In an era marked by the global circulation of English as a lingua franca (ELF), treating English as a unified, neutral medium risks naturalising existing inequalities and ideological asymmetries embedded in English-dominated global and postcolonial political arenas (Abdelhay et al. Reference Abdelhay, Makoni and Makoni2011; Rahman and Hu Reference Rahman and Guangwei2025; Zhou et al. Reference Zhou, Matti and Dutta2025). While Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) has long been used to expose power relations, its predominantly macro-level, theory-driven approach can sometimes rely on Anglophone or Western-centric conceptions of the ‘political’ that it seeks to interrogate (Breeze Reference Breeze2011; Gruber Reference Gruber2024; Slemon Reference Slemon2025).
Against this backdrop, Language and Politics: A Cross-Cultural Pragmatic Perspective advances a language-anchored, contrastive cross-cultural approach as a complementary route to critique. The wager is that pragmatic resources (indexicality, speech-act design, interactional stance) can provide micro-analytic precision to trace how ideologies are materialised in discourse and how locally grounded practices contest universalising political categories. It equips sociolinguistics scholars with a transferable toolkit to dissect English not merely as a medium of politics, but as an active, often opaque, participant in the construction of political reality across cultural boundaries.
Structured across 11 chapters and prefaced by an extensive introduction, the book is organised into two main parts. Chapter 1 sets out the rationale for adopting a cross-cultural pragmatic perspective to enable more anti-essentialist and non-ethnocentric interpretations of political language, particularly in English-mediated contexts. It also outlines the conceptual and methodological, as well as overall structure that guide the subsequent chapters.
Part One (Chapters 2–5) begins by identifying three interrelated pitfalls in Chapter 2: (1) adopting an ethnocentric perspective on one’s data, (2) uncritically ascribing certain ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ values to political actors, and (3) using research to confirm a pre-existing conviction. To counter these tendencies, the editors propose an analytical framework comprising three key pragmatic units: expressions, speech acts, and discourse, each interpreted within its specific context.
Chapter 3 addresses the first pitfall through a tripartite model that compares politically salient notions across linguacultures. Through cross-corpus analysis of data from both political actors and media, the editors illustrate that the same political concept (e.g., nationalism and 民族主义 [minzu-zhuyi]) can carry divergent meanings across different linguistic and cultural contexts. This example powerfully demonstrates the risk of treating English-language conceptual categories as universal benchmarks and underscores the need to account for cross-linguacultural variation when interpreting political concepts.
Chapter 4 takes on the second pitfall of evaluative bias through a close analysis of a transcript from an unofficial European Union meeting. Although the EU is commonly framed as a democratic institution, the editors show how its representatives used English, the primary medium of intercultural negotiation, to exert pressure on the newly formed Slovenian and Croatian governments in the aftermath of the 1990s independence referendums. This case reveals that ostensibly democratic actors can use pragmatic strategies in English to advance positions that contradict democratic outcomes, highlighting English as a tool of discursive power in institutional settings.
Chapter 5 revisits the third pitfall of confirmation bias by adopting a self-reflexive analytical stance. Drawing on historical diplomatic correspondence between Qing-era China and the United States, the editors combine quantitative and qualitative analysis to uncover asymmetries in communicative intent. The findings suggest that U.S. dispatches (e.g., from envoy Caleb Cushing) often enacted discursive aggression through specific speech acts such as ‘Tell’, whereas the Qing officials’ notes maintained an ostensibly ‘innocent’ tone. This contrast not only demonstrates a strong sense of methodological self-awareness but also illustrates how linguistic evidence can challenge entrenched assumptions in political discourse research.
Part Two (Chapters 6–10) moves beyond methodological foundations to thematic applications, illustrating how the pragmatic framework developed in Part One sheds light on specific, politically charged domains. First, this part deliberately decentres Anglophone pragmatic norms as the default lens for understanding political solidarity. By juxtaposing political apologies realised after World War II by representatives of Japan and Germany (Chapter 6) with Chinese political ‘alignment’ enacted through deference rather than Western-style irony or sarcasm (Chapter 7), the book prompts a critical question: how do non-Western political actors negotiate, resist, or hybridise these culturally embedded pragmatic codes when operating in English-mediated international forums? In exploring this question, the analysis redirects focus away from communicative efficiency in English as a lingua franca (ELF) and toward the politics of identity construction and symbolic power in cross-cultural encounters.
Second, the book turns its attention to the everyday language practices of non-elite groups. Chapter 8 examines moral and discursive conflicts among ordinary social actors, such as animal rights protesters and children’s party organisers, while Chapter 9 analyses heckling behaviours in the US, UK and Hungarian contexts by lay participants in political settings. Together, these chapters demonstrate that the proposed framework extends beyond elite or institutional discourse, offering a means to decode the micro-politics of ideology and power that permeate contentious social interactions, regardless of the language in which they occur.
