the highest in U.S. cryptologic information to be provided along with the C-130Js that India has bought.

The agreement that has to do with basic exchange cooperation in the geospatial area is about providing the aircraft that India has bought with the highest technology possible in terms of navigational capability, not to mention targeting.

So these agreements, which we believe are preponderantly in India's benefit because they give high tech systems additional high tech capabilities, are enablers, if you will, to the very highest quality equipment in the Indian armed forces.

I think we have not done an adequate job on the American side in spelling out for our Indian partners the benefits to India of signing these agreements. The agreement that you mentioned, the Communication Interoperability and Security agreement, is an agreement we have with dozens of our closest allies including some here in Asia. And so this is not an out of the ordinary request, it is not an unreasonable request, and really at the end of the day is focused on protecting the technology of both India and the United States. I'm not aware that the agreements bring any specific new weaponry to the systems that we've sold. My sense is that it's principally about giving them additional capabilities.

Q. Secretary Gates, you're fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan and Taliban camps on the eastern side of the Duran Line still exist. And for all the sound and fury, they continue to flourish. Have you spoken to Pakistan about it?

Because this appears to be a critical problem that your country is facing.

The other point is in your meetings with the Indian government, have you ever suggested that perhaps Indian military cooperation with Afghanistan could be stepped up?

Secretary Gates. First of all I think it's important to recognize the magnitude of the threat that the entire region faces. Secretary Clinton and I discussed this in our testimony before the American Congress early in December.

What we have in the area of the Afghan-Pakistan border is first of all, al-Qaida. It's its primary home and safe haven. You also have the Taliban who are active in Afghanistan. You also have the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan that are focused on Pakistan. You also have Lashkar-e-Taiba, LET, that is focused on Pakistan but also on India. And what we see is that the success of any one of these groups leads to new capabilities and new reputation for all. A victory for one is a victory for all.

What I see happening is these groups operating under the umbrella of al-Qaida in the Northwest Frontier Province, probably in North Waziristan, is orchestrating attacks using one element in Afghanistan, using another element of the Taliban in Pakistan to attack targets in Pakistan to try to destabilize Pakistan, and again, working with al-Qaida, Lashkar-e-Taiba, planning attacks in India.

I believe this operation under the umbrella of al-Qaida, working with all of these different groups, is intended to destabilize not just Afghanistan or not just Pakistan, but potentially the whole region by provoking a conflict perhaps between India and Pakistan through some provocative act or terrorist act, or provoking instability in Pakistan itself through terrorist attacks in Pakistan.

So I think it's a very complicated situation. I think it's very dangerous for the region as a whole. I also think it's dangerous to single out any one of these groups and say if we could beat that group that will solve the problem. Because they are, in effect, a syndicate of terrorist operators intending to destabilize this entire region. That's why it is so important for all of us to be engaged, to understand the magnitude of this threat and to be engaged in trying to reduce the threat, and wherever possible eliminate it. And it does require a high level of cooperation among us all.

Q. With regard to the Logistics Support Agreement, there seems to be some reluctance on the part of India to go ahead with it. During the course of your meeting with the top Indian leadership have you been able to convince them of the benefits of this agreement?

Secretary Gates. The Logistics Support Agreement was the third of the agreements that we talked about, and it is, and what I promised the Prime Minister last night was that we would do a better job of putting on paper and using concrete examples of the benefits to India of all of these agreements.

No agreement between sovereign states and especially I would say sovereign democracies is going to be worth the paper it's written on if it isn't of real advantage to both sides. I think what we need to do is be more concrete and more persuasive about the benefits to India of these three agreements.

These three agreements have been laying around for quite a while at this point. This is not some new requirement that has just emerged. The Communication Interoperability and Security Memorandum of Agreement, was first put on the table in 2002. I remember discussing it with the Defense Minister here during my last visit in 2008. So this is not a new requirement that has just come up, but has been known for quite some time.

I just think we need to—these agreements I see as enablers to allow a defense trade and a defense cooperation relationship to expand significantly, because it will lead to greater interoperability and a greater capability of our forces to work together, whether they're working together to provide Indian Ocean security, whether they're working together in a humanitarian assistance, disaster relief activity or any number of other military operations, these agreements will provide additional technology to India and additional benefits that I think will then enable the broader defense relationship between the two countries.

Q. Secretary Gates, I'd just like to take on from what my colleague Srinjoy asked. It was the second part of his question.

Is potential Indian military cooperation in Afghanistan that involves either training and/or deployment, could that really upset U.S. plans in the region?

Secretary Gates. I think that, frankly, the kind of support and extraordinary support that India is providing in Afghanistan now is really ideal. It is significant support. It's about $1.3 billion in development assistance. I think it plays an important role. And let's be honest with one another here. There are real suspicions in both India and Pakistan about what the other is doing in Afghanistan. So I think focusing, each country focusing its efforts on development, on humanitarian assistance, perhaps in some limited areas of training, but with full transparency toward each other in what they're doing, would help allay these suspicions and frankly, create opportunities to provide greater help for the Afghan government.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. I have made it a top priority to elevate the role of diplomacy and development alongside defense in our national security strategy. Nowhere is this more urgent than in our efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. To meet this core goal, President Obama has outlined a strategy that includes supporting the Afghan and Pakistani governments' efforts to defeat the extremist threat. As President Obama made clear at West Point on December 1, our civilian engagement in Afghanistan and Pakistan will endure long after our combat troops come home. While our military mission in Afghanistan is not open-ended, we are committed to building lasting partnerships with Afghanistan and Pakistan.

The challenges in both countries are immense. The Afghan government is under assault from the Taliban and struggling to provide security, jobs, and basic justice to a society devastated by 30 years of war. Across the border, the Pakistani people are victim to regular suicide bombings despite their military's increasingly determined efforts against extremist elements. And while al-Qaeda's safe-haven in the Afghanistan-Pakistan border area is increasingly disrupted, its senior leaders are still planning attacks against our homeland and our Allies.

We shaped our political, economic, and diplomatic efforts in Afghanistan and Pakistan with these realities in mind. Far from an exercise in “nation-building,” the programs detailed here aim to achieve realistic progress in critical areas. They are aligned with our security objectives and have been developed in close consultation with the Afghan and Pakistani governments, as well as our international partners. When combined with U.S. combat operations and efforts to build Afghan and Pakistani security capacity, these programs constitute an innovative, whole-of-government strategy to protect our vital interests in this volatile region of the world.

We have no illusions about the challenges ahead of us. Achieving progress will require continued sacrifice not only by our military personnel, but also by the more than 1,500 U.S. government civilians serving in Afghanistan and Pakistan. But for the first time since this conflict began, we have a true whole-of-government approach. The Afghan and Pakistani governments have endorsed this strategy and are committed to achieving our shared objectives. And as I was reminded during recent visits to Afghanistan and Pakistan, our civilian and military personnel are working together as never before.

For these reasons, I believe this strategy offers the best prospect for stabilizing Afghanistan and Pakistan. I look forward to working with Congress to secure the non-military resources needed to achieve our mission and to signal our commitment to Afghanistan and Pakistan. I am committed to doing everything possible to ensure that those resources are well spent advancing our national interests.

The Afghanistan and Pakistan Regional Stabilization Strategy is available at the following link: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/135728.pdf

Secretary Robert Gates was interviewed in Pakistan by Express TV

Q. All right. Well, there have been some—you've come from India, of course, and there were some meetings that you had over there, some eyebrows were raised here in Pakistan. I want to quickly touch on two things, the bilateral logistic support agreement—which we don't have clarity on that here in Pakistan—and the fact that the United States is going to be—or U.S. companies are going to be supplying military equipment to India, including C-17 transport aircraft—(inaudible)—so forth. Do we need to further rearm both countries at this point?

Secretary Gates. No, I don't think so and I don't think, honestly, what we're talking about is rearmament. The military sales that we have to India at this point are principally transport aircraft, C-130s, and they have expressed an interest in C-17s. Again, both cargo aircraft.

Q. And about the logistic support agreement that you tried to reach. Basically, in Pakistan, we are wondering if that means that you're going to be using Indian bases for military ops. How is that going to affect us?

Secretary Gates. No, not at all. What it means is that if our ships, for example, are working together in an exercise or if they are engaged in a humanitarian assistance, disaster relief mission, that we will provide supplies for one another. It has nothing to do with bases. It has nothing insidious whatsoever to do with anything. It's really—

Q. Nothing to ring warning bells here in Islamabad.

Secretary Gates. No, no. Nothing that should be of concern. It's purely a supply logistics sharing agreement for when we're engaged in joint activities.

Q. All right. I'm going to stay a little bit with that context but there's been a newspaper report out of England that London and Washington are considering asking India to train the Afghan National Police, and we were wondering if there is any credibility to that and, if so, have you discussed that with Pakistan?

Secretary Gates. Well, I told the Indians that we were appreciative of their development programs in Afghanistan, their economic and humanitarian programs in Afghanistan. And I indicated to them that I thought those were the kinds of programs at this point that did the most good.

Q. So the Afghan National Police training the Afghan National Army by the Indians is not on the—(inaudible).

Secretary Gates. I did not discuss that with them at all.

