Setting up a ground
According to Sundkvist and Nguyen (Reference Sundkvist, Nguyen, Bolton, Botha and Kirkpatrick2020), the first appearance of English in Vietnam can be traced back to the 16th and 17th centuries when European merchants travelled to Asian countries for trade. It existed alongside other foreign languages such as Chinese, Portuguese, French, and Japanese during the following centuries. Under French colonisation in the late 19th and the first half of the 20th century, French was the dominant foreign language in Vietnam, used by both the ruling class and upper-class citizens (Taylor Reference Taylor2013).
During the Second Indochina War, or Vietnam War, or American War, depending on the political stance, English became an important foreign language in South Vietnam under the influence of the USA. At the same time, it was considered the language of the enemy – the Americans – in the North (Tran and Tanemura Reference Tran and Tanemura2020). After the fall of Saigon in 1975, Vietnam underwent a period of reunification during which it was isolated by the USA and its allies both economically and diplomatically. Leaning towards the Soviet Union and other communist countries, Vietnam adopted Russian as its primary foreign language for 15 years until two major events occurred. First, the poor economic conditions during the post-war era, coupled with the centrally planned economy, drove the country's leaders to implement a series of policies to transform Vietnam towards a market economy, known as ‘Đổi Mới’ (Economic Reform). Second, the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 ended its influence in Vietnam. These two critical events paved the way for English to become more favourable in Vietnam. According to Sundkvist and Nguyen (Reference Sundkvist, Nguyen, Bolton, Botha and Kirkpatrick2020), English transformed from the language of the enemy to the language of opportunity and economic development. After the USA lifted the trade embargo in 1994 and Vietnam became a member of several regional and international organisations such as ASEAN, APEC, and the WTO, foreign influence in the forms of investment, tourism, and mass media began to rise steadily, making English the dominant foreign language in the late twentieth century (Sundkvist and Nguyen Reference Sundkvist, Nguyen, Bolton, Botha and Kirkpatrick2020; Tran and Tanemura Reference Tran and Tanemura2020; Le Reference Le and Andrew J2024).
While discussions about the history of English in Vietnam would primarily attribute Western influence, particularly from the USA, to the dominance of the English language, I argue that the history and culture of Vietnam itself also plays a role. During its rich history, Vietnam spent more time as a colony than as an independent country. From 179 BC until 983 AD, Vietnam was under Chinese rule for over 900 years and was colonised by the French for approximately 100 years. During these times, those who could speak Chinese or French were considered educated and noble. Over the years, the mindset that products of powerful nations – particularly those that directly influence Vietnam, including their languages – are prestigious, grew in the general public perception (Trần Reference Trần2021; Đào Reference Đào2022). The English language enjoyed this privilege when it emerged in Vietnam, with those who can speak English often being perceived as bound for future success.
English Language education in Vietnam
English has been a core subject in the education system since its replacement of Russian in the curriculum. Previously mandated for students at secondary school (Grades 6 to 9) and high school (Grades 10 to 12) levels, English became required from Grades 3 to 5 and optional for Grades 1 and 2 (primary school level) in 2021. The guidelines for the recent nationwide education reform also emphasise foreign language competence as one of the key goals (Ministry of Education and Training 2018b). English is also a core component of the high school admission examination in many provinces and was a required test in the national graduation examination for secondary education until its exclusion from the 2025 examination.
Despite this prominent status, English education in public schools has been heavily criticised for being overly exam-oriented and ineffective, failing to equip students with sufficient communicative competence (Le Reference Le, Le, Nguyen, Nguyen and Barnard2019a). English language teachers primarily employ the Grammar-Translation Method in their classrooms, providing English-Vietnamese translations of lexical items and reading texts while spending most of the class time on grammatical exercises (Tran–Thanh Reference Tran–Thanh2021). Listening, speaking, and writing skills are generally neglected or performatively taught, leaving very little room for real language practice (Le and Nguyen Reference Le and Nguyen2017).
