I. Introduction
Judicial systems are commonly characterized in hierarchical terms. This is manifest in the language typically used to distinguish among the various rungs of courts composing a country’s judiciary, with “lower,” “higher,” “appellate,” and “supreme” figuring among the most frequent descriptors to designate the different echelons of the judicial pyramid. Yet court systems differ in important respects from archetypes of hierarchical organization such as the army, the modern corporation, or even the (nonjudicial) civil service. Higher court judges neither contract nor select their putative judicial subordinates.Footnote 1 They also lack most of the ex post control tools that usually come with a hierarchical management structure. They cannot promote, demote, or fire lower court magistrates, alter their compensation package, or modify their conditions of employment. This seemingly leaves the power to reverse lower court decisions as the sole lever of control available to higher court judges.
If the threat of reversal is the incentive that is supposed to drive intercourt cooperation, then court systems that, like the European Union (EU), lack an appeal procedure might seem to find themselves in a precarious situation. The EU legal system is structured around a nonhierarchical referral mechanism, which has three distinctive characteristics.Footnote 2 First, cases are referred to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) at the behest of domestic judges rather than at the behest of litigants. The referring courts, thus, act as gatekeepers of the procedure. Second, although preliminary rulings are, in principle, binding for the referring judges, the ECJ does not have the power to reverse the decisions of referring courts. Finally, referrals pertain exclusively to points of law and exclude factual determinations. The task of implementing preliminary rulings is, thus, left to the referring courts.Footnote 3
Now the puzzle that these court systems raise with regard to intercourt collaboration looks especially acute when judicial preferences happen to diverge. When judicial preferences are perfectly aligned, referring and referral judges see eye to eye, which facilitates cooperation. But what is the prospect for cooperation when judicial preferences are not perfectly aligned and the referral court signals to referring judges that it is not happy with the references they have submitted?
This is a quintessential principal-agent problem and one that nonhierarchical referral regimes, which by definition lack an appeal procedure, are not formally structured to address. The decision to refer seems to presuppose some degree of preference alignment between referring and referral court. But what happens if the referring courts shirk and submit poorly drafted and insufficiently researched work? As low-quality references make their job more difficult, referral court judges may signal their dissatisfaction by refusing to review poor-quality references in the hope that negative feedback will induce referring judges to work harder. In the best-case scenario, this would spur a “learning” effect, ameliorating subsequent cooperation. However, it is conceivable that the negative feedback may, in fact, discourage subsequent cooperation if referring courts, refusing to invest greater efforts in polishing references, stop submitting altogether. This possibility has been raised by EU law scholars who have warned that the ECJ’s recourse to procedural dismissals may have a “chilling effect” on referring judges (Bobek Reference Bobek2008; Vink, Claes, and Arnold Reference Vink2009).
The present study tests these two competing hypotheses in the EU context. We begin by theorizing the conditions under which learning and chilling will be elicited. We hypothesize that the reaction of referring judges to formal dismissal depends on the strength of their team motive as well as on their prior beliefs about the referral court’s quality standards, the cost of writing high-quality references, and the reputational risk they associate with a formal dismissal.
We devise separate empirical tests for the two hypotheses and evaluate them using data on referral activity in the EU legal system. To evaluate the chilling hypothesis, we examine the behavior in year t of courts that have received feedback in year
either in the form of a ruling (positive feedback) or in the form of a formal dismissal (negative feedback). While inexperienced courts are more likely to face a formal dismissal, we find that exposure to a formal dismissal does not inhibit resubmission. In fact, we observe the opposite. Exposure to negative feedback results in higher resubmission rates. This result is robust to alternative operationalizations of the feedback variable and holds for experienced as well as first-time submitters. To assess the learning hypothesis, we use the ECJ’s acceptance decision on resubmission as a proxy for quality and look at the effect of prior negative feedback. We implement the test in a distributed lag model to account for the stronger effect of more recent feedback moments. We find that previous exposure to negative feedback is associated with lower rejection rates, with more recent exposure having a stronger effect.
To the extent that these results point to a strong team motive, we claim that they lend support to the team model. High writing costs constitute a disincentive for cooperation, but the motivation to secure a referral court ruling is sufficiently strong to outweigh this agency cost.
Our analysis is organized as follows. Section II situates the study of nonhierarchical court systems within the literature on judicial organizations. Section III sets out our theoretical framework and hypotheses. Section IV introduces our data. Section V tests the chilling hypothesis, and Section VI tests the learning hypothesis. Section VII concludes.
II. Judicial Organizations
The effort to understand how layers of courts work together has spurred the emergence of two distinct models of adjudication (Kornhauser Reference Kornhauser1999; Kastellec Reference Kastellec2017). The agency model takes the classic principal-agent framework as a point of departure and seeks to explain how higher court judges enforce their preferences on judges sitting at the lower echelons of the judicial pyramid. As higher court judges tend to lack most of the control tools usually associated with a hierarchical management structure—such as promotion, monetary rewards, sanctions, or threats of termination—agency models typically assume that intercourt cooperation is sustained by the threat of reversal (Kastellec Reference Kastellec2017).Footnote 4 In contrast, the team model posits that judges across layers of courts share the same objectives and explains interjudicial cooperation by the desire to maximize the number of “correct” outcomes. To the extent that reversals occur, they are viewed as reflecting informational differences rather than misaligned preferences or shirking (Kornhauser Reference Kornhauser1994; Kastellec Reference Kastellec2017).
