In the history of interpretation, the march towards a consensus on Paul's striking imagery in 2 Cor 2.14–16a has been anything but triumphant. Most agree that the passage comes at a critical juncture in the letter and that the apostle evokes the pompa triumphalis, a spectacle parade showcasing a particularly significant victory by a Roman general.Footnote 1 But the apostle's particular intentions for the imagery and the extent of that imagery in the passage have remained matters of on-going debate. In revisiting the cruces interpretum, this study advances the perspective that extensive background data from both Greco-Roman and Jewish contexts have been neglected or misconstrued in interpretive discussions on this critical passage. Once given due attention, these data serve to clarify key nuances of the passage's grand metaphor, enabling a more coherent and consistent interpretation of the whole.
1. Triumph of a Metaphor
1.1 Reading θριαμβεύω
Although occurring only twice in the NT (2 Cor 2.14; Col 2.15) and not at all in the LXX, the verb θριαμβεύω and its cognates are employed generously in Greco-Roman literature and are most often associated with a particular form of the triumphal procession awarded a Roman general.Footnote 2 Writers of that literature record over 300 such parades, and depictions occur in paintings and plays, and on coins, cups, arches, statues, medallions and columns of the era.Footnote 3 By evoking this significant Roman institution, Paul's metaphor would have been immediately recognised in first-century Corinth – a city that prided herself on ties with all things Roman. But as a metaphor of what?Footnote 4 BDAG offers six of the possible meanings suggested in the history of interpretation of the two NT passages that make use of the word (2 Cor 2.14; Col 2.15): (1) to lead in triumphal procession (as a captive); or God's exhibition of hostile forces (Col 2.15); (2) to lead in triumph (e.g. a general leading his troops); (3) to cause to triumph; (4) to triumph over (Col 2.15?); (5) expose to shame;Footnote 5 and (6) to display, publicise, make known.Footnote 6
The complexity, even the ambivalence,Footnote 7 of the metaphor may account to a certain extent for the wide variety of interpretations. But many recent interpreters, especially those producing English-language work, have been convinced by one of the several variations on the first of BDAG's options, suggesting that Paul depicts himself as a defeated captive paraded by God through the world.Footnote 8 Scott Hafemann, focusing on the fate of captives in the parade, proposes that Paul presents himself as being led to death, since the most notorious captives often were sacrificed to Jupiter at a strategic point in the procession.Footnote 9
Two arguments seem to give special weight to this position. First, Hafemann suggests that the word θριαμβεύω ‘with prepositional phrases to indicate its object or with a direct object alone, always refers to the one who has been conquered and is subsequently led in the procession, and never to the one who has conquered or to those who have shared in his victory (e.g., his army, fellow officers, etc.)’.Footnote 10 Accordingly, descriptions of the triumph in both Greek and Latin literature at times include the fate of the captives taken from the opposing army, and at times the execution of leaders from the opposing army occurs at the parade's culmination (e.g. Strabo 12.3.6; Cicero, Verr. 5.77). Second, scholars holding this ‘Paul-as-captive’ position point out that in the Corinthian correspondence the apostle emphasises his apostolic ministry as involving shame, compulsion, even captivity and death.Footnote 11
Yet, in spite of the seeming strength of these arguments, the rush to identify Paul with the defeated captives in the triumphal procession imagery of 2 Cor 2.14–16a should be called into question on at least three grounds: (1) the lexical evidence related to θριαμβεύω in the Greco-Roman literature; (2) uses of the terms ὀσμή and εὐωδία in our passage and in both the Greco-Roman and the biblical literature; and (3) both lexical and background evidence relevant to the interpretation of τοῖς σῳζομένοις and τοῖς ἀπολλυμένοις referenced in verse 15.