Q. That did not come up. And, of course, Pakistan has been disturbed by the activities of what Pakistan says is (inaudible) activities of the Asian consulates in Afghanistan. Pakistan is nervous about that. Was that issue discussed with the Indian leadership?

Secretary Gates. I raised directly concerns that Pakistan has with potential Indian activities that might be contrary to Pakistani interests when I was in New Delhi, and I was assured that their programs are limited to these economic development programs, and Prime Minister Singh was very explicit to me in saying that either in Afghanistan or, more generally, that Pakistan has nothing to fear from India.

Q. All right. And I want to switch now to some domestic issues regarding Pakistan, and one of the main issues between Pakistan and the United States has, of course, been the drone program. And now I am told that the drone program entails buying new Reaper drones, the Reaper and Predator expansion program until 2013. Has there been any discomfort conveyed to you on the continuing drone program of the United States in Pakistan's tribal areas?

Secretary Gates. Well, I won't discuss operations. I will say that these unmanned aerial vehicles have been extremely useful to us, both in Iraq and in Afghanistan. They have a lot of capability. I have put a lot of money into the budget for them, but at the same time we are in partnership with the Pakistani military and we are working to make available to them their own intelligence surveillance and reconnaissance vehicles, both aircraft and drones.

Q. So you are actually considering giving drones to the Pakistan military?

Secretary Gates. There are some tactical UAVs that we are considering, yes.

Q. All right. Pakistan's military operation, of course, which I mentioned right at the very beginning going on right now in Pakistan's tribal areas, one of the concerns that I think we as civilians and as journalists have is that there continues to be movement for militants who are escaping the Pakistan army's operation and going into Afghanistan and Afghan militants who cross over especially from the Afghan's Kunar province and that is an area where NATO withdrew its check posts a while ago. Now is there any plan to beef up security on the Afghan side of the border, especially when you have another 30,000 troops coming in there?

Secretary Gates. Well, we certainly are interested in the porousness of that border and the movement in both directions. The reality is we have closed some of those forward posts because they were very poorly situated and tactically in a very disadvantageous position, where we were perhaps down in a valley and the Taliban held all of the high ground, and so that put our troops at risk. It doesn't mean any lessening of concern with the border situation and with the cross border traffic by these terrorists.

Q. Is there any way to track the movement of these people who are moving back and forth across the border because there's two-way traffic?

Secretary Gates. Well, that's part of the role of the surveillance vehicles we've just been talking about and that we're putting more of into Afghanistan.

Q. Okay. Let's talk a little bit about the relationship or what is sometimes referred to as a trust deficit between the U.S. and Pakistan which seems to be growing, and part of that is, of course, directly linked to the drone program. And there are other issues that have become contentious between the two countries in terms of the screening, for example, the electronic screening of people at American airports and so forth. Now is there a sense in the Department or administration that this is creating a lot of hostility within Pakistan?

Secretary Gates. I think there is not the feeling that this is a current or contemporary development, but rather is an out-growth of decisions that the United States made in 1989 and in the early 1990s, in the first instance to turn our backs on Afghanistan after the Soviet troops withdrew and neglect the situation there during the 1990s and also the cut-off of military-to-military relationships because of the Pressler Amendment in the early

1990s.

I think that it is—our perception is that if there is a trust deficit it is more a function of Pakistan's concern whether the United States is actually a long-term ally and partner for Pakistan. And one of the reasons for my visit here, as somebody who started coming here 25 years ago, is to say we know we made a mistake in 1989 and in the early 1990s and we are determined to be a reliable, long-term partner and ally for Pakistan.

Q. Has there been any discussion regarding—with the military to aid Pakistan a repeated concern that comes up that American troops could enter Pakistani territory in hot pursuit—boots on the ground. Key concerns of the Pakistani people. Is that likely to happen?

Secretary Gates. I think it's a legitimate concern on the part of the Pakistani people, and all I will say is that the United States is very, very mindful of Pakistan's sovereignty.

Q. Okay. And talk a little bit about the domestic politics. How concerned is the U.S. administration about the domestic problems embroiling the government right now? Senator John McCain, of course, talked about the fact that President Zardari's on shaky ground after the verdict issued by the Supreme Court. Is that an issue that concerns or worries your administration?

Secretary Gates. What we support is constitutional government here in Pakistan. President Zardari is president. We have a good working relationship in the military arena with the military leadership. We certainly want to see continued adherence to constitutional processes and democracy here in Pakistan.

Q. Is this something that you're likely to raise in your meetings with the political leadership? Is that of concern right now?

Secretary Gates. No. Frankly, I consider it an internal matter for Pakistan.

Q. All right. And I want to talk, of course, about another issue that has come up and again—(inaudible)—about the foreign security companies that have been operating in Iraq, in Afghanistan and now in Pakistan. Xe

International, formerly known as Blackwater or Dyn Corp. Under what rules are they operating here in Pakistan?

Secretary Gates. Well, they're operating as individual companies here in Pakistan. In Afghanistan and in Iraq, because they are theaters of war involving the United States, there are rules concerning the contracting companies. If they're contracting with us or with the State Department here in Pakistan, then there are very clear rules set forth by the State Department and by ourselves.

Q. Which were, of course, set aside by the government in Iraq.

Secretary Gates. Well, that was a long time ago.

Q. Okay. But is there a separate set of rules in place right now?

Secretary Gates. I would say they are very stringent rules.

Q. The Pakistan National Assembly has moved a bill trying to bring the activities of foreign security companies under scrutiny and under legislation with very strict guidelines as to what they want. (Inaudible)—If the National Assembly passes that resolution that they're likely to then do you think that you will comply?

Secretary Gates. Of course we'll comply.

Q. You will comply with those rules?

Secretary Gates. If it's Pakistani law, we will absolutely comply.

Q. All right. So where do you think this whole problem that keeps coming up about repeated denials and repeated problems that come up with the American government and the Pakistani government and creates a lot of confusion on the ground. How can that be cleared up?

Secretary Gates. Are you speaking with respect to contractors?

Q. I'm talking about the contractors; I'm talking about the various conspiracy theories that actually take on the hue or the coloring of being real because we don't get a formal statement in this regard from the American government.

Secretary Gates. Well, we hear some of these rumors and I'll address them directly. We have no intention or desire to take over any of Pakistan's nuclear weapons. We have no desire to occupy any part of Pakistan or split up any part of Pakistan. We have no intent to split the Islamic world, and I can keep going because we're aware of these conspiracy theories as much as anyone. And they're all nonsense.

Q. Any contingency plans on securing Pakistan's nuclear weapons in case of emergency?

Secretary Gates. We are very comfortable with the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons.

Secretary Robert Gates was interviewed in Pakistan by Pakistani Print Press

Q. Great. So maybe you can just speak about your meetings that you have had so far. And a follow-up to that will be some detailed response to what you said for Pakistan television yesterday about thinking of giving Pakistan more technology.

Secretary Gates. I met with the minister of Defense, with General Kayani and his staff. The chief of the general staff—joint staff—hosted a lunch with the head of the Navy and the Air Force as well as General Kayani. And then met with the prime minister and then met with President Zardari and had a very nice dinner.

We are trying to do everything we can to assist Pakistan in the fight in the west. One of the things that our Congress has done is pass a Pakistan counterinsurgency fund, that is about a billion dollars, that gives us the flexibility to spend money quickly in support of training or equipment that the Pakistani army and armed services need to deal with the extremists that they're fighting.

Part of what we have been working with the Pakistani military on for more than a year is enhancing their own intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities.

We share a lot of information that we acquire on the Afghan side of the border, and from our satellites, but we also are trying to help the Pakistanis build their own capability. And to this end, we have provided things like King Air 350 aircraft, and we have agreed to provide the tactical UAV we call the Shadow to Pakistan. We also will provide the equipment and the training that allows them to coordinate these different platforms and be able to get the maximum possible value out of it.

Q. Sir, I know you spoke about the Coalition Support Fund. Pakistan is, you know, still expecting some $2 billion of Coalition Support Fund—(inaudible). So what are you doing to expedite—(inaudible)?

Secretary Gates. Well, it will come as no surprise that we discussed that yesterday. We are currently reviewing about $500 million in deferred reimbursements. The—and we—and we still have others from 2009 to review.

Part of the—part of what has happened here is that in 2008, there was a report by our General Accounting Office—which is sort of the congressional watchdog on how money gets spent—criticizing the procedures and the lack of documentation in making Coalition Support Fund reimbursements. So what we've been trying to do is work with our Pakistani friends in terms of the documentation, in terms of making sure it's consistent, in terms of making sure it's complete, because that then will cut down on the time that it takes to evaluate the request for reimbursement, and will, frankly, provide us with the documentation that we require in order to show the Congress that the money was spent for the intended purpose.

The—so we're working on it. Frankly, some of the people that we are adding—seeking to add to the embassy staff are those who will help in the training of the Pakistanis in this arena, and also in the processing.

Q. Did you discuss the issue of Pakistan-India relations? And have you succeeded to reduce some of Pakistan's concerns about India in Afghanistan? And any good news about the resumption of Pak-India dialogue?