Team and agency models of adjudication ask different questions about distinct aspects of intercourt relations (Cameron and Kornhauser Reference Cameron2006; Kastellec Reference Kastellec2017). The team perspective asks how rational judges pursuing the same goal should want to divide resources and adjudicatory tasks. It posits preference alignment. Accordingly, explaining adjudication comes down to uncovering the mechanisms and cooperative strategies allowing judges to maximize the number of correct outcomes. The agency perspective, in contrast, asks how lower court judges can be controlled by their superiors assuming preference misalignment. Accordingly, agency accounts concentrate on the mechanisms presumed to enable judicial superiors to hold in check their judicial subordinates. Both perspectives are useful to understand how courts interact in nonhierarchical regimes and how these regimes differ from hierarchical judiciaries.
Obviously, in the real world, instances of both converging and diverging judicial preferences exist. In fact, legal systems are often designed in ways that reveal both team and agency concerns. The division of labor that underpins most national judiciaries, with lower courts concentrating on fact-finding and appellate courts on law finding and law creation, is viewed as reflecting a team conception of adjudication (Kornhauser Reference Kornhauser1994). In contrast, mechanisms such as docket discretion (Cameron, Segal, and Songer Reference Cameron2000; Lax Reference Lax2003) and the appellate review of factual determinations in civil law jurisdictions (Kornhauser Reference Kornhauser1994) seem to owe their existence to the desire to mitigate agency problems. The power of reversal afforded to higher courts, meanwhile, can serve both to tackle agency costs and to facilitate efficient team cooperation (Shavell Reference Shavell1995; Kornhauser Reference Kornhauser1999; Kastellec Reference Kastellec2017).
The most fundamental difference between hierarchical and nonhierarchical judiciaries can be similarly characterized in terms of differing team and agency concerns. Hierarchical judiciaries are structured by an appeal procedure. Litigants decide whether to appeal lower court decisions. Appellate courts review the appealed cases and then reverse the decisions with which they disagree. In such a setting, losing litigants have the strongest incentive to file an appeal when they believe the appellate court will reach a different outcome on account of either informational or preference divergence. The resulting litigant selection effect (Shavell Reference Shavell1995; Cameron and Kornhauser Reference Cameron2006) means that appeal procedures can serve to address preference misalignment as well as to maximize correct outcomes.
Consider now a nonhierarchical referral regime. Instead of being vested in litigants, the right to submit cases to the referral court belongs to referring courts. These courts act as gatekeepers of the procedure. What drives the process whereby cases are selected for referral, therefore, is not litigant selection but judicial self-selection. The importance of this structure-induced difference cannot be overstated because the incentives of judges and litigants differ fundamentally. Whereas litigants have the strongest incentive to appeal decisions with which they expect higher court judges to disagree, judges have the strongest incentive to refer cases when they expect the referral court to render a decision they will like. Unlike an appeal, therefore, a referral presupposes that referral and referring courts share the same goal—at least the referring court must initially hold this belief. Nonhierarchical referral regimes thus are designed to operate according to a team conception of adjudication. They do not provide mechanisms to curb agency losses. As we argue in the next section, this institutional characteristic means that negative feedback can conceivably be detrimental to intercourt cooperation, except if the referring courts’ team motive is strong.
III. Theoretical Framework
Our theoretical framework seeks to capture how a referral court’s feedback affects the subsequent referral behavior of a referring court. We are primarily concerned with the behavior of the referring court rather than with the referral court’s choice of docket control policy. In particular, our analysis is not concerned with how formal dismissals can be used to structure a court’s docket by signaling the referral court’s policy priorities. Instead, our analysis relies primarily on the quality-vetting function of docket control to assess the impact of formal dismissals on subsequent intercourt collaboration.
Our theoretical argument assumes that the referral court has a preference for high-quality submissions over low-quality submissions and is, for that reason, willing to reject at least some low-quality submissions with nonzero probability. For a court like the ECJ, accepting a reference has both costs and benefits. As issuing a ruling requires that a reference be filed and accepted, the referral judges’ influence on law finding and law creation depends on the number of references received and accepted. Yet accepting more references entails additional work, especially when references are badly drafted or poorly researched. Low-quality references make it harder for the referral judges to predict how their doctrinal pronouncements will apply to the facts of the case or the area of law that gave rise to the referral.Footnote 5 Similarly, when references raise questions that appear to fall outside the referral court’s jurisdiction, there might be costs associated with their reformulation. Acceptance may entail additional costs such as translation (e.g., in international regimes).
