Once again the Department of Political Science at the University of Ghana has produced a volume that captures a good analysis of the political economy of the country, in this case the 1993 to 2002 decade, although it is reasonable for some of the analysis to stretch to 2004. Human rights have significantly improved in this Fourth Republican period, which must so far be credited with championing the rule of law, freedom of association, speech and press. Repealing the criminal libel laws was a master stroke and a good starting point. Reference to corruption is firmly located, particularly from the World Bank reports, and Ayee argues that the political leadership of both the NDC and NPP administrations have not done much to reduce the phenomenon. Presidential style may impact on institution-building, and patronage is still a preoccupation across the board.

The volume makes the point that the neoliberal economic model was already in practice prior to the Fourth Republic, which commenced from January 2003. It is clear from the analysis that any combination of state control, free market and welfare politics under neo-liberal democracy won't tackle or guarantee the inequitable distribution of opportunity and wealth, nor ensure that economic growth trickles down to the poor at least. The ‘welfare compromise’ has therefore yet to be achieved, according to Ninsin who believes that the Ghanaian state is too weak to take this on. Besides, the international financial institutions which keep creating unfair rules of engagement, would keep shifting the goal posts any time a policy measure ends up in failure. The ensuing paradox is stark, and the question arises: what else can fix the society? Tsikata suggests the solution lies in political will and good governance, despite the several uncited texts and incomplete citations for some of his arguments. Ninsin deduces that the reality of whether national sovereignty resides in the people or in government is revealed in the ability of poverty to weaken public resolve to challenge policy and live out the constitution to its fullest. It appears that poverty is a threat to effective citizenship, and to democracy itself.

Ansah-Koi's chapter on the security forces is both comprehensive and illuminating, and raises issues which need some attention, such as parliamentary oversight over all military resources including the Peacekeeping Account held in New York, and security sector procurements more generally; or whether the forces can accept that there should no longer be coups d'état in Ghana, and can be trusted to be of good behaviour all round. It is fair to say that the social contract between the security forces and the country as a whole continues to evolve positively, although their potential contribution to dealing with the hot spots on the continent is missing from the analysis.

Essuman-Johnson assures the reader of his grip over trade union affairs. As clearly put, tightening the belts and wages of workers while loosening the market forces is a recipe for mismatch and discontent. It is remarkable how the Ghanaian unions have systematically progressed with pressing their issues amidst divestitures, retrenchments and related consequences. Labour relations with private enterprises constitute an interesting development that should be closely monitored and shaped. I recommend this book to readers.