Orna Naftali’s book is a comprehensive study of the official representations of war and the military targeted at young Chinese and how they are received by them. It documents a growing emphasis on military values since the 2000s and in particular under the Xi Jinping administration, contributing to the militarization of youth in contemporary China. Going beyond educational material and policy, the author also stresses how this trend echoes a conservative and assertive turn in public discourse about patriotism, citizenship and masculinity. In addition to being an important addition to the study of education in contemporary China, this research hence contributes to a better understanding of the rise of nationalistic rhetoric coming from Beijing and the willingness to maintain “ideological security.” The effects of this rhetoric on young people are, however, more complex than sometimes assumed, and the author urges us not to treat young Chinese as mere victims of this militarization process. A fascinating analysis of interview material shows a variety of attitudes towards the official narratives about war, the military and the “martial masculinity” promoted by the party-state.
In the book’s first chapters, the author relies on secondary literature and primary material to provide an overview of the militarization of Chinese education from the beginning of the 20th century to the Xi Jinping administration. While finding its roots in the military defeats of the first half of the 20th century, which led China’s elite to push for a modernization of its military as well as the promotion of military values in the education system, the author shows how the militarization of Chinese education has progressively increased since the 1990s. She documents, in particular, the systematic implementation of Patriotic Education and National Defence Education programmes. Through an analysis of history textbooks used in schools in the 2000s and 2010s, Naftali shows how these programmes highlight the cruelty of war and showcase a pacific image of China, but also how past military interventions are justified and sometimes glorified. Beyond course content, the author also highlights the role played by compulsory military training programmes in high school and college – as well as the diffusion of “martial pedagogies” to deal with “problematic youth” – in expanding this militarization process. This first section stresses very interesting continuities when it comes to the militarization of education in contemporary China, highlighting that, despite renewed interest, this is not a new phenomenon of the Xi Jinping era. Scholars interested in education and Chinese youth more broadly will, however, regret that the author does not engage further with the existing research on political education in contemporary China, which would help to better situate this militarization process in the broader processes of political socialization of contemporary Chinese young people.
The analysis then turns to cultural productions sponsored by the People’s Liberation Army, and the role they play in propagating patriotic values and soldierly behavioural models. Through the case studies of a TV show and several movies, chapter four stresses how military-backed productions promote patriotism and support for the party-state, but also present warfare as a positive experience. These messages are, without surprise, gender-specific, showcasing a certain “military masculinity” as a hegemonic model, marginalizing women as well as alternative forms of manhood.
The book’s latter section, particularly chapters five and six, raises particularly interesting issues about how young Chinese interpret the messages they receive through textbooks, military training sessions, and the broader public discourse on the military. Based on interviews conducted in 2013 and 2017–2019 in Shanghai and Henan among 155 students aged between 16 and 18, the study highlights the existing tension between what could be classified as patriotic stances and behaviours on one hand (e.g. consumer boycotts of some international companies, anti-foreign demonstrations), and cosmopolitan values as well as the desire to work and study abroad, on the other. At the same time, support for the military can coexist with ambivalence towards military service and training programmes, as well as an apprehension towards the use of force in China’s current territorial disputes. Responses are also not uniform, and variables such as class or gender partly explain this variation. Shanghai high school students are, for example, distinctly less enthusiastic about joining the military than their counterparts from the city’s vocational schools or than Henan high schoolers. The interview-based chapters also indirectly raise important methodological issues about implementing qualitative research projects and the international division of labour among researchers, as fieldwork in China is more constrained than before. The author is transparent about the fact that the interviews she analysed were conducted in China by research assistants. This is presented as a way to minimize cultural barriers and informant bias. Yet, while it does not preclude including great interview data and quotes in the analysis, this practice could have been further discussed from a methodological standpoint as dealing with transcripts rather than interviewees, in particular not having the possibility to channel the conversation one way or another, could certainly influence the research results.
Orna Naftali’s highly readable book is overall a meaningful addition to the debates about the militarization of Chinese society. It is of great relevance to anyone interested in Chinese youth, education, and military–society relations more broadly.