For judges with limited resources but who care about leisure time as well as prestige and policy impact, acceptance is generally characterized by decreasing marginal benefits but increasing marginal costs. If its caseload is small or nonexistent, a referral court will want to accept most, if not all, references, including low-quality ones. As the overall number of referrals rises, though, the referral court will tend to find a stricter docket policy more attractive.Footnote 6
A. Sequence of Intercourt Interaction
Suppose a two-stage interaction sequence between a referral and a referring court, as in figure 1. In stage 1, the referring court must decide whether to submit a high-quality reference, a low-quality reference, or none at all. If it submits a case, the referral court either accepts or rejects the reference. The referring court observes the referral court’s decision and accrues the corresponding payoff. In stage 2, the referring court must decide again whether to submit a high-quality reference, a low-quality reference, or none at all. In this informal framework, we further suppose that the referring court has incomplete information over the referral court’s acceptance criteria. Inexperienced judges may even ignore the possibility that a submission might be rejected.Footnote 7 After observing the referral court’s decision in stage 1, the referring court revises its prior beliefs about the referral court’s true docket policy. As we shall see, the assumption of incomplete information is important here to understand when and why chilling and learning might occur.
Sequence of interaction between referring and referral court over two stages

B. Case Selection Assumptions
We assume that the referral court has a preference for high-quality submissions. This reflects the intuition that referral courts treat the choice of docket policy as an optimization problem given the overall caseload and aggregate response of referring courts. Similar to a high-ranking academic journal, the referral court can afford to be more demanding when submitters are numerous and, thanks to the journal’s prestige, unlikely to be put off by a rejection. The analogy with the process by which academic journals select papers for publication further suggests that to the degree that strategizing occurs, it is likely to be restricted to prominent authors. In a legal context like the EU legal order, this implies that strategic behavior is more plausible when domestic apex courts—the legal equivalent of star academics—are involved. Our empirical design controls for this possibility by conditioning on peak courts or via the inclusion of court fixed effects.
C. Referring Court’s Preferences
Whenever the referring court submits a reference and the referral court accepts it, the referring court accrues the benefit of cooperation. We assume that the referring court always prefers an acceptance resulting in a ruling over a rejection yielding no ruling. In the real world, referral court rulings may occasionally fail to meet the referring courts’ expectations to the point that they would have preferred no ruling at all. However, what matters for the decision to submit is the expected gain from a ruling, not the actual gain.
What benefit the referring court expects from cooperation determines the intensity of its team motive. We do not seek to investigate the specific nature of the gain referring judges may expect from cooperation. Instead, we restrict ourselves to evaluating its intensity. We note that team models of adjudication are compatible with various understandings of the nature of this motive (Kornhauser Reference Kornhauser1994). Referrals address the law-creation and law-finding dimensions of adjudication, and referring judges may draw satisfaction from securing a legally sound outcome. Alternatively, though, they may seek one closer to their policy preferences or one fairer to litigants than the status quo. In other words, the benefit of cooperation can be understood in terms of the legal model, the attitudinal model, or richer, hybrid variants of these theories of judicial decision making (Stephenson Reference Stephenson2009; Epstein, Landes, and Posner Reference Epstein2013; Ash and MacLeod Reference Ash2015).
Preparing, writing, and submitting a reference takes time and intellectual effort. Writing a high-quality reference, though, requires more work than writing a low-quality one. A high-quality reference requires a referring judge to research the case law and to write her reference carefully in accordance with referral court’s rules of procedure.Footnote 8 As we shall see, both learning and learning effects presuppose that referring judges attach some nontrivial costs to writing high-quality references. This is why, ignoring or underestimating the possibility of rejection, they initially decide to submit low-quality work.
Another consideration that may weigh on the referring court’s behavior is reputation. Because referral procedures are transparent and their outcome is public, a social stigma may be attached to the referring courts that have experienced a procedural dismissal.Footnote 9 Depending on its perceived magnitude, this reputational risk may affect the referring court’s decision-making calculus both in stage 1 and in stage 2 when contemplating a new submission.
D. Chilling and Learning
Of central interest to the present study is the referring court’s response to the referral court’s decision in stage 2. Assuming that the referral court always accepts high-quality references and accepts at least some low-quality ones, it is easy to see that if the referring court submitted a high-quality reference and this was accepted, its beliefs about the referral court’s docket policy should remain unchanged. After observing a rejection, by contrast, the referring court should update its beliefs, leading it to revise the utility it expects from referring a low-quality reference. In so doing, belief revision can thus induce a change of behavior in stage 2. Chilling occurs when the referring court, after referring a low-quality reference in stage 1, observes a rejection and then refrains from referring in stage 2 because the costs associated with writing a high-quality reference outweigh the benefits of cooperation. A chilling effect also presupposes that the higher expected risk of experiencing another rejection when submitting another low-quality reference will discourage this option, either because the expected benefit of cooperation has been revised down or the reputational risk has been revised up.
Learning occurs when the referring court submits a low-quality reference in stage 1 but decides, upon observing a rejection, to submit a high-quality reference in stage 2. Learning presupposes that the expected benefit of cooperation compensates the effort cost attached to writing a high-quality reference. It also presupposes that the expected payoff of submitting a high-quality reference is larger than going for another low-quality reference in stage 2.