Secretary Gates. Well, I simply reported, particularly in my—in my meetings yesterday, that I had talked about the mutual concerns on the part of both India and Pakistan with the activities of each in Afghanistan. I welcome the significant development dollars that India is providing. I said that Pakistan obviously has suspicions of what is going on in—that—what India is doing in Afghanistan.

The Indians clearly have suspicions with respect to what Pakistan is doing.

And I simply suggested that I thought the best remedy for this was, in their back channel discussions, for there to be a complete transparency on the part of both countries, in terms of what they're doing.

I didn't—I didn't ask the Indians to provide trainers or military people or anything. I simply complimented them on the effectiveness of their development programs.

Q. We already have a problem with India. We both have a problem on that. And that keeps us—(inaudible)—on our eastern borders. Now this Afghanistan issue has come up, where Pakistan and India are having a problem inside Afghanistan.

So how do you view Pakistan's concentration on this war against militancy—as you said, it's also affecting us—when new issues are cropping up and the old ones haven't been put aside as yet?

Secretary Gates. Well, I had some long experience with this. The first President Bush, George H.W. Bush, sent me to Islamabad and to New Delhi in the spring of 1990 because of our concerns about growing tensions between the two countries. We made some suggestions for mutual confidence-building measures. But ever since that time and before, both parties have made clear that they don't want outside intervention and that they wish to deal with this issue on a bilateral basis.

We are comfortable with that. And I simply have told both sides, if there is a constructive role the United States can play along in here, that both sides would welcome, we are clearly prepared to do that. But we also defer to the wishes of the parties that they wish to deal with these issues bilaterally.

Q. Sir, before embarking on this regional trip, you said the reconciliation of the Taliban was unlikely. (Inaudible.)

So can we assume that U.S. won't support any reconciliation efforts?

Secretary Gates. No, not at all. And, in fact, the Afghan government is in the process, as I understand it, of developing their own reconciliation plan.

We divide—we divide this process into two categories: reintegration and reconciliation. Reintegration is really about lowerlevel Taliban coming back into their communities, accepting the sovereignty of the government and working within their communities. In many instances, we believe that Taliban footsoldiers fight for the Taliban for money or because their families have been intimidated. And there have been instances where those who have tried to reintegrate, to go back to their families, their families have been killed.

I believe that, as economic development proceeds and as we are able to provide greater security in various areas of Afghanistan, that more and more of the Taliban footsoldiers will, in fact, reintegrate and come back over to the government's side. There clearly have to be improvements in governance at every level. But I think these are the things that—and if we create economic opportunity for them, so they can feed their families. I think this will bring over perhaps a substantial number of the footsoldiers.

When we talk about reconciliation, we're really talking about the senior leaders of the Taliban, both in Afghanistan and, frankly, those that are hiding in Pakistan. My view is, that until those more senior people see the momentum of the fight changing, and they begin to see that they will not win, that reconciliation will come slowly. But I think once they do see that change, you will begin to see that. You will begin to see it, I suspect, on the part of commanders, local commanders and others in Afghanistan itself, first.

Q. There are reports that Taliban—sorry—al Qaeda are shifting to other places like Yemen and Somalia. Does it mean that there are no more safe havens in Pakistan's tribal areas?

Secretary Gates. No, we believe that—the way I would put it is that we believe this cancer has metastasized, that the core of it remains in the Afghan-Pakistani border area. It is the source of information, it is the—and inspiration. It is—it is, if you will, the home historically of the group that destroyed the World Trade Towers, and so it has a special place—this geographic area has a special place in the mythology of al Qaeda and what it represents.

By the same token, they are able to have what I would call franchises that are developing in North Africa, in the Horn of Africa and in the Arabian Peninsula. The difference is that in those countries—and particularly, in Yemen and in North Africa—you have governments that are committed to trying to eradicate this threat. The problem in Somalia is that fundamentally there is very little government.

And so we and our allies will deal with this as they come along, but there is—I think it is the view of virtually all of our experts that none of these other places can ever take the place of the headquarters, if you will, of al Qaeda on the Afghan-Pakistan border.

The other reason that it's so important is that it's not just where they launched the attack against the United States. It's seen as the place where they defeated a superpower. It is a place where they believe they forced the Soviet Union out of Afghanistan and contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union. And that's why this area has a unique role and a unique history for them, and why I think it will remain the core area of where al Qaeda is operating.

Q. Are you winning against al Qaeda?

Secretary Gates. I think that—I think that we are making significant progress. The reality is that, compared with the 1990s and through 2000 and even the middle-2000s, we don't see the same kind of complex attacks that they were able to mount before.

We think that their leadership in many cases has been killed and replaced by people who are less experienced.

So I would say we feel like we are making progress against al Qaeda, have had some significant successes. But we're still in a fight that will last for some period.

Q. You repeatedly made an argument Pakistanis focus on the militant threat. But it was, you know, made clear in the interviews last night that U.S. arms sales to India, which may go beyond transport aircraft, seemed to undercut that goal. Why wouldn't it be a wiser policy just to avoid any arms sales to either country that could be used in a conventional fight?

Secretary Gates. Well, I think that we have to judge each request on its own. After all, we have a good relationship with Pakistan. We sell Pakistan F-16s and other kinds of weapons. And we have a good relationship with India. As you pointed out, the latest sales for India are all transport aircraft, C-130s; C-17s, if that comes to pass.

I think we have to—I think we have to make these decisions judiciously. But we also don't want simply to turn over the—these military relationships to other countries that don't have as many scruples as we do in terms of making those decisions.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered these remarks in London, United Kingdom at the International Conference on Afghanistan

Secretary Robert Gates and Admiral Michael Mullen delivered these remarks in Arlington, VA

Admiral Mullen. Now, if I may, just a word about the ongoing operations in Marja. As you've all been seeing, we're making steady, if perhaps a bit slower than anticipated, progress. I'm encouraged by the good work being done, by the focus on protecting the people vice killing the enemy, and by the bravery of the Afghan people, their security forces and of course coalition troops.

By all accounts, the Taliban's resistance has been, at best, disjointed, but we have experienced difficulties. In some places the enemy fights harder than expected. The IEDs he has planted along the roads and at intersections, though crude, are still deadly. And yesterday's terrible loss of more—of innocent civilians remind us—reminds us of just how fragile and how tragic any move we can make—any move we make can ultimately be.

That incident is being investigated, so I can't speak to many details. But I do offer my heartfelt condolences not only to the loved ones of those killed in this incident but to the Afghan people themselves, and to the family and friends of all those killed or wounded thus far in this operation, Afghan and coalition alike.

I would remind everyone of an essential truth: War is bloody and uneven. It's messy and ugly and incredibly wasteful, but that doesn't mean it isn't worth the cost. We must steel ourselves, no matter how successful we are on any given day, for harder days yet to come. Too sanguine an approach to whatever progress we make in Marja specifically or Afghanistan writ large is just as treacherous as too little fortitude to see it through. If we've learned nothing else these past eight years, it is that failure makes itself plainly clear, but success takes longer to see. We will see success in Marja, but we must be patient, and we must resist the temptation to derive from any one event, good or bad, an unnecessary trend. The long view here is the best view. Thank you.

Secretary Gates. Anne.

Q. Question for both of you, please. On the capture of Mullah Baradar, do you see him as a potential breakthrough toward the ending the war, perhaps by providing intelligence or broking—brokering some kind of deal with the Taliban? Is that something you would accept, if it were even possible?

And why do you think he and perhaps other Taliban leaders are being captured in Pakistan now?

Secretary Gates. Well, I don't want to get into specific captures. But I would say that what we are seeing is the importance of operations, on both sides of the border, and a manifestation of real progress, on the Pakistani side, of dealing with the threats that I've talked about; whether they're the Pakistan Taliban, the Afghan Taliban or al Qaeda, that they all work together, and the success of one is success of the rest.

So I think that the recent events have been another positive indication of the Pakistanis' commitment to stabilizing this border area.

Admiral Mullen. Well, I'd just—I guess I'd just re-emphasize what I said at the end of my statement. I think the longer view here is important and that any single event—you know, hanging our hat on any single event, to get to a conclusion—at this point in time, it's just too early.

And I'd just echo what the secretary says, about the change in—what the Pakistani forces and government quite frankly have done.

Q. Do you still believe that the U.S. is not winning in Afghanistan and is therefore losing?

Admiral Mullen. When I said that, the main—which was September ‘08, I think—the main thrust of that statement was to get to the underresourcing effort—the underresourcing of the Afghanistan campaign and to be very clear about that, which it had been and certainly I think even more so, as General McChrystal showed up, than I had understood at the time.

So the main focus was there.

I think that what—with the strategy, with the resources, with the leadership with a focus on the people, as is indicated in this operation, that we can succeed there. It's going to take some time, and I think it's going to be hard.

Q. But just on the winning or losing question, what would you say today?

Admiral Mullen. I haven't—I mean, I'm just—I haven't—I haven't really made any assessment with respect to that. I think we're headed in the right direction. We got the right leadership, the right strategy, the right resources. And I think we can succeed.