1.2 Revisiting θριαμβεύω
As noted above, in his monograph Hafemann proposes that use of our term θριαμβεύω ‘with prepositional phrases to indicate its object or with a direct object alone, always refers to the one who has been conquered and is subsequently led in the procession, and never to the one who has conquered or to those who have shared in his victory (e.g., his army, fellow officers, etc.)’. Seemingly, this is the reason that Hafemann moves quickly from a consideration of the triumphal procession generally to a specific focus on captives led to death in the parade (16–31) – admittedly a very important aspect of the spectacle. Of course, we are primarily concerned with those cases where θριαμβεύω occurs ‘with a direct object alone’, a construction mirroring our passage.Footnote 12 In supporting his strongly worded statement in his 1986 WUNT monograph, Hafemann only references one example from Plutarch, Comp. Thes. Rom. 4 (on which see below), and the 1968 article by Lamar Williamson,Footnote 13 who in turn references the lexicons by Liddell and Scott, and Bauer.Footnote 14 Williamson himself notes that the evidence when dealing with θριαμβεύω followed by a direct, personal Footnote 15 object is ‘limited;’ he mentions Liddell and Scott's three cases from the Greco-Roman literature (Plutarch, Comp. Thes. Rom. 4; Cor. 35; Ant. 84; these are in addition to Col 2.15) and, in further discussion, two more examples from Bauer's lexicon, both from Plutarch (Pomp. 83.3 (= Agesilaus and Pompey 3.2.10) and Arat. 54.8).
Of these five references, the two noted in Bauer, Pomp. 83.3Footnote 16 and Arat. 54.3,Footnote 17 and Plutarch's Comp. Thes. Rom. 4 are the only texts that roughly match the pattern (θριαμβεύω in the active + direct object) we find in 2 Cor 2.14. It should be noted, however, that Comp. Thes. Rom. 4. may not refer to captives being led in a triumphal procession parade.Footnote 18 Plutarch's Cor. 35.3 has a passive participle in the one instance and in the second the object of the triumph occurs in a prepositional phrase. At Ant. 84.4 Cleopatra (via a passive participle) enjoins Antony not to allow himself to have a triumph celebrated over him in her person (μηδ' ἐν ἐμοὶ περΐδῃς θριαμβευόμενον σεαυτόν).
To these we join Cilliers Breytenbach in adding Appian, Mith. 77Footnote 19 and Strabo 12.3.35.6,Footnote 20 both of which provide good examples of the θριαμβεύω + direct object construction. Yet, having reviewed all of the references, Breytenbach concludes: ‘Only one relevant instanceFootnote 21 is known where the form θριαμβεύειν + τινά is used in an expression that undoubtedly refers to captives being led in triumph.’Footnote 22 This assessment may be a bit too conservative, but it illustrates that we are dealing with a very limited band of data. Out of over sixty occurrences of the verbal forms of θριαμβεύω in the Greco-Roman literature, at best we find four, perhaps five, cases in which θριαμβεύω, used in a construction roughly paralleling Paul's at 2 Cor 2.14, is employed of captives in a pompa triumphalis. Further, the pattern of θριαμβεύω + a direct object (though not a personal object) is also found in several places in the literature without reference to the defeated captives in the parade (e.g. Plutarch, Regum 82.22; Fab. 23.2.1; Appian, Bell. civ. 2.15.101). Consequently, the statement that the verb ‘with prepositional phrases to indicate its object or with a direct object alone, always refers to the one who has been conquered and is subsequently led in the procession’ does not hold true.
Breytenbach makes the important observation that use of θριαμβεύω in the ancient world ‘is a matter of reference and reference, as we all know, has to do with language use and should not be confused with lexical sense’.Footnote 23 In the vast majority of the uses of the term in the Greco-Roman literature (mostly in participial or infinitive form), θριαμβεύω simply means ‘to celebrate a triumph’, and, indeed, it almost always refers to the pompa triumphalis. In most cases this verb is intransitive and speaks of a triumph conducted in celebration of a triumphator, without reference to the captives at all.Footnote 24 Further, in terms of the metaphor generally, if we expand our data to include roughly synonymous clauses employing the cognate noun,Footnote 25 and perhaps the corresponding Latin terms,Footnote 26 we find that conceptually triumphators often are depicted in a wide variety of contexts and grammatical constructions as leading in their triumphal parades diverse groups of people, not just doomed captives (e.g. Plutarch, Mar. 27.5–6; Appian, Bell. civ. 2.13.93; Pun. 9.66; Livy 45.40; Juvenal, Sat. 10.38–45), as Hafemann himself notes.Footnote 27 Consequently, it is not the case that when an ancient author used θριαμβεύω or its cognates, one automatically and only thought about the captives in the procession. In fact, Paul's emphasis seems to lie elsewhere.