As mentioned previously, a rejection reveals shirking on the part of the referring court. What explains the difference between learning and chilling is that the learning judge sees the benefit of interjudicial cooperation as large enough to justify extra work whereas the chilled judge does not. With regard to learning, though, it is important to take into account the time elapsed between stage 1 and stage 2. Indeed, if a long period of time elapses between the exposure to negative feedback in stage 1 and resubmission in stage 2, the referring court’s knowledge may become obsolete, either because the referral court has readjusted its docket policy in reaction to the evolution of submission numbers or because of skills atrophy and receding institutional memory—for example, as a consequence of a change in judicial personnel. As with academic journals, a paper that would have been recognized as a high-quality submission 10 years ago may no longer meet the evolving standards of editors and reviewers. So, to the degree that learning occurs, we should expect time to reduce its impact.
In sum, theory suggests that, depending on the relative strength of the referring court’s team motive, negative feedback may induce either a chilling or a learning effect. In the following sections we test the chilling and learning hypotheses using data on referral activity and formal dismissals in the EU legal system.
IV. Data: Referring Courts and Procedural Dismissals in the EU Legal System
Our raw data set consists of all references submitted by domestic courts in the period 1961–2014. For a subset of references, we were able to build on a data set originally compiled by Stone Sweet and Brunell (Reference Stone Sweet1998). References were coded either manually or by scraping the data directly from the EUR-Lex website (www.eur-lex.europa.eu). Our data set codes the following information: member state of origin, case number, date on which the ECJ received the reference, date on which the ECJ issued its decision (whether order or ruling), name of the referring court; and position of the referring court in the domestic judicial hierarchy (first instance, intermediate, peak court). We use this core data set to construct separate data sets and empirical tests for the chilling and learning effects.
The referral system put in place by Article 267 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) permits courts in all EU member states to file requests for a preliminary ruling with the ECJ. Article 267 leaves it to the discretion of domestic court judges to decide whether to file a request in cases in which EU law is material to the dispute. The only exceptions are courts of last resort, which have a duty to request a preliminary reference when questions regarding the interpretation of EU law are raised before them. EU law, however, provides no mechanism to enforce this obligation, and the refusal to refer a legal question cannot be appealed to the ECJ.
An Article 267 reference can be disposed of in three ways. As illustrated in figure 2, the first, and by far the most common, is by a preliminary ruling of the ECJ—a “judgment” in the court’s nomenclature. Next come removals. References are removed from the ECJ’s docket at the behest of the referring court. This typically occurs when the facts that initially gave rise to the referral have changed or the parties have settled. Finally, a reference may be disposed of by a procedural dismissal, known as a “reasoned order” in EU law parlance.
Judgments, removals, and orders, 1961–2014

In the early years, when referral activity was still low and, therefore, the net marginal benefit of accepting references relatively high, the ECJ largely refrained from assessing the procedural validity of the questions referred during this early period (Broberg and Fenger Reference Broberg2014). With the expansion of EU law and the concomitant rise in referral activity, however, the marginal reward of reviewing extra references decreased. Costs rose as enlargement required that references be translated into more languages while more complex questions reached the court’s docket (including a rise in VAT and corporate taxation cases; see Dyevre and Lampach Reference Dyevre2021). These developments eventually spurred the ECJ to reconsider its docket policy. Between 1961 and 1995, only 14 references were disposed of by an order. By the end of 2014 the same figure had risen to 429. Figure 2 suggests that 2005 or so marked a major inflection point in the court’s docket policy. The line representing orders rises sharply from that point onward.
This evolution was confirmed by subsequent changes to the ECJ’s rules of procedure. In 2012, formal minimum requirements were introduced for the admissibility of references. Aside from the requirement to provide a summary of the subject matter along with the facts of the domestic dispute giving rise to reference, referring courts are asked to report the language of national provisions material to the case, the relevant national court decisions, and the reasons which led the referring court to ask for an interpretation of EU law.
Legal scholars see significant disparities in the quality of references submitted by domestic courts (Bobek Reference Bobek2014; Galetta Reference Galetta2014; Kornezov Reference Kornezov2015). This is consistent with the cross-national patterns reported in figure 3. Italian courts, notably, have been singled out for the poor quality of their references (Galetta Reference Galetta2014). This perception is mirrored in the large number of Italian references dismissed by the ECJ (131). Courts in the member states that joined after 1995, particularly in central and eastern Europe, have also seen a substantial proportion of their references dismissed by reasoned order.
Share of Article 267 references resulting in a formal dismissal (reasoned order) per member state, 1961–2014. Absolute number of dismissals in parentheses.

First submitters are between three and four times more likely to experience formal dismissals than more experienced courts (14.33% vs. 3.86%). This pattern is consistent with our incomplete information assumption. Inexperienced courts are unaware of or underestimate the quality requirements imposed by the ECJ. This pattern also rules out the possibility that the ECJ may be more lenient toward first submitters as part of a deliberate strategy to socialize domestic courts into the preliminary ruling system.