This status quo, according to scholars such as Bui and Nguyen (Reference Bui, Nguyen and Kirkpatrick2016), Hoang and Wyatt (Reference Hoang and Wyatt2021) and Ngo (Reference Ngo2021a), is due to the influence of a variety of important national-level examinations, all of which follow a grammar-and-vocabulary intensive approach. Heavily committed to academic achievements, which is regarded as following a tradition of valuing education (Thanh Pham and Renshaw Reference Thanh Pham and Renshaw2015), Vietnamese teachers and students alike devote their time and effort to preparing for these exams, thus neglecting the communicative skills of English language. This exam-oriented mindset, while being heavily criticised for a very long time, has become deeply embedded into the education system.
Some scholars have also identified the issue of teacher quality as a notable aspect of English language education in Vietnam. Following the initiation of the National Foreign Languages Project 2020, an ambitious scheme set out by the Vietnamese government, English language teachers nationwide were tested on their English language proficiency, and most failed to meet the expected levels at their first attempts (Nguyen et al. Reference Nguyen, Phan, Van Le, Le, Nguyen, Nguyen and Barnard2019). In terms of pedagogical practices, public school English teachers hold several misconceptions regarding teaching methodologies and professional development (Tran–Thanh Reference Tran–Thanh2023). For instance, they believe that communication can only be taught to ‘good students’ and should be taught in a fun way. Le (Reference Le2020) also found that Vietnamese English teachers prioritise language knowledge over skills, which results in a deep commitment to teaching grammar rules rather than organising communicative activities (Tran–Thanh Reference Tran–Thanh2021).
Project 2020: Criticisms and Legacies
The National Foreign Languages Project 2020, or Project 2020 as it is more commonly known, was launched in 2008. It reflected the Vietnamese government's ambition to enhance Vietnamese youth's foreign language competence, most preferably English, by the year 2020. This project received an investment of approximately 450 million US dollars, yet it was considered overambitious and a failure not only by experts but also by the Minister of Education and Training himself (Nguyen Reference Nguyen2017; Le Reference Le, Le, Nguyen, Nguyen and Barnard2019a; Ngo Reference Ngo2021a). At a conference summarising and evaluating the Project in 2017, the Ministry of Education and Training announced an extension to 2025 (Le Phuong Reference Le2017). Since then, the project has continued to be criticised for setting theoretically and practically unrealistic goals and for its hasty and ineffective implementation (Le and Nguyen Reference Le and Nguyen2017; Le Reference Le, Le, Nguyen, Nguyen and Barnard2019a; Sundkvist and Nguyen Reference Sundkvist, Nguyen, Bolton, Botha and Kirkpatrick2020).
Throughout its deployment, Project 2020 has generated a variety of products. First, a large number of professional development programmes for EFL teachers at all scales were initiated, accounting for 85% of the project budget. Despite being abundant in number, these programmes were considered largely ineffective and discouraging for teachers (Le Reference Le, Le, Nguyen, Nguyen and Barnard2019b, Reference Le2020). Second, several new English textbooks were produced as an alternative option to the official one for some English-enhanced or specialised programmes. These textbooks, however, were replaced by even newer ones when the National Education Reform was initiated in 2018. Third, the Foreign Language Competency Framework for Vietnam, a six-level framework for assessing foreign language proficiency, was issued via Circular No. 01/2014 (Ministry of Education and Training 2014). While this framework received praises for being a milestone in the progress of Project 2020, it was also argued to be a'near translation of the CEFR's can-do statements’ (Ngo Reference Ngo, Ruecker and Crusan2018, 48). Finally, the Vietnamese Standardized Test of English Proficiency, or VSTEP for short, was designed and has been administered nationwide. Without sufficient external research to confirm its validity, VSTEP is criticised for being unable to assist with critical decision-making (Ngo Reference Ngo2021a). However, this locally-produced test has been widely adopted as a cost-effective alternative to other international tests, mainly taken by non-English major university graduates.