Secretary Gates. I think it's worth noting General McChrystal's comment recently that, where he had been saying that the situation is serious and deteriorating, he believes that the situation remains serious but is no longer deteriorating.

And I think the key thing, since the chairman first addressed the question of under-resourcing, is we have put in about 65,000 additional troops, and the allies, our partners, have put in about another 25 to 30,000. So there has been a huge increase over the space of the—of the past year.

Q. Why so many civilian casualty incidents [in Afghanistan] in the last two weeks?

Admiral Mullen. There have—it's been an area of great focus. As I indicated in my statement, you know, warfighting combat is very difficult. General McChrystal—for this most recent incident they got ahold of the president, President Karzai, immediately and apologized. He's going to—he is actually going to go out publicly to the Afghan people. He addressed their commanders, 06 and below, this morning by VTC.

Nobody's been more focused on this than Stan McChrystal.

Q. If you—(inaudible)—why is this happening?

Admiral Mullen. I think it's just—it's a very difficult environment. It's a—it's tough terrain. It's tough to know. And these are split-second decisions that commanders in combat on the ground have to make. And it is the focus of the military leadership right down to the unit level. And it's indicative, I think, of how difficult it is.

Q. Mr. Secretary, just to—(inaudible)—on the air strike, do you have a clear sense yet of who actually called that strike in? And also, given that General McChrystal's tactical guidance was, if you're taking fire, disengage; if you're not taking fire, don't call in a strike—since this seems to be fairly clearly not a situation where they were taking fire, why was this strike approved?

Secretary Gates. The answer to your first question is, I don't know. That's what we're looking into right now. And General McChrystal has an investigation of this going on so that, you know, frankly I don't have—I have very few details on the situation other than the fact of the civilian casualties. And we'll just have to wait.

The one thing you learn in this is that the first reports are always wrong, one way or the other, and so we just have to wait until we get the facts.

Q. Secretary, if I could just follow up, the first reports about the Kunduz strike were actually fairly accurate, but that was a situation, obviously, where there was tremendous loss of life, but there was not much military follow-through as far as discipline, as far as holding anyone really accountable for that strike.

So if you're trying to communicate to the Afghans that these strikes are serious and that this is not what we're trying to do, why has there not been an effort to discipline people, let's say in Kunduz, and potentially not here, either?

Secretary Gates. Well, I can't—I can't speak to Kunduz because that was almost entirely a German operation, as I recall, and I haven't followed the details of that.

I know that there was a good deal of difficulty within the German government and, in fact, if I'm not mistaken, that the handling of that was one of the reasons that the defense minister was replaced. So I would say that's a pretty high level—

Q. Do we have the use of air power right, right now? In other words, there are some people who have critiqued General McChrystal and said he's gone too far at restricting when and where air power is used. And one could see these incidents as, you know, forcing an even further restriction on the—on the use of airstrikes or other airborne fires. What's your thought on that issue?

Secretary Gates. My thought is that I'm not going to try and second-guess Stan McChrystal from 9,000 miles away. He's the commander. I have confidence in his judgment. I'll leave it to him to make those decisions about the right balance. Just as he is concerned about civilian casualties, he is also deeply concerned about the potential for American and coalition casualties.

We had a very tough weekend. There were, I think, nine American soldiers and Marines killed in this operation, another two outside of Kandahar. So, you know, we're very mindful—and I leave it to Stan McChrystal to make that call. That's what—that's what his job is, and to try and second-guess him from back here, I think, would be a terrible mistake.

Admiral Mullen. The one thing—the one thing I'd add to that, Julian, is in talking about air crews—and I spent some time on this trip with air crews, both right after General McChrystal changed the rules—there's a conversation going on now. Everybody's aware of this, certainly not just those on the ground but those in the air. And I'm encouraged by that, to try to get—to try to obviously hit the right balance here with respect to both ROE, protecting our own forces, supporting them and obviously not killing any civilians.

Secretary Gates. Jim.

Q. For both of you, please: From the very beginning, the offensive in and around Marja was advertised as a joint operation during which Afghan forces would have a robust participation, if not take the lead in some operations.

But over the past week we're hearing many instances where the Afghan forces have to be dragged into the fight; their performance is spotty, if—and in some cases nonexistent. What do you think is the capability of the Afghan forces at this point? And does overstating their capability undermine their credibility and ISAF credibility?

Admiral Mullen. I think you presume that it is overstated. They are in the lead; there have been—there have been Afghan security forces that have performed exceptionally well. There's certainly no frequency of reports that they're not doing that. I've seen the media reports, specifically, so I—you know, so I take that aboard.

I mean, they have—for the forces that they sent in, they've got battalions prepared to do this. And in my interaction with the leadership out there, you know, some of them are better than others. And so I guess I'm not surprised in some of these cases. But at the same time, they are—they are in many ways very courageous, leading, and we're with them, and we understand that.

And certainly the reports that I've seen where we've—where we've worked to get them more in the game in a certain situation I understand. But, by and large, I haven't heard anything back from the commanders out there that it's—that they are in any way a detriment. In fact, they've sacrificed, lost people. It is their country, and they're anxious to lead.

Secretary Robert Gates and President Hamid Karzai delivered these remarks in Afghanistan

President Karzai. (Speaking in Pashto.)

Secretary Gates. First, let me start by thanking President Karzai for hosting, once again. We had a very good conversation about challenges facing Afghanistan, as well as the ever-increasing opportunities.

The most pressing matter we've discussed was the major operation that President Karzai approved in Helmand Province where Afghan and international troops have succeeded in clearing almost all of Marja and Nad Ali. President Karzai visited the battlefield yesterday and spoke at length with tribal elders about the concerns and needs of the people.

The insight President Karzai shared with me about his visit shows once again that establishing security is only the first step. Long-term success will ultimately be determined by how well the Afghan government, with the support of the international community, can respond to the citizens of Afghanistan and inspire their loyalty.

In that respect, and even though the holding and building phase in Marja is just beginning, the initial results are encouraging. Employment and agricultural programs have been initiated. Bazaars and schools are reopening. And most importantly, displaced families are returning home.

Of course, the operation in Marja is only one of many battles to come in a much longer campaign focused on protecting the people of Afghanistan. Since General McChrystal made population protection the centerpiece of his military strategy, civilian casualties have been dramatically reduced. When despite our very best efforts they do occur, we will continue to acknowledge our mistakes and find new and better ways to coordinate more closely with Afghan forces.

This will be particularly important over the next year as tens of thousands of additional Afghan and international troops join the fight. As we have learned in Marja and elsewhere, successful operations depend on Afghan national security forces.

I support President Karzai's goal of 300,000 Afghan soldiers and police by the end of next year. And I thanked him for his call for Afghans to join their security forces.

I also told him that I will continue to work with our NATO allies and other international partners to get more trainers and mentors. We're all united in wanting to see the Afghans assume greater responsibility for the security of their own country and their own people.

I last visited Afghanistan last December, only days after President Obama announced a new strategy to demonstrate America's enduring commitment to Afghanistan. General McChrystal believes that the security situation is no longer deteriorating and that there are also a number of other positive developments. The international community has made significant pledges of additional military and civilian support. Improvements in the relations with Pakistan have yielded tangible results and increased cooperation along the border. And Afghan troops have responded to the call of their commanderin-chief to join the fight in unprecedented numbers, and they are making heroic sacrifices to protect the men, women and children of this country from the enemies of a free Afghanistan.

There is still much fighting ahead and there will assuredly be more dark days. But looking forward, there are grounds for optimism as our countries pursue what President Karzai has called an Afghan-led, and Afghan-owned initiative to ensure peace and stability. That is the goal I share, and working together, it is one we can achieve.

Thank you.

Secretary Robert Gates delivered these remarks in Cafferata, Afghanistan at Forward Operating Base

Q. Would you give a couple of impressions of your walk through Now Zad? We didn't see very many people on the street.

Secretary Gates. Well, I think that the thing that—the thing I kept trying to remind myself of was what I said in front of the troops, that, essentially for four years that town was a complete ghost town; there wasn't anybody there. And they now have about 15 or 20 shops, and in fact, I heard even a larger number at one point.

Obviously having the roads de-mined and cleared will make it possible for them to have more customers. Right now, it sounds like a lot of their customers are from the Afghan national security forces. But people are beginning to move back into town.

And it's really all—I mean, the other thing to remember is that having this town cleared after not having any presence—Afghan government or coalition or anybody else—for about four years, this process has only been under way for a few months at this point. So it's gradual. But I think, you know, what I got from the Marines taking me around is the perspective of when they got here and now the level of activity that they see in the shops.

Q. Do you think it's possible to completely rid a place like this of the Taliban, or will there be some sort of enduring presence?

Secretary Gates. Well, I said quite a while ago that in many respects the Taliban are now part of the political fabric of Afghanistan. But I mean, the whole principle behind reintegration is they want to come over and live under the Afghan constitution, the Afghan—Afghan law, concede the monopoly of force to the Afghan government.