Accompanying every order is some brief, perfunctory reasoning summarizing the reasons that led the ECJ to dismiss the reference. They fall into four categories: (1) lack of jurisdiction (either rationae materiae or rationae temporis), (2) reference manifestly inadmissible, (3) settled case law, and (4) other. These reasons indict the work submitted by the domestic court to a varying degree (Kornezov Reference Kornezov2015). Category 2 typically signals a badly drafted reference or one lacking necessary information such as the factual and regulatory context of the questions asked. Category 3 signals poor knowledge of ECJ case law. Category 4 includes a handful of references dismissed owing to lack of a case or controversy. Category 3, followed by categories 1 and 2, is the most frequent justification for procedural dismissals (fig. 4).
Orders by ground for dismissal, 1961–2014

The nonhierarchical structure of the preliminary ruling system together with the use of reasoned orders by the ECJ provides a fitting environment to investigate the strength of the team motive of referring courts. In the next two sections, we present the data and empirical tests we use to assess the chilling and learning hypotheses.
V. Assessment of the Chilling Hypothesis
A. Empirical Test
We conduct three tests to assess the existence of a chilling effect. Our first test operationalizes the dependent variable as the number of preliminary references submitted by court i of member state j in year t.Footnote 10 If their team motive is weak, we expect that the courts that have experienced a procedural dismissal in year
will be less likely to submit a reference in year t than if their reference had been accepted.
For this first test, our primary independent variable is a lag (
) measuring the number of dismissals experienced in the previous year. Here the set of observations (
) includes all courts that have submitted at least once.
Second, our theoretical framework implies that, if judges were exposed to negative feedback in year
, the choice between referring and not referring in the following period will depend, in part, on the postfeedback reassessment of the reputational risk. Thus, as a second test for the chilling effect, we operationalize our independent variable as an ordinal measure taking the value 4 if the reference is dismissed as manifestly inadmissible, 3 when dismissed on the ground that the question has already been settled, 2 when dismissed for lack of jurisdiction, 1 when rejected for other reasons, and 0 if ended by a preliminary ruling. This ordering reflects the degree of stigma legal scholars associate with each of these outcomes (Kornezov Reference Kornezov2015). Consistent with our theoretical framework, we hypothesize that if chilling is caused by reputational concerns, courts that have experienced a more negative evaluation will be more reluctant to resubmit than courts that have experienced a less negative one.
Finally, our third test restricts the analysis to first submitters. Because first submitters, by definition, do not have a history of interactions with the ECJ, they have less information about the ECJ’s docket policy. To the extent that inexperienced submitters are initially less confident about the ECJ’s true docket policy, far-reaching belief revision after experiencing a dismissal may make them more prone to chilling.
B. Covariates
We control for covariates of referral activity considered in previous studies: familiarity with EU law (Hornuf and Voigt Reference Hornuf2015; Lampach and Dyevre Reference Lampach2020), monism (Carrubba and Murrah Reference Carrubba2005), support for EU membership (Carrubba and Murrah Reference Carrubba2005), intra-EU trade (Stone Sweet and Brunell Reference Stone Sweet1998; Carrubba and Murrah Reference Carrubba2005), GDP (Vink et al. Reference Vink2009), and enlargement (Wind, Martinsen, and Rotger Reference Wind2009; Lampach and Dyevre Reference Lampach2020). We also control for peak court. Compared to courts lower down the domestic judicial hierarchy, peak-court judges typically enjoy greater resources to process a comparatively smaller caseload. Moreover, as previously mentioned, last-instance courts do not only have a duty to raise a preliminary reference when EU law is material to the dispute at hand (Dyevre, Glavina, and Atanasova Reference Dyevre2020), but the ECJ is also more likely to behave strategically when deciding whether to accept a reference submitted by such a court. Our dummy for peak court takes the value 1 if the court is identified as a peak court and 0 otherwise. Information on the definition, operationalization, and data sources for our controls is provided in the appendix.
C. Modeling Resubmission Behavior
Our modeling exercise presents several challenges. First, court-level resubmission rates, our dependent variable for the chilling hypothesis, can only take nonnegative integer values. Second, because lower courts are very sporadic in their use of the preliminary ruling mechanism and many never have a second go at the Article 267 procedure after their first submission, our dependent dependent variable includes many zeros. Its distribution is best approximated by a zero-inflated negative binomial distribution. Third, while one may be tempted to apply a frequentist, fixed-effects approach, this estimation strategy runs into intractable convergence problems.
To address these issues, we estimate the number of references Y submitted by court i in country j in year t conditional on lagged ECJ dismissal decision
and covariates x
ijt
using Bayesian multilevel modeling. Multilevel models offer less protection against omitted-variable bias. Yet because they discard less variation and are able to detect thresholds effects via the random intercepts, they often have greater power than fixed-effects models. In that sense, if our multilevel model does not detect a chilling effect, we can be more confident that this effect is not present. The model can be expressed as
where ψ−1 is a dispersion parameter with
, Γ(·) is the gamma function,
,
, and
. Note that the distribution has two components: one for
and one for
, 2, … . The log-likelihood function for the vector of parameters
has the form
As with the distribution, l(θ) has two components. We estimate equation (2) via Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) to obtain the posterior inference π(θ) for the parameters β, γ, and ψ. We put conservative priors—which assign lower probability to implausibly large values—on our model parameters.Footnote 11 Accordingly, we assume that
and
where we specify multivariate normal priors on η
k
and η
q
, and α
ijk
as well as α
ijq
follow half-student prior (
,
) with
and
. The dispersion parameter ψ follows a gamma distribution satisfying
, where
and
; the zero-inflation probability of referrals follows a beta prior with shape parameters
and
.