2. Seeking the Scents of the TextFootnote 28
2.1 A Lexicology of ὀσμή and εὐωδία
As we turn to consider the connotations evoked by the twin terms ὀσμή and εὐωδία, we are confronted with what has seemed to many a disruption in Paul's triumphal procession imagery, the apostle read as switching from that imagery to an image of OT sacrifice.Footnote 29 This assumption that Paul switches his metaphors after 2.14a is grounded in a reading of just one particular band of data. Rather than a comprehensive assessment of the uses of these terms in the literatures of the period, studies have focused on how our terms ὀσμή and εὐωδία function particularly in the biblical literature.Footnote 30
These two terms are paired fifty times in the Greek version of the OT, and in all but one occurrence the pairing appears in the formula ὀσμὴν (or ὀσμὴ/ὀσμῇ) εὐωδίας, which describes a pleasing aroma of sacrifices offered up to God.Footnote 31 The Pentateuch contains the vast majority of cases (e.g. Gen 8.21; Exod 29.18, 25; Lev 1.9, 13, 17; 2.2, 9, 12; 3.5; Num 15.3). Ezekiel adapts the formula mostly to speak of pagan worship practices involving sacrifices (e.g. Ezek 20.28). This formula also occurs at two places in the NT, where sacrificial imagery clearly is in mind (Eph 5.2; Phil 4.18).
At Sir 24.15 alone in the LXX the pair uncharacteristically occurs outside of the formula, the terms placed in a parallel relationship. Alluding to the anointing perfume, to be used by Aaron and his sons in Israel's worship (Exod 30.31–5), the text reads:
Like the spices cinnamon and camel's thorn
I gave an aroma (ὀσμήν)
and like choice myrrh
I gave a fragrance (εὐωδίαν),
like galbanum and onycha and myrrh oil,
indeed like the vapour (ἀτμίς) of frankincense in a tent. (Sir 24.15)
The passage uses the imagery of ὀσμή and εὐωδία to suggest a priestly and liturgical role for Wisdom, but the word picture involves anointing, the pleasing smell of perfume or ‘incense’ (see θυμίαμα in Exod 30.35) rather than sacrifice.Footnote 32 Thus the pattern of ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας as a terminus technicus for the pleasing aroma of sacrifices is broken both in terms of form and connotation.
The Pseudepigrapha has the formula at three points. The occurrences at T. Levi 3.6 and Ord. Levi 30 follow the septuagintal pattern, referring to sacrifices. At T. Abr. 16.8 we have a fascinating account of Abraham's visit by Death personified, in which Death exudes ‘a pleasing odour’ (ὀσμὴ εὐωδίας). This part of the narrative, however, occurs in the long recension, which in its current form is probably of a late date.Footnote 33 Philo uses our two terms in combination at two points in his writings. In the first, the formula ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας follows the biblical norm and speaks of sacrifices (Congr. 1.115). In the second the words are used in the same context, apart from the septuagintal formula, to speak of the fragrance of beautiful flowers (Prov. 2.71).
In the Greco-Roman literature the septuagintal formula does not occur,Footnote 34 but writers of that literature employ the two terms often in the same context to connote a wide array of smells and fragrances.Footnote 35 Thus in the literature of the period, when our terms are used in the formula ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας, they speak of the pleasing aroma associated with sacrifices, and when used in the same context but outside of that formula, they speak of various types of smells in general.