And I think that we're seeing signs that that is happening. It's still pretty smallscale. But you know, if they're willing to put down their weapons and rejoin society—as we talked a lot and as we talked yesterday at the press conference—as I said at the press conference with President Karzai, we believe that there are a substantial number of these Taliban foot soldiers who do—who fight because they don't have any other way to support their families or because they're intimidated.

So if we can create alternatives for those—for those people—the Afghan government can create alternatives for them—the chances of them wanting to re-enter society and go back to their villages increases substantially.

Q. Mr. Secretary, do you feel that we have Karzai's support— the degree of support you need for the Kandahar operation?

Secretary Gates. Yeah, I think—I think that he has—I think General McChrystal has worked very hard to ensure that President Karzai is the commander in chief. He took the Marja operation to him, briefed him on it, got his approval to go forward with it. And I have every expectation he'll do the same thing with Kandahar.

Secretary Robert Gates and Minister Abdul Rahim Wardak delivered these remarks in Afghanistan

Minister Wardak. Today, as you have witnessed, the Secretary of Defense has accompanied us to see one of the Afghan army training centers. At the moment, we are in a phase of accelerating the growth of the Afghan National Army, which we do hope that in the future, it will be able to stand in its own feet and relieve the burden from the international forces as far as the physical security is concerned and then the international forces will take mentoring and supporting roles. Secretary Gates has been a great supporter of our struggle here in Afghanistan for stability and prosperity, and we are profoundly grateful to him, to the DOD, to the U.S. government and to the U.S. people for all the help, support and assistance which they have delivered to save Afghanistan from years of tyranny, destruction and civil war.

At the moment, I think we are in the very critical stage of our joint endeavor, but we are quite optimistic. We have a clear vision. We have a shared strategy. We have a shared assessment. We have commonly, I think, identified all the problems and crafted the proper response.

So the recent Operation Moshtarak was a good example of that, which we'll continue to implement in the rest of the country and I hope that, I have no doubt that with the new effort with the continuing support of the international community, particularly the United States, I think we will win this endeavor and Afghanistan will stand on its own feet one day, and we will become a constructive and positive member of international community and an enduring partner with the United States and all those countries which have helped us in this time of the trouble.

At the moment, I think the U.S. has sent their best officers, which are led by General McChrystal and we have achieved a partnership, which we have never managed before. We have all the—all the part of the team, that is, a lot of integration of planning, sharing of intelligence and I think this partnership will further strengthen as the time passes. And we do hope that sometime by the end of this year or the next year, we will be able to commence the transition from ISAF security to our security. And I think that's all.

I thank Secretary Gates once again for all of his support. Thank you.

Secretary Gates. Thank you.

Minister Wardak and I have now been partners in this endeavor for over three years, working together and the changes that we have seen in that time, including the arrival and commitment to this country of over 100,000 additional international forces and also the growth and increasing professionalism of the Afghan army as we work together in this campaign.

So I think keeping some perspective about how much has already been achieved, the breadth of international support for what we're doing here, I think, is critically important.

Secretary Gates. It's a very impressive operation, and obviously, will play a critical role in the future of the Afghan army.

Although attention may be focused on the operations in the South today, the training that is going on at this facility for the long-term is even more important.

I'm very impressed by the growing number of Afghans who have stepped forward to help defend their nation.

They have clearly heard their country's call and have rallied. As I told the soldiers, the future of Afghanistan is in their hands.

At the end of the day, only Afghans will be able to provide long-term security for Afghanistan. This is a goal that both Minister Wardak and I understand and it is the goal toward which we're working together.

Q. General Wardak, what is your best estimate of how soon Afghan forces can provide majority security of the country?

And Secretary Gates, do you think we're on target to begin withdrawing some of the initial forces later this year?

Minister Wardak. Actually, we have a timetable that we are following, and we will reach that—(inaudible)—approved number on October of 2011. And I hope by that time we will be able to have the responsibility for the physical security of the country in different regions, and then that process will continue as we go further and our numbers improve and our capabilities increase.

Secretary Gates. As conditions on the ground permit between now and July of 2011, we might be able to begin the process of transitioning to Afghan security control. I think it will be a process. But between now and July 2011, it would have to be conditions-based. We will begin that transition no later than July of 2011, but the pace will depend also on the conditions on the ground.

The significant increase in the size of the Afghan National Army, the significant increase in the number of international trainers, and the significant increase in coalition forces is all really just getting under way, and we should not be too impatient.

Secretary Hillary Clinton was interviewed in Washington, DC by Munizae Jahangir of Express TV Group

Q. Pakistan has a lot of expectations from the Strategic Dialogue, and one of the expectations is that they are hoping to get a civilian nuclear deal similar to the one with India. Now, obviously, one of the (inaudible) is going to be proliferation, but your Administration has already vouched that we are no longer doing that. So are we going to restart having a dialogue acknowledging Pakistan's nuclear program?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me wish everyone a happy National Day because I know that this will air on Pakistan's National Day. And let me also say how pleased we are to have the first of our Strategic Dialogue meetings here in Washington. We have a really broad agenda—that issue, many others are on it. And what we try to do in these Strategic Dialogues is to begin the hard work of sorting through all the different issues that are raised. I'm sure that that's going to be raised and we're going to be considering it, but I can't prejudge or preempt what the outcome of our discussions will be, except to say that this Strategic Dialogue is at the highest level we've ever had between our two countries. We are very committed to it. We know whatever we do will take time. It's not the kind of commitment that you easily produce overnight or even within a year. But it is important to get started, to sort it out, and to develop the trust and the confidence between us, and between all the people who work in our government, because it's not just between me and Foreign Minister Qureshi, it's all the other people who do the work. And we will be moving forward. We'll have our next session in the future in Islamabad.

Q. The reason I ask the nuclear question is simply because we are having these power riots in Pakistan at the moment and we desperately need that kind of power and that help that was given to India at the same time, and(inaudible) that there's a sense of unevenness after you signed the nuclear deal.

Secretary Clinton. Well, I can't speak for anyone else's impressions, but that was the result of many, many years of strategic dialogue. It did not happen easily or quickly. And I think on the energy issue specifically, there are more immediate steps that can be taken that have to help with the grid, have to help with other sources of energy, to upgrade power plants and the like. And we are certainly looking at those and we want to help Pakistan with its immediate and its long-term energy needs.

Q. You had a very good (inaudible) the Kerry-Lugar bill that was passed (inaudible) now. How come the money has been so slow in coming, because we desperately are in need of that money?

Secretary Clinton. Well, the money is in what we call the pipeline. It's not easily conveyed because there are all these rules we have to follow, but it is being delivered. Money is coming forward. And we're well aware of Pakistan's financial challenges. We're going to do everything we can to expedite the flow of the money that we want to go to work in agriculture, to work in energy, to work in security—the broad range of issues that we have discussed.

Q. Now, earlier President Bush's Administration had announced a reconstruction opportunity zone for Pakistan's troubled Northwest. Is your Administration going to pursue that?

Secretary Clinton. Yes, absolutely. We are committed to it. We came into office wanting to deepen and broaden our relationship with Pakistan. Unfortunately, we came into office in the middle of a global recession, so President Obama had to really turn his attention to getting the American economy moving again. But trade, and in particular the so-called ROZs, are a very high priority. The President himself has spoken out on behalf of those. And we are working to try to realize the benefits of greater market access for Pakistan.

Q. So perhaps we will have a bilateral investment treaty?

Secretary Clinton. Well, there are many different ways to pursue it, and some of them are more available immediately. But that's why we're going to be meeting in the Strategic Dialogue, to really go in-depth. We have Strategic Dialogues with Russia, with China, with other countries. There's a lot of work that is entailed and it takes time. And we're just beginning this process with Pakistan. We're very excited about it, but we have to go through the process, we have to get everything lined up, and then see what steps we can take.

Q. So what are you hoping to achieve at the end of (inaudible)? What is your (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think that we would have a strong foundation for these Strategic Dialogues, that we would begin the process of developing an agenda, that we would start putting in place the mechanisms that we will be using. For example, Foreign Minister Qureshi and I can agree this is what we want to do, but he and I don't do that work. Our bureaucracies do that work.

Q. (Inaudible) do want center stage if there are going to be negotiations with the Taliban. Now, if there are negotiations with the Taliban, where does Pakistan fit into the picture?

Secretary Clinton. Well, that's one of the things that we'll be discussing in the Strategic Dialogue, because clearly, Pakistan has a very important role to play. And the actions that Pakistan has taken against the Taliban extremists inside Pakistan, I think have been extremely important and very well done to demonstrate that you cannot allow terrorists to operate inside your own country. And now, we want to get Pakistan's advice about how best to move forward in Afghanistan.

Q. Including the arrest of Mullah Baradar, one of the top Taliban leaders? Do you welcome that? And—because there is lot of controversy surrounding it. Of course, the UN's special envoy to Afghanistan, former UN special envoy, has very clearly said and criticized Pakistan for arresting the Taliban leadership, saying that they've tried to destruct negotiations with—

Secretary Clinton. That's not how I see it. I don't want—

Q. How do you see it?

Secretary Clinton. I don't want to contradict anyone, but the way I see it is that it was an example of cooperation between Pakistan and the United States. Both sides have said that they shared intelligence. These people pose threats to both of our countries, and so I think that arresting those who are posing those threats or have conducted or condoned terrorist attacks in the past is in both the interests of the United States and Pakistan.