D. Empirical Results
Our Bayesian estimation is obtained by running 20,000 stationary iterations, burning the first 4,000 as warm-up iterates. Table 1 reports the estimated mean posteriors of the coefficients with the 95% credible intervals for all three tests of the chilling effect.
Effect of Formal Dismissals on Subsequent Resubmission Estimated by Bayesian Hierarchical Zero-Inflated Negative Binomial Regression

Note.—Unlike for tests 1 and 3, for test 2 Order (
) is operationalized as an ordinal measure reflecting the intensity of the negative feedback. Test 3 restricts the analysis to first submitters. Dependent variable = log of references in year t. CI = credible interval. WAIC = Watanabe-Akaike information criterion.
Here Order (
), the ECJ’s decision in year
, is our main explanatory variable. Remember that for test 1 Order (
) is operationalized as a dichotomous measure (order/judgment), whereas for test 2 it is operationalized as an ordinal measure reflecting the intensity of the negative feedback. We can readily see that the mean of its posterior distribution is positive for tests 1 and 2. Interestingly, for test 2 the mean posterior of the coefficient for Order (
) is not only positive, but the lower bound of the 95% confidence interval does not include 0, implying that a more indicting feedback has a significant as well as a positive impact on resubmission rates. The mean coefficient of .112 means that a 1-point increase in the intensity of the negative feedback results in an
increase in the number of references submitted in the following year.
Test 3 restricts the analysis to first submitters and, as with test 1, operationalizes Order (
) as a dichotomous measure of order/judgment. The posterior mean is slightly negative, but the bounds of the 95% confidence interval include 0. As explained above, while our identification strategy for this set of empirical tests offers less guaranty against omitted-variable bias, multilevel models tend to exhibit fewer type II errors. This gives us more confidence to conclude that a chilling effect does not exist.
Substantively, these results indicate that formal dismissals do not inhibit resubmission. If anything, the opposite seems to be true: courts that have experienced an order are more likely to give the procedure another try than courts that have secured a judgment. In sum, the evidence does not support the existence of a chilling effect. Referring courts do not opt out of cooperation when formal dismissals expose shirking.
The lack of evidence for the chilling hypothesis is not enough to infer the existence of a learning effect. Learning, as we defined it, is not merely a matter of resubmitting. Rather, it is a matter of resubmitting better work. Referring courts may simply keep submitting the same low-quality references in the hope that the ECJ will accept their submissions at the next attempt. So we now move on to examine how the ECJ evaluates submissions from the courts that have already submitted at least one reference, and we compare the performances of the courts that have experienced a formal dismissal to those that have not.
VI. Assessment of the Learning Hypothesis
A. Testing Approach
Our analytical framework entails that if the team motive is strong and writing costs are neither trivial nor too high, the referring court will respond to the negative feedback by submitting a high-quality reference. Establishing a learning effect necessitates an evaluation of the quality of the referring court’s submission. Instead of developing an external measure of quality, we assume that the ECJ’s decision at the acceptance stage reflects the reference’s underlying quality. In other words, we assume that the ECJ is more likely to reject a poor-quality reference regardless of the domestic court’s referral history.Footnote 12
Consistent with our theoretical framework, if negative feedback induces a learning effect, we expect courts that have experienced a procedural dismissal to improve the quality of their references, making it less likely that they will experience a procedural dismissal at the next attempt. Accordingly, we define our dependent variable as a dichotomous measure taking the value 1 if the reference submitted in year t is disposed of by an order and 0 if disposed by a judgment. For this test, we consider the impact of an ECJ admissibility decision over all years following feedback rather than just the year after the ECJ decision. This is because we assume that the effect of negative feedback may last beyond the year following exposure (Schwartz Reference Schwartz2000; Huang, Dominici, and Bell Reference Huang2005; Gasparrini Reference Gasparrini2011). However, because knowledge and skills tend to atrophy when unused and institutional memory is likely to weaken over time, we expect the exposure effect to be larger when the exposure is more recent and weaker when the exposure is more distant in time. The universe of observations for this test is all the courts that have submitted at least two preliminary references (
).
As a robustness test, we restrict the analysis to those procedural dismissals that solely state formal shortcomings as reasons for rejecting the submission, that is, those held manifestly inadmissible (
). Two considerations motivate this additional test. First, because they refer to the substance rather than to the form of the submission, the two other grounds invoked by the ECJ to reject cases, “settled case law” and “no jurisdiction,” may in some cases be interpreted as signaling the type of questions ECJ judges would like to see domestic courts referring. When so, procedural dismissals may serve a docket construction strategy which may potentially confound the learning mechanism our analysis aims to uncover. Second, some courts—particularly in jurisdictions where the authority of precedents is less established—may deliberately submit questions known to be considered settled case law simply to secure an authoritative statement that the case law applies to the case at hand.
