Having refashioned the Labour Party into New Labour and led it to three general election victories, Tony Blair's impact on the electoral fortunes of the Labour Party over a ten-year period are not in question. How the New Labour Governments have re-imagined and re-shaped a broad swathe of public policy however continues to be subject to debate. To what extent did policy reforms introduced reflect a vision unique to New Labour and distinct from ‘old’ Labour and the previous Conservative administrations? Discussion of this issue has proceeded relentlessly since the electoral landslide of 1997. Some authors assert that the emergence of a modernised centre left governing party has delivered and embedded post-Thatcherite social democratic change (Giddens, Reference Giddens1998, Reference Giddens2002; Driver, Reference Driver2008). Others have considered there to be far greater continuity with the administrations of John Major and Margaret Thatcher. In this view, the existing policy trends inherited by New Labour have been developed and extended, indicating only marginal divergence from the prevailing neo-liberal paradigm (Callinicos, Reference Callinicos2001; Hay, Reference Hay2004). At times this discussion has seemed to create heat, as much as light on the subject matter. It is into this arena of academic, policy and political debate that this collection edited by Powell steps. Using the departure of Tony Blair from office as its dramatic hook, the book examines various welfare policies introduced by New Labour between 1997 and 2007 and investigates the legacy Blair can be said to have left.

Consisting of 15 chapters authored by a range of academics, the book explores topics that include; the NHS; social care services; education; crime and disorder; social security and housing. The remaining chapters deal with what can be categorised as cross-cutting issues, such as discourses of risk and social investment, the expansion of private welfare provision, personalisation and ‘choice’ in public services, the parallel development of an increasingly conditional welfare state, a useful examination of New Labour's evolution over three parliamentary terms and a comparative analysis of reforms instituted by the SPD in Germany with those of New Labour in the UK. What is particularly useful about this collection is that rather than a disparate grouping of pieces held together merely by a reflection on Labour policy, the books authors adopt a common analytical framework. This draws on exploration of whether New Labour's modernisation agenda under Blair formed a common coherent template across diverse policy sectors. This is analysed by using Hall's (Reference Hall1993) order of change model to elaborate on the nature and extent of policy development. The model suggests that policy development can be broken down in to three levels or orders of change. The first level refers to the settings or levels of policy instruments (e.g. level of state pension payments). The second order consists of the choice of policy instruments themselves and third order of change consists of radical changes or ‘paradigm shifts’ in the goals and discourse of policy.

Choosing the theme of modernisation and submitting it to examination through the orders of change model proves a useful approach. As Paton wryly observes in Chapter 2 the problem with New Labour and modernisation is that much as, ‘Herbert Morrison had defined socialism in the 1940s as what Labour does, modernisation could now be described as everything New Labour governments do’. Thankfully, the authors attempt to both track and unpick the modernisation theme. In doing so, the book contributes further to our understanding of the various aspects of New Labour actions, and the extent to which they have developed over time and influenced more than one policy area. The chapters themselves taken as a whole promote the impression that, as might be expected, there is noticeable continuity with the previous Conservative administration. Greener's chapter though reminds us that noticeable differences emerged in reform emphasis over the three New Labour terms covered by the books ten-year period of interest. Certain themes of modernisation, however, are noticeable across most policy sectors, including the extension of private and voluntary sector involvement in provision, centralisation of standard setting combined with some devolution of responsibility, the use of area-based initiatives and the continued growth of a rights and responsibilities discourse that strengthens citizen obligations, but not necessarily their rights. The authors indicate that many changes that have occurred should be categorised as either first- or second-order change. More radical ‘paradigm shifts’ in policy have been relatively rare, although not absent altogether. The pledge to eradicate child poverty within 20 years is highlighted by McKay and Rowlingson as an event that brought the language of ‘poverty’ back into political and policy discussion and led significant resources to be targeted on this problem. One area where I would like to have seen more discussion and reflection is on the impact of policy devolution within the four nations of the UK. The electoral dynamics operating in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland are somewhat different from England and UK politics and this has the potential to feed into policy difference. Where appropriate, some authors do acknowledge the impact of devolution in their policy sector, but there is limited reflection overall on this issue. Nonetheless, this edited collection is a valuable contribution to understanding New Labour's evolution in government, the changes they have wrought on the welfare state and the likely legacy of Tony Blair's years in office. Those interested in a grounded analysis of welfare state developments under New Labour will not be wasting their hard earned pennies purchasing this title.