Despite these criticisms, Project 2020 has also positively impacted foreign language education in Vietnam. First, it created and drove an English language learning trend affecting the country societally (Tran and Tanemura Reference Tran and Tanemura2020; Le Reference Le and Andrew J2024). More specifically, Le (Reference Le and Andrew J2024) stated that possessing high English language competence is becoming a marker of success among young Vietnamese people, potentially attributable to Project 2020's promotion of English through its various policies. Second, public school EFL teachers’ perceptions of professional development have changed considerably since Project 2020's implementation. While many of the professional development initiatives were criticised for ineffectiveness, Grassick (Reference Grassick, Le, Nguyen, Nguyen and Barnard2019) noted that the Project introduced new concepts of teacher learning and positively influenced teachers’ conceptualisation of professional learning. Finally, Project 2020 aimed to enhance technology use in foreign language education, improving both facilities and teachers’ competence to some extent (Tran–Thanh et al. Reference Tran–Thanh, Nguyen, Le, Tafazoli and Picard2023).
On a larger level, Project 2020 has left two important legacies, critically influencing the landscape of English language education in Vietnam. Beginning in 2017, the Ministry of Education and Training began to exempt students who achieved an IELTS (International English Language Testing System) score of 4.0 from taking the English component in the National High School Graduation Examination (Ministry of Education and Training 2017). A growing number of universities have interpreted this policy as an endorsement from the Ministry and have modified their own admission requirements, offering privileges, such as direct admission, to high-achievers of international English tests, mainly IELTS (Ngan Anh Reference Anh2024). Additionally, many universities have begun to offer English as a Medium of Instruction (EMI) undergraduate courses (Pham and Doan Reference Pham, Doan, Phan and Doan2020). Admission to these programmes typically requires an IELTS score of at least 6.0. Students not achieving this score may take supplementary English courses before beginning their professional training. Sundkvist and Nguyen (Reference Sundkvist, Nguyen, Bolton, Botha and Kirkpatrick2020) also documented the case of International University, a member of Ho Chi Minh City Vietnam National University, which offers 100% of its courses in English. This growing English-focused education inherits the social trend which favours English competence as an indicator of success (Sundkvist and Nguyen Reference Sundkvist, Nguyen, Bolton, Botha and Kirkpatrick2020).
Current trends
The IELTS-mania
Grounded on the abovementioned pro-English policies and status quo, IELTS has recently become the most popular international language test in Vietnam. At the beginning of Project 2020, the majority of Vietnamese EFL teachers did not meet the expected levels of language proficiency and had to take extra classes while teaching (Nguyen Reference Nguyen, Hashimoto and Nguyen2018). In major cities, such as Ho Chi Minh City, the Cambridge B2 First examination, previously known as Cambridge First Certificate in English, was initially chosen for this purpose. However, the test was later replaced with IELTS. X. M. Ngo (Reference Ngo2021b) believed that IELTS is more accessible, with more test centres compared to TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Language) or Cambridge English. This was among the primary reasons IELTS was preferred over other tests. Accordingly, IELTS was a relatively convenient test for both English Linguistics and TESOL undergraduates to fulfil graduation requirements, as well as for high school students seeking exemption from the high school graduation and university entrance examinations. Additionally, a growing number of Vietnamese students have had to take IELTS, which is more widely recognised than TOEFL or Cambridge English, to study abroad (Tran Reference Tran2019). At the same time, Le (Reference Le and Andrew J2024) also asserted that the low teaching quality in public schools, which fails to prepare students for language proficiency tests, has driven students to choose private language schools for their IELTS exam preparation.
All of these influences, which mainly stemmed from Project 2020, have collectively created a status quo in which IELTS has become an educational craze in Vietnam. Responding to the escalating demand for IELTS, there has been a rapid increase in the number of language schools across the country. According to Hoai Thuong (Reference Thuong2023), two major cities, Ha Noi and Ho Chi Minh City, each had more than 1,000 private language schools at the end of 2023. In early 2024, some high schools even enacted a policy which exempted IELTS-holders from taking their admission exams. This policy was immediately stopped by the Ministry of Education and Training (Nhat Nam Reference Nam2024). Most noticeably, Mỹ Dung (2024) described a growing trend where elementary children are being sent to language school for IELTS preparation.