B. Covariates
We control for four factors that we believe may affect the ECJ’s decision to dismiss a reference. The first is the hierarchical position of the referring court. For reasons pointed to above, a higher resource/caseload ratio implies that courts higher up in the judicial hierarchy have a greater capacity to produce high-quality references, which may make them less prone to formal dismissals. Our second control is familiarity with EU law, for which length of membership in the EU is a proxy (Lampach and Dyevre Reference Lampach2020). Judges in member states that have been in the EU for a longer period are more likely to have received EU law training, to have presided over disputes involving EU law arguments, and to know the ECJ’s case law. The third factor is the ECJ’s own workload. A larger caseload may induce the ECJ to apply its docket policy with more severity. We measure caseload as the number of pending cases aggregating all procedures through which cases can be brought before the ECJ (Articles 267, 263, 259, and 258 of the TFEU).Footnote 13
C. Modeling the Delayed Effect of Negative Feedback on Odds of Acceptance
We assess the learning hypothesis using distributed lag modeling. Distributed lag models (DLMs) are designed to capture delayed effects (Schwartz Reference Schwartz2000; Huang et al. Reference Huang2005). The linear form of our basic DLM can be expressed as
where γ s is the lagged weight. Lagged weights collectively define the lag distribution. Here the lagged weights specify that the exposure linearly affects the outcome over time. The term α rijt includes other predictors with linear effects defined by the related parameters ν r .
As explained above, owing to knowledge and skills atrophy or receding institutional memory, we expect the exposure effect to be larger when the exposure is more recent and weaker when the exposure is more distant in time. The literature on DLMs has proposed ways to relax the assumption of linearity (Roberts and Martin Reference Roberts2007; Gasparrini Reference Gasparrini2011). Delayed effects can be modeled by a polynomial distributed lag restricting the lagged coefficients to fit a cubic function. Relaxing the linearity assumption, equation (3) can be rewritten as
where κ0, κ1, κ2, and κ3 are the parameters of the cubic function describing the lagged weights. The number of parameters is chosen on the basis of a visual inspection of the data (see figs. 5 and 6).
Proportion of rejected submissions by years elapsed since experiencing last negative feedback, EU-15 (EU member states that joined before Eastern enlargement). Plot shows the fraction of dismissed references as a function of the year in which the last formal dismissal was experienced. Courts in member states that joined after 1995 are excluded. Smoothed trend line.

Proportion of rejected submissions and date of previous rejection, EU-28 (all EU member states, including the UK and countries that joined following Eastern enlargement). Plot shows the proportion of dismissed references as a function of the year in which the last formal dismissal was experienced. Smoothed trend line.

In addition to conditional logit models with court fixed effects, we also report the results of multilevel variants of these models in the appendix. As Bayesian DLM is still in its infancy and technical hurdles remain,Footnote 14 we estimate the parameters of these models via frequentist EM-ML (expectation maximization maximum likelihood).
D. Results
A visual inspection of the raw data reveals a pattern that is, at least prima facie, consistent with the learning hypothesis. Specifically, recent exposure to a formal dismissal is associated with a lower rejection rate for the next submission. A court is less likely to see its reference rejected when it experienced its last formal dismissal the year before than when it experienced it 8 years earlier. This pattern is most evident when we consider courts in member states that joined before 2004 (fig. 5). But it is also apparent when all courts are considered together (fig. 6). For courts with the most recent exposure (same year or 1 year before the ECJ’s acceptance decision), the proportion of dismissed references is zero or close to zero.
Figures 5 and 6 indicate greater heteroscedasticity when the last exposure to a formal dismissal goes back more than 5 years, with lots of peaks and troughs. This is consonant with our assumption that receding institutional memory (caused by judges leaving the court without passing on their experience to their followers) or knowledge atrophy (caused by judges failing to practice referral writing) weakens the effect of learning over time.
The difference in the shape of the LOESS curve between figure 5 and figure 6 results from courts in eastern and central Europe experiencing high rejection rates (see fig. 3) as the number of submissions started picking up in these countries following accession to the EU. Many of these eastern and central European courts were, it would appear, shirkers. However, these countries joined at a time when the ECJ shifted to a stricter docket policy, and the plot implies that courts in these countries, too, have improved the quality of their work as a consequence of the ECJ’s negative feedback. Courts that resubmitted shortly after experiencing a dismissal have seen a sharp drop in the probability of suffering another rejection. Those who waited more to resubmit, by contrast, have been less successful.
The pattern depicted in figure 6 suggests that a nonlinear model should better capture the relationship between the independent and response variables. This intuition is confirmed by the results of our DLM estimation in table 2.Footnote 15 Table 2 reports the results of four model specifications based on the fixed-effects conditional logistic regression estimation. The first two models correspond to our first test of the learning hypothesis. We consider all formal dismissals, regardless of the justification provided by the ECJ.