Moreover, when εὐωδία stands alone in our literature, it at times communicates the pleasant fragrance of sacrifices (e.g. 1 Esdras 1.13, Ezra 6.10 and Sir 35.5) and at other times the term speaks simply of a pleasing fragrance, such as that of trees (Ps Sol 11.5; Bar 5.8). Philo uses εὐωδία five times, always referring simply to a fragrant smell or incense (Opif. 1.165; Leg. 1.42; Ebr. 1.87; Somn. 1.178; Abr. 1.148), and this pattern matches what we find in dozens of uses in the broader Greco-Roman literature.Footnote 36 Thus, the dominant use of the term in the cultural milieu generally has to do with a positive fragrance and most often is not associated with sacrifices.
Unlike her sister term – and vital for an understanding of our passage – ὀσμή boasts a semantic range that includes bad smells as well as good.Footnote 37 For instance, at Tob 8.3 and in 2 Macc 9.9–10, 12 the word communicates the terrible stench of dead fish or dead people. In Isa 3.24 ὀσμή refers to a pleasant scent, but in 34.3 it communicates the stink of the wounded or dead.Footnote 38 Thus, in the biblical literature, when ὀσμή is used outside of the formulaic combination with εὐωδία, it almost always refers to a smell, either pleasant or rank; note that in this vein at times the word is associated with death, as at 2 Cor 2.15–16a. Philo uses ὀσμή another nineteen times to speak of the ability to smell, good smells, or very bad smells.Footnote 39
In short, our brief review of ancient literature reveals that when ὀσμή and εὐωδία are employed together to speak of the fragrant aroma of sacrifice, they are set together in a very distinct, septuagintal formula, ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας. This includes the employment of the terms at Eph 5.2 and Phil 4.18, where sacrificial imagery is clearly intended. In the LXX, the Pseudepigrapha, Philo, and the Greco-Roman literature generally, when the words are found together outside of this formula, as they are in 2 Cor 2.14–16a, or alone, they almost always speak simply of a good or bad smell in the case of ὀσμή, or of a pleasing smell in the case of εὐωδία.
It may be suggested that at 2 Cor 2.14–16a Paul does not use the septuagintal formula, which he employs elsewhere to speak of sacrifices, because he does not wish to craft an image of sacrifice in this case. Rather, the apostle takes up ὀσμή at 2.14 and 2.16a because in his cultural milieu the term, when used outside of the terminus technicus ὀσμὴν εὐωδίας, refers to a smell either good or bad, and this serves the purposes of his imagery well, for Paul crafts a metaphor involving contrasts, the contrast between a positive smell and a stench, and the contrast between life and death.Footnote 40 This use of the imagery, in fact, fits aspects of the triumphal procession metaphor well.
2.2 Incense Imagery and the pompa triumphalis
It may be suggested that having pointed to triumphal procession imagery at 2.14, the apostle stays with that imagery all the way through verse 16a, evoking the image of incense offered to the gods in the pompa triumphalis.Footnote 41 Generally in the literature of the period, the words ὀσμή and εὐωδία often are used of the pleasing aroma of incense. Further, in Versnel's classic description of the parade, ‘aromatic substances were also carried’ along by participants in the procession.Footnote 42 Accordingly, Appian (Pun. 9.66), in an elaborate recounting of the pompa triumphalis, speaks of the prominent role of incense bearers: ‘Next came a large number of incense bearers, and just after the fragrances the general himself on a chariot inscribed with various designs, wreathed with gold and precious stones …’ Footnote 43 References to the role of incense and incense bearers in the procession may also be seen, for instance, in Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. Rom., 7.72.13).Footnote 44 In addition to such literary examples, the incense bearers as a significant part of the pompa triumphalis appear in art, such as the famous friezes on the Arch of Titus and the Arch of Trajan, in which people carrying incense baskets and burners appear.Footnote 45 Incense was part of the celebration of the victor but also rose up to the gods in praise for the victory.Footnote 46