Q. So the UN is obviously not on the same page as (inaudible).

Secretary Clinton. Well, I don't want to speak for anyone else because they may have a different perspective. But our opinion is that that was an important example of cooperation.

Q. Are you going to start talking to the Taliban leadership anytime soon? I know you are talking to the low-level commanders, but are you going to start talking to the Taliban leadership?

Secretary Clinton. Well, that is not really anything that the United States is doing. That is what Afghanistan is doing, President Karzai is doing. We have said we will support his efforts. But we're still at the very early stages of any kind of political reconciliation process.

Q. One of the things I remember you saying and writing is that in democracy, women's voices must be heard. Now, in your attempt to reintegrate the Taliban, how far are you going to go and how much are you going to compromise (inaudible)?

Secretary Clinton. Not at all, I hope. Because what we have said very clearly is that in order for someone to be reintegrated into Afghan society, they must renounce violence, they must lay down their arms, they must respect the Afghan constitution and the laws of Afghanistan which now protect women's rights and roles. So my view is that we have to protect what now has become the legal and constitutional framework. Now, will there be problems? Of course, there will be. There are in any society where people don't abide by what they have said they will do. But I don't think the United States or Pakistan, with a history of women's involvement in politics, in business, in academia—I don't think we want to be party to turning the clock back on the women of Afghanistan. So those Taliban who wish to be accepted back into Afghan society must abide by the rules now that exist.

Q. Are you going to let President Karzai's government know this, because there are Taliban leadership that perhaps the women's rights activists have been criticizing, and they don't want that part of the Taliban leadership to be talking to the Karzai government?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think that they have every reason to be concerned. But if whoever is in the leadership abides by the conditions that are set, then the job will be to hold them to those conditions. But it won't necessarily be to tell them they can't stop fighting, that is a threat to women and men, that if they are willing to stop fighting, here are the rules they must abide by. Now, we know that anytime you're in a conflict situation and you're trying to bring about a political solution, there are risks. We know that. But at the same time, we think pursuing this very carefully is worth doing. We're just at the beginning. We haven't tested it. We don't know how far it will go. And that's one of the reasons we're consulting with our Pakistan partners.

Q. Thank you very much for speaking to us.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. It's a pleasure.

Secretary Hillary Clinton was interviewed in Washington, DC by Moeed Pirzada of Dunya TV

Q.—I just flew in from Islamabad, and a (inaudible) left on the terms of the strategic dialogue, in which—Pakistan strategic dialogue, which so—sounds so good, but it's all taking place, taking shape in the context of Afghanistan. And once the U.S. meets the goals in Afghanistan, the strategic dialogue or whatever relationship U.S. and Pakistan have is going to start (inaudible).

Secretary Clinton. Well, that is certainly not our plan. Our plan is that we've been working this past year to qualitatively change the nature of our relationship between the United States and Pakistan. There are so many issues that are of importance to Pakistan, to the United States, to our people, that we wanted to have the framework of a strategic dialogue, which we have with a number of countries, but it is something that we care deeply about with respect to Pakistan.

As I said when I was visiting in October, we want to take our relationship to a deeper level. We want to have the kind of ongoing consultation and dialogue. It doesn't happen overnight. It's not going to be able to wave a magic wand when we say that our first really ministerial-level strategic dialogue that is starting this week takes place. It is a process, but it's such an important process, and we very much believe in it.

Q. Secretary Clinton, a number of issues have united to fight on the agenda, like water, like energy, like economic cooperation, security, education, communication and diplomacy. But people wonder that—where is the interdependence? No enduring strategic relationship can survive without an element of interdependence, and all the relationships that you have, either with UK or (inaudible) in Canada and the new relationship with India has element of interdependence.

Are we expecting any movement towards a free trade agreement with the United States and Pakistan or a potential access for Pakistani textile products into the United States market?

Secretary Clinton. Well, the free trade agenda has been paramount to the Obama Administration. I have personally spoken out about it. I have testified before Congress. The President has spoken out about it. Unfortunately, we came to office in the middle of a global recession, but our commitment to increasing market access for Pakistani goods is at the top of our agenda.

And again, I know that there's a level of impatience and a sense of anticipation, but we believe that we want to build a very strong foundation, because we don't want this to be a year or two of strategic dialoguing. We want this to be, along with some of the countries you just mentioned, an enduring part of our relationship and our foreign policy priorities.

Q. When I look at the list (inaudible), things like apart from security, we have economic development, we have agriculture, we have energy, which (inaudible) with me that all these things are very intimate and very closely linked with the issue of the water. And water, in the context of South Asia, between India and Pakistan is increasingly a transnational commodity, a transnational issue. Are we expecting the United States to play a more active and more robust diplomacy between India and Pakistan on the issue of water?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I think the issues that you mentioned are all interconnected, and you can't pull one out and say, well, is this now going to become international as opposed to what we can do within the context of our relationship to assist Pakistan.

Agriculture, water—they're all connected. We think we can bring to the table technology, innovation. I announced a project that we are funding to help farmers in Pakistan update two wells so that they can get better irrigation from the water that is already there. We're well aware that there is a 50-year-old agreement between Pakistan and India concerning water.

What we want to do is to help Pakistan make better use of the water that you do have. That's going to have to be the first priority in countries including our own. Let's see what we do to protect our aquifers. Let's see what we do to be more efficient in the use of our water. Let's see what we do to capture more rainwater; how do we actually use less of it to produce more crops? We think we have some ideas with our experts that we want to sit down and talk with your experts about and see where that goes.

Q. Just—if I want to spend 30 seconds more on that, in the sense that what you mentioned is an internal management of the water resources, and I want to remind you that you have recently launched the Global Hunger and Food Security Initiative in which you identified that (inaudible) hunger is a strategic part of the U.S. foreign policy. So I wonder that—will you still be persuaded by the Indian argument that Pakistan and India are a bilateral relationship and U.S. cannot play an active mediation between them? Maybe water will change that perspective, that perception?

Secretary Clinton. Well, usually, where there is an agreement, as there is between India and Pakistan on water, with mediation techniques, arbitration built in, it would seem sensible to look to what already exists to try to resolve any of the bilateral problems between India and Pakistan. But in the course of the strategic dialogue, what we want to do is focus on the problem. If the problem is water or agriculture or energy, without looking externally, as we do in our other strategic dialogues, when we have a strategic dialogue with Russia, it's between the United States and Russia.

Now, Russia may have trouble with China or with another neighbor in Eastern Europe, but our strategic dialogue is between the two of us. And our strategic dialogue with Pakistan, which we are taking to the ministerial level at the highest level of civilian democratic leadership, is what we want to build and really put on a strong footing for the future.

Q. Last question. We are expecting you for the second round of the strategic dialogue in Pakistan. The last time you came here, you left such an impact. Are we going to expect you to come and have a discussion to assess the progress we have made in Pakistan?

Secretary Clinton. Absolutely. We have strategic dialogues with Russia, with China. We alternate. Our Russian counterparts or Chinese will come here, then approximately—I don't know how many months, but usually somewhere—eight, 10 months, a year, we go there. We go back and forth because it's important to hold each of our governments accountable. I mean, I can have an excellent discussion with Foreign Minister Qureshi, but unless our bureaucracy here in the United States and your bureaucracy back in Pakistan actually do the work, we make no progress. So of course, we have to keep the pressure on. So our first meeting will be this week in Washington and then we will have the next meeting in Islamabad.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Makhdoom Shah Mahmood Qureshi delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. We've had an excellent day for Pakistan-United States relationships with the kickoff of this highlevel Strategic Dialogue. And I want to thank Foreign Minister Qureshi and all the members of his delegation for making today's events possible. Those of us who have experienced Pakistan's famous hospitality firsthand are delighted to welcome you as our guests. And we hope we will have many more occasions to do so in the future.

Today does mark the beginning of a new stage in the relationship between Pakistan and the United States. With this Strategic Dialogue, we are addressing the full range of interests and concerns that matter to the Pakistani and American people, including national security, economic growth, agriculture, energy, education, health, social progress, with a new level of commitment and focus.

Now, some might ask what really has changed, what makes this dialogue so special. Well, to begin with, this is the first time ever that such a dialogue has been led by a foreign minister and the Secretary of State. We've also established new procedures. With this dialogue, we have identified projects in key areas and created a roadmap for making consistent progress. Working groups consisting of experts and policy makers from both countries have been meeting today and will continue meeting tomorrow and will continue meeting for the months ahead. Foreign Minister Qureshi and I will be overseeing that work and we will stay involved in it, and our teams intend to meet again later this year, this time in Pakistan.

But I would add that one of the real features that differentiates this effort from others is all of you. We are joined today by board members from the U.S.-Pakistan Business Council, the American Pakistan Foundation, Pakistani Americans who work for the United States Government, including many who work here at the State Department, and people from across the broader Pakistani American community—business leaders, academics, professionals, citizens from every walk of life. And your presence reminds us of the bonds of friendship and family that connect our countries, the vibrant community that sustains and strengthens this relationship. Ours is a partnership not only between governments, but between people. And people can help us achieve our goals in ways that governments simply cannot.