Third, Chapter 10 examines the role of English as a ‘global gatekeeper’ in the translation of politically and culturally loaded expressions, most notably wenming (文明) and its English counterpart civilization, thereby highlighting the issue of ‘untranslatability’ in political language into sharp relief. When political concepts must pass through English to enter international circulation, their meanings are inevitably selected, reshaped, or muted. Translation is thus reframed not as a purely technical task but as a core sociolinguistic process, one that involves ideological negotiation and engenders epistemic inequality in an English-dominated global discourse.
The final chapter (Chapter 11) revisits three core pitfalls and reflects on the value of the bottom-up, cross-cultural pragmatic framework to English-mediated political discourse. It also identifies several underexplored areas for future research, concluding with a concise glossary that enhances accessibility for emerging scholars.
The book exhibits several notable strengths, among which the most pivotal is the editors’ adoption of a bottom-up, cross-cultural pragmatic approach. This approach draws on data from multiple linguacultures, including English, Chinese, Janpanese, German and Hungarian, effectively countering pre-existing assumptions and Anglocentric biases that arise when English is treated as the sole data source. They devote considerable space to identifying this kind of bias, which manifests in two ways. One is through the construction of a binary opposition between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ political linguacultures via exoticisation (Chapter 2), and the other is through the misleading practice of elevating English translations of culturally embedded, nuanced political notions as the ‘gold standard’ in academic research (Chapter 8). In this linguistic anchor and bottom-up approach, each linguaculture is treated as a valid unit of analysis, refocusing attention on language itself and effectively sidestepping ethnocentrism and preconceived political stances. Consequently, the work distances itself from these ethnocentric views and fosters a more objective analytical stance, rendering it of high academic value and reliability.
Second, the volume presents a plethora of case studies that provide tangible support for its theoretical perspectives, covering historical events, war-related apologies, news media reports, everyday social interactions and instances of political heckling. These diverse cases are not merely illustrative; they serve as empirical validation of the editors’ pragmatic framework (encompassing expressions, speech acts and discourse) introduced in Chapter 2. Moreover, by integrating both historical and contemporary data, the book highlights the temporal dynamics of political communication, allowing readers to trace how ideological meanings evolve across time. It provides not only rich empirical insights but also a replicable framework for future comparative and cross-cultural pragmatic research, enhancing its credibility and applicability.
Lastly, the book’s high level of organisation makes it stand out. The seamless flow of information and well structured chapters allow each section to build on the previous ones, offering readers a comprehensive and coherent understanding of the subject. Additionally, the ‘Recommended Readings’ section concluding each chapter is a practical asset. By curating and analysing key excerpts, the editors place their arguments in dialogue with existing scholarship, demonstrating expertise and intellectual generosity while expanding the discussion and fostering readers’ critical thinking. Designed around a reader-centered philosophy, these sections cast the editors as patient, sophisticated guides who implicitly address what to read, how to read, why to read and what to expect. As a result, relevant yet potentially unfamiliar topics become more accessible, substantially enhancing the book’s overall readability and its value as a tool for academic training.
Despite its strengths, two limitations are worth noting. The first concerns the topic scope. Although the editorial selection is generally insightful, it remains somewhat narrow, with certain politically significant areas (environmental issues, abortion, war, gender and migration) receiving limited attention and thus remaining underexplored. The second limitation pertains to the sources utilised. The study predominantly draws on publicly accessible data, while politically sensitive or hard-to-access materials are largely absent. Such sources, however, are often pivotal for a deeper understanding of state power, institutional influence, and mechanisms of discursive control. These limitations do not detract from the book’s overall contribution, but they point to potential directions for further research.
In conclusion, despite these minor limitations, the editors provide a highly insightful synthesis of ideas, drawing on their far-reaching expertise. This book’s innovative methodology, comprehensive coverage, and accessible organisation render it an invaluable asset for scholars and students with interests in sociolinguistics, pragmatics, and the role of English in political discourse.
Funding
This work was supported by The National Social Science Fund of China (24CYY087).

YUMENG WANG is an undergraduate student majoring in English at Ocean University of China. Her research interests include systemic functional linguistics, second language acquisition, and discourse analysis. She has published a book review in Functions of Language and has participated in several research projects. Email: wangyumeng881@gmail.com

YULE PENG is a associate professor and postdoctoral researcher at Ocean University of China. She received her PhD in Applied Linguistics from the same university. Her research interests include psycholinguistics, neurolinguistics and bilingual language processing, with a particular focus on visual word recognition, code-switchings, and dialogic interaction in second language acquisition. Email: pengyule@ouc.edu.cn