Analogous to this aspect of our background information on the parade, it may be suggested that Paul overtly identifies himself and his gospel ministry with the incense bearers rather than the doomed captives of the parade. The gospel, the ‘knowledge of’ Christ communicated through the apostle's authentic ministry, wafts over the people of the Mediterranean world like the incense distributed by incense bearers of the triumphal procession parades (2 Cor. 2.14a). At the same time, Paul and his mission are anointed by Christ, their relationship with Christ and posture before God rising like a pleasing fragrance to God (2 Cor. 2.15, 17). Thus the messengers and the message are integrated, constituting two interrelated dimensions of authentic ministry.Footnote 47 As Christian Wolff notes, in our passage Paul identifies himself and his ministry so closely with his message because his entire existence revolves around the proclamation of the crucified and risen Christ.Footnote 48
Nevertheless, the ‘aroma’ of God's triumph in the gospel, manifested in the apostolic ministry and the apostolic gospel, do not please everyone. To some that ministry and its gospel smell of life. To others they smell of death. Thus, it remains to be explored whether the images of ‘those being saved’ and ‘those being destroyed’ in our passage can be read as also contributing to the grand metaphor of the pompa triumphalis. Again, we find help in the primary source material from the Greco-Roman context.
3. Interpretation liberated
3.1. ‘Those Being Destroyed’ and ‘Those Being Saved’
It may be suggested that, in keeping with the pompa triumphalis imagery, ‘those who are being destroyed’ (τοῖς ἀπολλυμένοις) of 2 Cor. 2.15–16 evokes the captured enemies on display in the parade, to whom Hafemann has given such extensive and helpful attention.Footnote 49 For the captives in the Roman triumph, the fragrance of the triumphator's celebration was a smell ‘arising from death and leading to death’ (ἐκ θανάτου εἰς θάνατον). Death was behind them on the battlefield, and death at times awaited the captives being paraded through the streets of Rome. Accordingly, εἰς θάνατον may be read as an image of termination, quite literally – ‘those being destroyed’ march to meet death. Thus, for the captives in the parade, the incense celebrating the triumphator's victory would ‘stink’, reminding them of the death behind them and the death before them.
Correspondingly, Paul uses this imagery of ‘those being destroyed’ to speak of those who do not respond well to the gospel, for whom the smell of the gospel and gospel ministry stink of death. Thus understood, the ἐκ θανάτου may be read, perhaps, as communicating that the gospel ministry stinks to the spiritually dead, and their spiritual deadness heralds their ultimate destruction (ἐν τοῖς ἀπολλυμένοις). In fact, the apostle uses the exact same wording (ἐν τοῖς ἀπολλυμένοις) at 2 Cor 4.3 of those for whom the gospel is veiled, utilising another sensory image.
But what of the image of ‘those being saved’ in verses 15–16, for whom authentic ministry is ‘an aroma arising from life and leading to life’? Is there an aspect of the triumphal procession to which Paul alludes at this point, offering a counterbalance to the image of the doomed captives? In answer to this question, it should be noted first of all that forms of the verb σώζω and its cognates permeate Greco-Roman literature, including accounts of victory in war. For instance, at Josephus, J. W. 7.71, Vespasian, upon his return to Rome, is hailed as ‘Benefactor’ and ‘Saviour’ (τὸν εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα). The language of salvation can speak of deliverance,Footnote 50 for instance the deliverance of fugitives.Footnote 51 As in the case of 2 Cor 2.15–16a, writers of the Greco-Roman literature often utilise this ‘salvation’ language in contrast with θάνατος and/or forms of ἀπόλλυμι.Footnote 52
Significantly for our passage, Roman citizens, who had been saved from captivity to Rome's enemies, at times marched in triumphal processions of the period, celebrating the general who had saved them. Here we find an image that fits well with the language of ‘those being saved’ in 2 Cor. 2.15–16. Plutarch, for instance, offers an account of Terentius, who, having been rescued from captivity to the Carthaginians, followed Scipio the Elder in his triumph (Plutarch, Regum 76.6–7). Similarly, the colonists of Placentia and Cremona, rescued from the Gallic captivity, wore the pileus in the triumphal procession of Gaius Cornelius (Livy 33.23.1–6),Footnote 53 as did over a thousand Roman citizens, saved from slavery in Greece by Titus Flamininus, a Roman general in the early second century bce. According to Plutarch, the freed Romans in celebration of their liberation marched as the centrepiece in the triumphal procession of the general who had saved them:
The Achaeans voted Titus many honours, none of which seemed commensurate with his benefactions except one gift, and this caused him as much satisfaction as all the rest put together. And this was the gift: the Romans who were unhappily taken prisoners in the war with Hannibal had been sold about hither and thither, and were serving as slaves. In Greece there were as many as twelve hundred of them. The change in their lot made them pitiful objects always, but then even more than ever, naturally, when they fell in with sons, or brothers, or familiar friends, as the case might be, slaves with freemen and captives with victors. These men Titus would not take away from their owners, although he was distressed at their condition, but the Achaeans ransomed them all at five minas the man, collected them together, and made a present of them to Titus just as he was about to embark, so that he sailed for home with a glad heart; his noble deeds had brought him a noble recompense, and one befitting a great man who loved his fellow citizens. This appears to have furnished his triumph with its most glorious feature. For these men shaved their heads and wore felt caps, as it is customary for slaves to do when they are set free, and in this habit followed the triumphal car of Titus.Footnote 54
It takes little interpretive reflection to draw the parallels between the liberated of the pompa triumphalis and ‘those being saved’ in Paul's theological framework. The apostle uses the word picture to depict the salvific effect of his ministry and message. Those who embrace that message are being ‘saved’ by God, the cosmic triumphator.Footnote 55 Life has opened up before them (εἰς ζωήν). Moreover, as the liberated of the Roman parade portray a stark contrast with the condemned captives, so ‘those being saved’ under the hearing of Paul's gospel stand as an eschatological counterbalance to those who reject it and thus are ‘being destroyed’.
4. Conclusion
It may be suggested that at 2 Cor 2.14–16a Paul crafts a vivid, compelling word picture, depicting authentic ministry in the imagery of the Roman pompa triumphalis. The grand metaphor may be summed up as follows. God, the cosmic triumphator, leads the apostle, ‘in Christ’, on parade through the world. Paul and his mission are analogous to the incense bearers in the parade, for through them God spreads the gospel, the ‘aroma of knowledge’ about Christ, throughout the world. Further, as Paul lives a Christ-centred life, an ‘anointed’ life before God, the fragrance of authentic gospel ministry rises up like pleasing incense to God while having a dichotomising effect on those with whom the ministry comes in contact. The image of ‘the ones being saved’ in Paul's word picture evokes those who had experienced liberation by the conquest of the Roman general and references those who had experienced salvation through Christ. The image of ‘the ones being destroyed’, on the other hand, evokes the doomed captives of the pompa triumphalis, serving as a theological reflection on those who reject Paul's gospel. For the former the apostle's authentic ministry and its message ‘smell’ of life, but to the latter that ministry and message ‘reek’ of death. Thus, Paul's use of the triumphal procession imagery at 2 Cor. 2.14–16a offers a coherent word picture that speaks of the nature of authentic Christian ministry and its effect in the world.
One of the great challenges in the history of interpretation of 2 Cor 2.14–16a has been the perceived warring between conflicting images in the apostle's metaphorical language, Paul being read as shifting abrubtly from an allusion to the pompa triumphalis to OT sacrifical language. However, as demonstrated in a reconsideration of the lexical and literary background data relevant to our passage, perhaps such conflicts were more perceived than real, the supposed shift in imagery evaporating in the face of neglected background data. For all of the images in 2 Cor. 2.14–16a may be read as marching in the same direction, joining hands in a striking, consistent, balanced procession that celebrates God's triumphant work in the world and bears witness to his apostle's Christ-centred ministry as pre-eminently effective in that work.