So we today are charting a new course for the future together, one that is strategic and substantive and that will yield tangible benefits. One of the ingredients for that success will be investments, investments of all kinds. And I am looking at some of the most successful people in our country as I look out and see so many friends here. Business investment is absolutely essential. In this past year, we have seen Pakistan's economy begin to recover, thanks in part to remittances from Pakistanis and families living overseas. Remittances reached record levels in 2009 and they helped to spark critical economic activity.

Foreign Minister Qureshi. Thank you, Madam Secretary. Thank you for the support that I have received from you and your team. Ladies and gentlemen, I will not be exaggerating if I say that today, the 24th of March, will be recognized in days to come as a important day in U.S.-Pakistan relations. Because today, we have tried to redirect this relationship into a partnership. And this could only come about realizing that a strategic partnership can only be strategic if it is people-centered. And your presence and your support is what I seek.

I remember the first meeting that many of you attended in New York when we were discussing the idea of the Pakistan American Foundation. There were many who said don't even venture this way, it'll not work. But I believe in perseverance, and I believe if you persevere, it commands success. And I have faith and I believe in you, the Pakistani Americans, because I have interacted with some of you. I am getting to know more of you. And the more I interact with you, the more I realize how much you care—how much you care about Pakistan. You are American citizens now, but you still have your heart and soul very much in Pakistan.

And that is why we've created a vehicle for you that you will own and direct and give leadership to. We will facilitate. We will not guide nor are we bosses. I'm a democrat and democracy believes in people. I think the best ambassadors Pakistan can have are you people who have done it in a competitive environment, in a challenging environment. You've proved your mettle and I am proud of you. And I request you to help Pakistan to strengthen democratic values in Pakistan. After many years, we are back on track.

Today in Pakistan, we have a functioning democracy. Today in Pakistan, I can proudly say we have a very independent judiciary. Today in Pakistan, we have a very independent media. Today in Pakistan, we have a growing, a vibrant civil society. And collectively, we can take Pakistan to the level it ought to go to. We are not a poor country. We are a rich country. We are rich in human capital. We are rich in resources. We only need to utilize them better. And if we can do it, I am confident that we will grow. And very soon, we will grow by 6 to 7 to 8 percent.

And we are determined to push poverty down. We are determined to achieve the goals that the founding fathers of this country—the vision they had for Pakistan and the founder of my party—the economic change, the social change that he promised. We are going to achieve that. And you will help us achieve that goal.

Corporate America can help Pakistan. Today, we've created a vehicle to which you can help Pakistan. There are great business opportunities in Pakistan. Yes, there are challenges. Yes, there are difficulties. Yes, we are going through a difficult time. Yes, there is a security situation. I do not deny that. But we will change it. And the last two years of this democratic government, we have shown and we have provided the leadership to bring about that change.

Today, the Taliban are on the run. Today, the militants know that there is a government, and the people of Pakistan and the public opinion of Pakistan are united, and collectively, they are going to defeat them. The armed forces of Pakistan have performed heroically and we are proud of their performance. The ordinary citizen has suffered. Innocent citizens have suffered on account of terrorism. But that has not weakened our resolve. Every casualty makes us more determined to defeat terrorism and to reverse extremism. And we will succeed, because defeat is not an option.

With your help, with your support, and with this new partnership that we are building, I think we will achieve our objectives sooner than expected. So thank you, thank you for being here, thank you for supporting us. Thank you for caring about Pakistan.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Makhdoom Shah Mehmood Qureshi delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. This is a dialogue that flows in both directions. We recognize that our success will be measured in the results that our citizens see in their daily lives. This begins with security. We discussed Pakistan's national security priorities, ongoing counterinsurgency operations, and long-term military modernization and recapitalization efforts. Pakistan is on the front line of confronting the violent extremism that threatens us all. And Pakistan's civilians and security forces continue to bear the brunt of that fight. We respect the sacrifices that Pakistan has made in combating terrorists who seek to undermine its stability and undo its progress. And we pay tribute to those who have fallen, both those in uniform and the many innocent civilians killed or injured.

In our discussions today, I underscored the commitment of the United States to stand with Pakistan as it confronts its challenges. And the foreign minister and I also reaffirmed our support for the people and Government of Afghanistan as they continue to rebuild their country after decades of war and to overcome violence and insurgency.

But our relationship extends far beyond security, as does the scope of this dialogue. As demonstrated by the landmark Kerry-Lugar-Berman legislation, which supports Pakistan's economic and social development goals with $7.5 billion in assistance over five years, the United States is committed to advancing the longterm aspirations of the Pakistani people for a more peaceful and prosperous future. President Zardari, Prime Minister Gilani, and Foreign Minister Qureshi deserve our thanks for their work to make Kerry-Lugar-Berman a reality and to ensure that its benefits reach the Pakistani people. I also want to give Foreign Minister Qureshi personal credit, not just for launching this dialogue but for ensuring that we make tangible progress and produce real results on matters of importance.

Our working groups were hard at work today. First, we are cooperating to boost economic development on a number of tracks. Deputy Secretary Lew will sign a letter of intent to upgrade significant road infrastructure in the Northwest. We are taking concrete steps to help Pakistan boost exports of agricultural products and to improve agricultural infrastructure. As the foreign minister said today in our opening dialogue, 60 to 70 percent of the people of Pakistan rely on agriculture. And therefore, we ignore agriculture at our peril. You cannot have prosperity if you do not go to where the people live and work, how they make an income, how they feed themselves and their families.

And we are continuing to work for greater market access to our markets for Pakistani products. We continue to collaborate on plans for new water projects, and we're looking forward to the completion of a transit trade agreement between Pakistan and Afghanistan that we believe will benefit both countries. As I told the foreign minister, we appreciate Pakistan's renewed commitment to sustained economic reforms that will provide a foundation for long-term prosperity.

We are working together to ensure that Pakistanis have access to affordable and reliable power, which is essential to funding economic development. When I was in Islamabad in October, we announced a signature energy program, and tomorrow, USAID Administrator Shah and Secretary of Water and Power Rafi will sign implementation agreements for three thermal power station rehabilitation projects that will provide more electricity to more people.

We also discussed the importance of working on a multiyear basis with regard to resource planning. I was pleased to inform the foreign minister that our goal is a multiyear security assistance package, including foreign military financing, based upon identified mutual strategic objectives, which would further strengthen our long-term partnership with Pakistan. We, of course, will work closely with Congress to further develop this commitment.

The United States also remains committed to social protection efforts, such as the Benazir Bhutto Income Support Program for families in vulnerable areas. And we will launch a women in development agenda in our next round of dialogues in Islamabad.

Finally, I am pleased to announce the approval of flight access for Pakistan International Airlines to Chicago, via Barcelona, making it easier for business travelers and families to strengthen the ties between our two countries.

We covered a lot of ground today, but there is so much more to be done. We are going to be working very hard. Our sectoral tracks are going to be meeting again tomorrow and then over the next months in Islamabad. We're going to be working on people-to-people contacts and programs.

Foreign Minister Qureshi. Madam Secretary, thank you. Today, I am a happy man and a satisfied man. I'm satisfied because you've finally agreed to many of the things that we've been sharing over our discussions in the last two years.

I suggested to Madam Secretary that if you want this relationship to become a partnership, you've got to think differently, you've got to act differently, and you've got to upgrade the level of our engagement. And she agreed, and thank you for that. I suggested to her a new format of our engagement when she was in Islamabad and Ambassador Holbrooke was there—a three-tiered structure of engagement, ministerial level, policy steering group to meet biannually to follow through, and then to expand the sectoral track.

The original—I won't call it strategic—but the original dialogue that we had in 2006, ‘7, and ‘8 had only four tracks. And Madam Secretary, on my request, has agreed to expand the track from four to ten. And why have we expanded those tracks? We have expanded those tracks to make this relationship people-to-people. I wanted to bring in areas that affect the lives of the ordinary people of Pakistan. And when I say I'm happy today, I'm happy because I feel I've contributed in redirecting this relationship in line with the aspirations of the people of Pakistan.

The people of Pakistan expected a different kind of an approach. The people of Pakistan expected a democracy to treat a democracy differently, and you've done so. And you've done so. And that is why I am satisfied and that is why I think we are going to move from a relationship to a partnership.

We have been talking about the engagements of the past. How is this engagement different from the past? I think we've done three to four things which are important, and I wanted to register them. One, we've upgraded the dialogue. Two, we've given it a new structure, a new format of engagement. We've put in place a mechanism which would ensure follow-up. Because we can meet; if there is no follow-up, there will be no results. And I want this dialogue to be a result-oriented dialogue.

Thirdly, we expanded the sectoral tracks, as I said. And fourthly, we have and you have, your Administration has provided the resources to implement what we agree upon. Now, if we could agree to, we could have great ideas. But if you don't have the money to implement those ideas, they would be dreams. I want these dreams to be converted to reality, and I think that is happening. And I can see that happening.