On a public level, since 2016, the national television broadcaster of Vietnam has been running an educational programme named 8 IELTS (or IELTS Face-off as it was later renamed), which focuses on IELTS exam tips and showcasing IELTS high-achievers nationwide. Following this trend, achievers of the near-native level of IELTS, can suddenly become famous by being featured in the press.
Reacting to this mania, there have been calls to view IELTS in a more proper context – as a language test rather than a token of success (H. T. Ngo Reference Ngo2024). According to Le (Reference Le and Andrew J2024), the race for IELTS has created an unhealthy trend in English language education in Vietnam while extending the socioeconomic gap between students in different regions.
The emergence of second-career English Language teachers
Responding to the IELTS craze and a growing demand for quality education providers, there has been a noticeable phenomenon: the rise of second-career English language teachers. These teachers are those initially trained for another career but who later transition to teaching English (Chambers Reference Chambers2002). Dinh and Vu (Reference Dinh and Vu2023) documented a considerable trend of this career transition in Vietnam in recent years. According to their research, second-career EFL teachers in Vietnam are typically high-achievers on a language test, primarily IELTS, who find teaching lucrative or more aligned with their personalities (Dinh and Vu Reference Dinh and Vu2023). According to Bui (Reference Bui2023), many private language schools hire teachers based solely on their IELTS scores, allowing these teachers to enter the teaching labour market unofficially. Moreover, many of these second-career teachers, despite lacking training in teaching methodologies, run their own private classes at home without official registration with any governing body.
For those second-career language teachers seeking official certification in teaching methodologies, a 120-hour Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL) certificate often fulfils most job requirements. This demand has led to a surge in TESOL training centres in Vietnam. These institutions are usually partnered with an overseas training provider, which offers internationally certified TESOL qualifications. Although these qualifications are neither formally recognised by the Ministry of Education and Training (Ministry of Education and Training 2018a) nor able to offer in-depth professional knowledge, they serve as a mark of professionalism for second-career teachers.
This notable emergence of semi- or unofficially trained second-career English language teachers is largely rooted in the general perception of the teaching profession among most Vietnamese people. In Vietnamese, the word ‘thầy’, meaning someone skilled in a certain profession, is used to refer to teachers (Trần Reference Trần2023). This emphasis on professional skills over pedagogical training is deeply ingrained in the cultural understanding of teaching. Therefore, those with a high level of English proficiency, often demonstrated through high scores on language exams, are deemed suitable for teaching. In fact, Tran (Reference Tran2015) found in a survey exploring Vietnamese perceptions of English teacher qualities that English language competence is considered the most important factor.
While this category of English language instructors has expanded Vietnam's teaching workforce, it has also raised several potential concerns. First, the quality of education they provide remains a crucial question. Without proper training in areas like content and pedagogical knowledge, these instructors may resort to a mechanical presentation of knowledge. Second, their unregistered practice could significantly impact the English education market. Exempt from taxes and regulations, they operate outside established norms. Third, the lack of oversight creates opportunities for fraudulent activities. A notable example is the scandal involving a well-known IELTS instructor who, operating unregistered private classes, falsified her IELTS certificate from 6.5 to 8.0 to mislead prospective students, resulting in significant financial losses for learners (Le Huyen and Ngan Anh Reference Le and Ngan2020).
The development of communities of practice for teachers
With the increasing number of second-career English language teachers, there is a growing need for continuing professional development. While many teachers opt for formal routes such as a second degree in English Linguistics or postgraduate studies in TESOL, others pursue informal or semi-formal options. Among these less structured approaches, communities of practice for teacher learning have become increasingly influential.
Wenger (Reference Wenger1998) initially introduced the concept of a community of practice to highlight the social dimension of learning, emphasising the shared interests of a group of individuals who interact regularly for learning purposes. In the context of professional development for English language teachers, communities of practice represent the various ways in which these teachers collaborate, often informally, to address challenges related to their teaching practice.