Fixed-Effects Conditional Logistic Regression of ECJ Admissibility Decision on Previous Exposure to Negative Feedback

Note.—Dependent variable = ECJ admissibility decision in year t.
* p < .10.
** p < .05.
*** p < .01.
Model 1a applies a linear form. Here our quantity of interest is Delayed Order Effect (
). The log-odds coefficient is negative and strongly significant. This entails that the ECJ is less likely to reject a reference when the referring court has experienced negative feedback on a previous occasion. In line with expectations, ECJ Workload has a significant, positive effect on the ECJ’s propensity to dismiss references. Familiarity with EU Law is negative and nonsignificant.
Model 1b estimates the same model but applies a nonlinear form. As we can see, both Delayed Order Effect (
) and Delayed Order Effect (
), which account for the nonlinear part of the nonlinear delayed effect function, are significant.
In terms of effect size, the linear model yields relatively small coefficients. A log-odds ratio of −0.040 translates into the odds of facing rejection being about 4% lower for courts that have previously experienced a dismissal. The nonlinear model (model 1b) shows a much larger effect size, which is consistent with our assumption that the effect of negative feedback will disappear over time because of changes in judicial personnel or knowledge atrophy.Footnote 16 The log-odds ratio for
, −29.08, indicates that the effect of exposure to negative feedback on the probability that the ECJ will accept the next submission is rather large for recent exposures, amounting to a reduction of up to 25% in the odds of a rejection. The log likelihood, pseudo R
2, and accuracy imply that the nonlinear form is a better fit.
As discussed above, “lack of jurisdiction” and “settled case law” may potentially be interpreted as signaling the ECJ’s preferences over the type of cases it wishes to hear rather than over the quality of the references it wishes to receive. For that reason, models 2a and 2b run the same analysis but exclude the formal dismissals, which invoke these justifications. In other words, these models only consider dismissals on grounds of “manifest inadmissibility,” which cannot be interpreted as signaling issue preferences or used as an agenda-setting tool.Footnote 17 Importantly, though, this restriction makes little difference regarding the substantive results, which remain consistent with the learning hypothesis. The results of our alternative multilevel model specifications, which we report in the appendix, are also consistent with these findings.
We further compute the predicted values of lag-specific effects for the number of previous exposures to negative feedback and the
lags. We expect courts that have experienced more negative feedback in more recent periods to have learned more and thus to face a lower risk of rejection when resubmitting. Figure 7 displays the lag-specific effect of exposure to negative feedback on the likelihood of experiencing a dismissal in time t for dismissals in
for both fixed effects and random effects. The effect is expressed as relative risk (RR).Footnote 18 It can be interpreted as a court previously exposed to negative feedback has a
higher chance of seeing its reference accepted compared to courts that were not exposed.
means a positive association,
means a negative association, and
means no effect. The overall effect of negative feedback on the likelihood of experiencing formal dismissals seems robust across model specifications (see figs. 7a–7d
). The decrease in the relative risk is larger for courts that have experienced more formal dismissals, implying that these courts improve the quality of their work faster than courts that have experienced fewer dismissals.
Relative risk of ECJ rejecting reference after previous exposure to rejection

VII. Conclusion: Revise and Resubmit
How does negative feedback affect cooperation among courts in nonhierarchical referral regimes? We hypothesized that the strength of the referring courts’ team motive would determine whether they drop out of cooperation or respond by improving the quality of their work. We found that the referring courts that have experienced a formal dismissal are not only more likely to resubmit but also more likely to see their references accepted when they do so, at least when the negative feedback is relatively recent. This effect of recent feedback also increases with repetitions.
The ECJ can, thus, effectively use formal dismissals to make referring courts work harder and improve the quality of their submissions. Referring courts behave like motivated academic authors submitting work to a well-established journal. Because they are highly motivated, referring courts take the “editor’s” negative feedback as a “revise and resubmit” rather than as a plain rejection. Docket control, thus, serves to raise the overall quality of submissions. This suggests that the EU court system, which lacks mechanisms to address agency losses, effectively works as a team in which judges see mutual benefits in cooperation.
Our analysis presents some limitations that, we hope, future research will be able to address. First, our analysis says more about the strength of the team motive than about its overall prevalence. In nonhierarchical court systems, formal dismissals may influence self-selection and, over time, alter the profiles of the judges willing to join interjudicial cooperation, leaving only the most motivated in the judicial team (the same may happen with high-ranking academic journals). Future research should aim to explore the possibility of temporal shifts in judicial self-selection and analyze how these relate to the institutional and personal attributes of courts and judges. Second, if the analogy with an academic journal is correct, one reason why negative feedback works in the EU may lie precisely in the fact that the ECJ is now the judicial equivalent of a high-ranked academic journal. Had the court followed the same docket policy 40 years earlier, when it was still a relatively obscure supranational body, domestic courts may not have deemed a resubmission worth the effort. Thus, the relationship between institutional standing and the timing of the introduction of docket control mechanisms may be another area worth further investigation.