I also am happy to share with you that we've discussed a number of things. We've discussed issues like market access. And I've shared with the Secretary how important it is for stabilizing Pakistan's economy. And one of the ways is through expanded trade, and that can come through market access. The ROZ legislation has been pending. And I must thank you and your Administration for having agreed to give it priority. I understand the health bill took a lot of your attention and a lot of your time, but I think it's behind us—

Secretary Clinton. Yes.

Foreign Minister Qureshi.—and we have to move on. And I think the ROZ legislation is going to be a priority legislation in the days to come.

The CSF funding—at times, as friends and allies, sort of we've been prickling over dollars and cents. We've agreed to put in place a mechanism which is mutually acceptable, which is transparent, which takes into account accountability, but that delivers and delivers in time. We've agreed in this interaction that the substantial sum will be paid to Pakistan by the end of April, and the remaining, hopefully, will be settled by the end of June.

We've also agreed to work together with the Congress. Congress is important.

Secretary Clinton. Yes.

Foreign Minister Qureshi. And I was at the Congress—and let me share it with you. Let me share it with you. I saw a qualitative difference in my engagement with the Congress yesterday, because I remember when I came here for the first time as foreign minister two years ago, everybody said, “You signed the Swat deal?

Capitulation. Surrender.” I said, “Hold on, hold on. That's a tactic. Wait. Wait till you see the results.”

And we have demonstrated the results. The people of Pakistan, the armed forces of Pakistan, have shown the resolve, the determination, and the commitment. And we will win. And we're going to win in this struggle, because defeat is not an option that we are planning for. And Inshallah, by the grace of God, we have a clear objective, we have a plan, we have a strategy, and that strategy is working. And today, we have a partnership, and hopefully, this partnership will turn the tide in our favor, hopefully in our mutual favor.

Q. Madam Secretary, this is for you. Pakistan says that it would like to have a real partnership with the United States with all the perks that come with it. Are you prepared to discuss a civilian nuclear deal such as the one that India has with Pakistan?

And then, Foreign Minister Qureshi, what is currently sort of on your wish list to do all that you need to do in terms of making the border region more secure with Afghanistan? Are you looking for drones, helicopters? What could the United States give you that would really help?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I'll go first. We have a broad agenda with many complicated issues like the one you referred to. Discussions are continuing through tomorrow. And while I will not go into details of our bilateral conversations, we've said that we will listen to and engage with our Pakistani partners on whatever issues the delegation raises. We're committed to helping Pakistan meet its real energy needs.

I'm particularly pleased that we are moving forward with $125 million to Pakistan for energy sector projects. That's an assistance program I announced when I was there in October. And as the foreign minister said, we have followed through. We don't just make announcements and then forget about them and get the headlines and move on.

So this dialogue that we're engaged in is helping us build the kind of partnership that can make progress over time on the most complicated of issues.

Foreign Minister Qureshi. Ma'am, we have taken a number of steps that have improved the border situation. Today, if you look at the posts that we have along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, and just compare our posts with the posts across the border; if you look at the troops deployed on the western border, this is unprecedented. If you look at the steps taken—if you look at the impact the successful military operations have had on the border movement, you would realize what relief they have provided across the border in Afghanistan. Successful operations in Pakistan against the Taliban have had a significant impact in Afghanistan, and they acknowledge that.

President Karzai was over in Islamabad and we've had discussions, and they acknowledge the contribution that Pakistan has made, they acknowledge the contribution that the democratic government has made in improving bilateral relations with Afghanistan. We just talked about the transit trade agreement prior to coming to this conference. We've talked about military hardware. You have to realize that we are operating in a completely different theater. The western border, the terrain is completely different. And I'm glad to share with you we've agreed to fast-track—to fast-track our requests that have pending for months and years on the transfer of military equipment to Pakistan. So all these steps, I think, will make a qualitative difference to border management.

Q. Madam Secretary, P.J. (inaudible) from (inaudible) news. Madam Secretary and foreign minister, whenever relations between America and Pakistan suffer and get strained, both really suffer and then both (inaudible) perhaps what you've done (inaudible). But the question is: How imminent is—are the people of the United States and how important is it for them—and the foreign minister said it's the people of Pakistan who want to come to this—so people-to-people contact and how imminent has the military chiefs of all the countries—their presence in this, and the reassurances of Ambassador Holbrooke to Pakistan?

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you for asking that question because that's really at the heart of what we hope to achieve. Because I agree with you; we have had a relationship that goes back to the very founding of Pakistan. We've had many positive experiences. But to be absolutely, historically accurate, we've had setbacks and stresses in our relationship. And I believe strongly that it is important for the United States and Pakistan to remain connected and working together for the betterment of both of our peoples. So will we have disagreements? Of course. We have disagreements with all of our friends from time to time. Yet we don't want anything to disrupt or divert our attention from building this relationship into a partnership—as the foreign minister has said, a partnership that really stands the test of time.

So as part of that, we want to ensure that our communication about our work together, our outreach, extends far beyond our governments. We want our private sectors working together much more closely. We think there are many great opportunities for joint ventures and investments. But frankly, we have work to do to explain the opportunities that exist. We want our universities and academic institutions working together. We want to spend time on improving agriculture and healthcare and so much else. We have an exciting presentation between our two information technology representatives about what can be done with greater investment in technology. And who benefits from that more than the individual Pakistani who gets information from a cell phone that helps with mobile banking or provides healthcare information?

Foreign Minister Qureshi. Telemedicine.

Secretary Clinton. Telemedicine, exactly. So you can see we are very excited because I think both Shah Mehmood and I see this as ultimately about bettering the lives of people. That is what got me into politics. I know that's what motivates his desires. So we really are looking for more and more ways that we can create those interactions and exchanges between our people, because that's what this is all about.

Foreign Minister Qureshi. P.J.—P.J., could I respond to what you said? P.J., I was at the Hill yesterday and I share it with you as a fellow Pakistani—the mood was completely different. I'll say it publicly. It was different. I was at the Senate. I was at the House. It's 180 degree difference. We've turned the corner. And today, there was confidence. There were no question marks. There was no suspicion. There was no “do more.” There was recognition of what we already had done. There was appreciation of what we had already done. That's one.

The other thing, the civil-military relations today in Pakistan are excellent. The fact that the army chief is part of the delegation that is here, the fact that we were sitting on the same table arguing, articulating Pakistan case, is unheard of in the past.

And today, thirdly, the Secretary mentioned the private sector, the vibrance of the private sector. Let me share with you that today at the State Department, we had a PPP conference. Let me qualify that—public-private partnership conference.

President Barack Obama and President Hamid Karzai delivered these remarks in Kabul, Afghanistan

President Karzai. Mr. President, welcome to Afghanistan on your second visit, this time as the President of the United States of America. I welcome you on behalf of the Afghan people and express the gratitude of our people for the help that America has given us in the past eight years, for the assistance given. And I hope that this process will continue into the future towards a stable, strong, peaceful Afghanistan that can sustain itself, that can move forward into the future with confidence and better hopes.

We had a good discussion of the issues between our two countries, about the region, and of continued struggle against extremism and terrorism. We will be continuing our conversation later on. At this point, I suffice at welcoming President Barack Obama to Afghanistan with pleasure and once again expressing my gratitude to the American people for giving Afghanistan the taxpayers' money for the rebuilding and reestablishing better institutions in Afghanistan.

Welcome, Mr. President. As always, it's so good to have you.

President Obama. Thank you very much. And, Mr. President, thank you for your hospitality. It is wonderful to be back in Afghanistan. And to the Afghan people, the American people send greetings and are encouraged by the progress that's been made. I commented to the President that in coming into Kabul you could see the change in terms of increased electricity production, which is just one sign I think of the progress that's continued to be made.

And I want to send a strong message that the partnership between the United States and Afghanistan is going to continue. We have seen already progress with respect to the military campaign against extremism in the region. But we also want to continue to make progress on the civilian process of ensuring that agricultural production, energy production, good governance, rule of law, anticorruption efforts—all these things end up resulting in a Afghanistan that is more prosperous, more secure, independent; is not subject to meddling by its neighbors; a transition will be able to occur so that more and more security efforts are made by the Afghans.

And so we very much appreciate the partnership. And I expressed to the President that I'm going to be inviting him to visit Washington in May, and we intend to have a discussion about our long-term strategic interests between the two countries.

Let me finally say that one of the main reasons I'm here is to just say thank you to the incredible efforts of our U.S. troops and our coalition partners. They make tremendous sacrifices far away from home, and I want to make sure that they know how proud their Commander-in-Chief is of them. And so I'll have an opportunity to say thank you to them later.

I'm very pleased to see that there's been some excellent efforts in terms of partnering Afghan national security forces with U.S. and coalition forces. We think that points to the direction that all of us are interested in a day when Afghanistan is going to be able to provide for its own security but continue a long-term strategic partnership with the United States.

So thank you very much, Mr. President, for your hospitality, and again, greetings to the Afghan people.

President Karzai. It's a pleasure and honor. Most welcome, Mr. President.

President Obama. Thank you, everybody.