One need only watch the nightly news to see that our national identity is being shaped (and, some may argue, destroyed) by two conflicting narratives. The first narrative insists upon the inherently secular founding of America and the intended increase of secularization by the founding fathers. The direct competitor to this narrative is one that positions the United States as a distinctly Christian nation with a distinctly Christian outlook on all matters (2). So what is the truth? According to Philip Gorski, it is somewhere in the middle.

Having become familiar with the premier arguments and proponents of the two prevailing narratives, I was intrigued by Gorski's thesis that there is a sort of religious-secular center to be found (3). That is to say, what makes America the freest nation in the world is not radical secularism nor is it religious nationalism. Instead, it is something that could be termed “the civil religious tradition” (4). Gorski's opening proposal is that this tradition is the tradition that undergirds American culture and is the necessary center for the good of our union. Throughout the text, Gorski evaluates competing traditions using three criteria that he establishes early in the book. These three criteria are: “internal consistency, historical accuracy, and sociological plausibility” (4). Initially, I was doubtful that these criteria would be sufficient to support Gorski's proposition, but by the conclusion of American Covenant, I became firmly persuaded by not only their sufficiency but by their necessity.

One of the key portions of the text is the chapter entitled “Civil Religious Tradition and Its Rivals” (13–36). Throughout this chapter, Gorski goes to great lengths to distinguish the civil religious tradition from the two prevailing narratives of our day. Without this careful examination and thoughtful interaction with radical secularism and religious nationalism, the remainder of the book would be interesting but ultimately unhelpful. Therefore, any reader of American Covenant ought to spend ample time bathing in the arguments of the aforementioned chapter.

The remainder of the text is a dense but enjoyable foray into the various historical stages of America's civil religious tradition. In my mind, the chapters of note are chapter 4, “Democratic Republicanism: The Civil War,” and chapter 7, “From Reagan to Obama: Tradition Recovered and (Almost) Recovered.” Given our moment in history, both of these chapters are timely engagements with the very discussions dominating the news cycle and exchanges in the workplace. As a child of the Reagan-Bush era, chapter 7 in particular captured my fascination. Moreover, my first true period of political engagement came during the Obama v. McCain election of 2008. Thus, this section of American Covenant spoke not only to my book knowledge but to my experiential knowledge.

In chapter 7, Gorski's assertion that Reagan's worldview was post-Augustinian (177) drove me to further my personal research into the political discourse of the 1980s. I mention this because one marker of an excellent book is that is causes the reader to pursue further research rather than just passively receiving information. American Covenant is a text that will drive its reader into further studies. While I would argue that the portrayals of Reagan and Obama within the chapter both betray some authorial bias (although this is almost unavoidable), I must admit that they were thought-provoking portraits of the two most important presidents of the last three decades.

In his conclusion, Gorski calls for the reclaiming of a righteous republic (223). He offers a four-fold prescription of action steps that may prove useful in counteracting what he deems as the corruption of the original American ideal. His four action steps are: banish big money (from the political process), make civic holidays into holidays again, make character education part of civic education, and establish a universal system of national service (229–230). Gorski's final appeal is that his readers join him in the intentional pursuit of rebuilding the “vital center” of American thinking and political engagement (232).

American Covenant is a cross-disciplinary study that accomplishes its aims, and Gorski should be commended for his efforts. Additionally, through his masterful use of primary sources and engaging writing style, what could have been a rather arduous study is made quite enjoyable.

Upon finishing American Covenant, I decided to reread two books that I believe make great conversation partners with Gorski's thesis. They are John Wilsey's American Exceptionalism and Civil Religion (InterVarsity, 2016) and Yuval Levin's The Fractured Republic (Basic, 2016). In particular, Wilsey's arguments complement and even supplement much of what is laid forth in American Covenant.

Considering the political and historical atmosphere in which we find ourselves as a nation, American Covenant is a timely release. While I would not consider myself in lockstep with Gorski on every issue he addresses, my hope would be that those proposing a resurrection of hyper-nationalism and those advocating radical secularism would consider the warnings and prescription found within American Covenant.