In Vietnam, Mai et al. (Reference Mai, Nguyen, Tran and Le2020) documented a substantial increase in online communities of practice for English language teachers, primarily on Facebook. In addition to groups established by official English teachers’ associations like VietTESOL or Ho Chi Minh TESOL, numerous teacher-led groups have also emerged with large memberships. Notable examples include People of TESOL/TEFL/Linguistics and Cộng đồng Thực hành Giảng dạy Tiếng Anh (Community of ELT Practice), each approaching 30,000 members. Members of these groups primarily share teaching strategies, materials, and technologies, and discuss issues related to classroom management and professional development. There are also larger groups, with memberships reaching 50,000, that focus solely on sharing materials.
As a form of informal learning, these online communities of practice effectively serve as a valuable source of knowledge and experience. Members’ posts in these groups cover a range of both theoretical and practical issues in English language teaching. The study by Mai et al. (Reference Mai, Nguyen, Tran and Le2020) indicates that members find posts in these groups useful, interesting, engaging, and relevant to their daily teaching. Furthermore, teachers appreciate the diverse and timely feedback from other group users.
While acknowledging the various benefits of online communities of practice, Mai et al. (Reference Mai, Nguyen, Tran and Le2020) also observed that such learning environments can be demotivating and unstructured. A lack of face-to-face interaction, motivation, and established guidelines are among the most common reasons for the inactivity of many members (Mai et al. Reference Mai, Nguyen, Tran and Le2020). Moreover, learning in these communities is often unsystematic, particularly for second-career teachers. Consequently, their professional development can be fragmented, episodic, and ultimately less effective in the long term.
Concluding thoughts and ways forward
This paper has presented the most recognisable trends in English language education in Vietnam while numerous underlying factors that serve as both driving forces and consequences would need more space to discuss. These trends are notably shaped by political and societal influences. The implementation of the country's largest language education project has fostered a freer and more participatory environment for English language learning. More specifically, the field has become more market-oriented and learner-centred, with independent learners gaining a more impactful voice. Furthermore, the rise of a new class of teachers has not only expanded the workforce but has also potentially intensified competition for trained teachers once these newcomers gain acceptance among learner-customers.
As learning becomes increasingly accessible for both teachers and learners, it is crucial to consider the core values of language education and fundamental educational principles. English language education in Vietnam has reached a level previously aspired to by both society and experts. However, the influx of students into private language centres with questionable quality standards, coupled with the ease with which individuals with high IELTS scores can become teachers, presents significant educational and societal challenges.
These trends are certainly not the only ones emerging in Vietnam, particularly within the complex sociopolitical landscape at both local and international levels. The Politburo recently stated in its concluding remarks on educational reform that national efforts will be directed towards establishing English as Vietnam's second language (Central Executive Committee of the Party 2024). While theoretical and practical concerns surrounding this decision remain, its societal impact will undoubtedly be profound. Concurrently, the emergence of artificial intelligence (AI) is beginning to influence English language classrooms at various levels (Tram and Tran–Thanh Reference Tram, Tran-Thanh, Bui and Namaziandost2024). While AI adoption in English language teaching in Vietnam is progressing at a relatively steady pace, Le–Khanh et al. (Reference Le–Khanh, Do, Tran-Thanh, Bui and Namaziandost2024) believe that over time changes will happen at the most fundamental levels.
These emerging changes will intersect to shape the future of English language education in Vietnam, especially given the country's rapid societal and economic transformation. The precise trajectory and development of these trends remain to be seen. Further research is therefore needed to understand the long-term implications of these intersecting trends and their impact on the future of English language education in Vietnam.
Acknowledgements
I would like to express my gratitude to Ngo Duc Huy and Do Nguyen Dang Khoa for reviewing this paper. Their insights were invaluable in strengthening my arguments.
VU TRAN-THANH is an ESRC doctoral researcher at the School of Education, Durham University, UK. Prior to his doctoral study, he worked for nine years as an EFL teacher and teacher educator in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Vu founded and administers a professional learning community called TESOL Research Collaboration Network. He also serves on the Steering Committee of the Teacher Educator Interest Section of TESOL Int'l Association. As a researcher, Vu has presented in various international conferences and published different peer-reviewed articles and book chapters. His research interests include different domains in language teacher education such as teacher research, identity, agency, professional development as well as queer theory in language education. Email: thanhvu0304@gmail.com
