Excerpts of Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, October 7, 2011Footnote 1
Secretary Hillary Clinton made these remarks in Washington, DC
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Secretary Clinton. [W]e're celebrating this at a moment when America is in the midst of a strategic pivot. The wars of the last decade are winding down and transitioning; the world's economic and strategic center of gravity is shifting east; and the United States is committed to an even deeper network of relationships across the Asia-Pacific region.
Ten years ago, as a senator from New York, I saw firsthand what our friendship meant. When Japan sent firefighters from 7,000 miles away to help with the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, I was moved, but I wasn't surprised. That's just the kind of friend that Japan is to America and to many countries around the world. Wherever there is famine, disease, poverty, wherever there is a young democracy struggling to take root, from the frontlines to the forgotten corners, Japan is there, working hand in hand with America to build a safer, more prosperous world.
The generosity that moved us after 9/11 we sought to repay after 3/11. After Japan's earthquake and tsunami, our governments launched the largest joint military operation in our history. More than 20,000 Americans from our military and other agencies took part in what we called Operation Tomodachi. Now, this was more than just a search and recovery mission; this was a demonstration of our deep ties, because as you know so well, tomodachi means friend, and that's what we want it to be.
Americans who remembered the red and white flags on the jackets of Japanese volunteers at ground zero flew to Japan to return the favor. Across our country, in small towns and large cities, people raised money. Springfield, Illinois, for example, raised $32,000 selling blue jeans for their sister city in Japan. Nebraska corn growers donated nearly 9,000 bushels of grain. Japan-America societies across this country raised over $20 million for relief efforts in Japan. And the ambassador is passing out these white wristbands, which I'm very proud to wear. And as you might guess, he's very persistent. So again, just say yes when he approaches you.
The joint public-private partnership for reconstruction, which our governments launched in July during my visit with the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and Keidanren is bringing together policy makers and business leaders to galvanize Japan's economic recovery. And just last month, when Vice President Biden visited Japan, he made a very clear message to the world that Japan is open for business. And I want particularly to thank Irene and the U.S.-Japan Council for the work you've been doing with our Embassy in Tokyo to create the Tomodachi initiative, which is an outgrowth of both the operation and the partnership for reconstruction. Tomodachi initiative will be focused on partnerships and programs to empower Japan's young leaders and entrepreneurs. Together, we want to create a Tomodachi generation that is deeply committed to the future of our relationship.
Now, relationships like ours and so many others in our lives show their true colors in tragedy, but they are built over decades. And while economic and security ties are vital to our alliance, ties between our people give our friendship its full meaning. The wonder a Japanese college student exudes when she first sets foot in L.A. or Chicago or Boston, the warmth an American high schooler feels for his Japanese host family, the technological marvels that Japanese and American corporate partnerships unleash into our markets, the mind-bending discoveries of our researchers cooperating at the cutting edge of science, these are the experiences that underpin our shared success.
For all the fundamentals that are already in place, however, we cannot rest. We have to keep building and looking for new opportunities. And we do that issue by issue and person by person. And I must say that for us in the State Department, few opportunities deliver the lifelong impressions and friendships as sending our young people to each other's country to learn languages and cultures. And we are committed to ensuring that even more young people have that opportunity. More than 35,000 people have participated in exchange programs sponsored by our two governments, programs like the Fulbright and the Japan Exchange and Teaching Program, known as JET. More than 750 officials have taken part in government exchanges, and nearly 4,000 Japanese professionals have taken part in the International Visitor Leadership Program, including four prime ministers, a Nobel laureate, a best-selling author, and many thousands more.
The simple truth is that these exchanges attract remarkable people and give them a global perspective. Japan's first-ever female defense minister—you knew I'd have to get that in—is an alumnae of the U.S. International Visitor Leadership Program, and no less than four Nobel laureates from Japan are also Fulbright alums, and the CEO of Rakuten, whom I just met, who will be speaking from this very podium today, is a Harvard graduate.
So although these ties have already benefited both of our nations, they are not self-sustaining. We have to continue to invest in them. And I'm a little concerned, which is why I wanted to raise this with all of you. As recently as 1997, Japan sent more students than any other country in the world to study in America. Today, Japan ranks sixth. In the last 14 years, the number of Japanese students studying in America has dropped by almost 50 percent. And we are committed to doing whatever it takes to try to reverse this trend. So we are redoubling our efforts to connect Japanese youth with American universities. We're establishing new Educational USA Advising Centers throughout Japan to explain to Japanese students how to win admission and financial assistance. We are working to remind a new generation of Japanese business leaders how valuable it is to have employees who know both of our cultures. And we are mobilizing Americans in the JET network to convince more students to study in America. And in a tough budget environment, we are fighting to maintain the funding for our flagship programs, including the Fulbright program, which will send 100 talented Japanese and Americans to learn each other's cultures in 2012. We are providing scholarships to the American Field Service and other organizations so that students from the prefectures hardest hit by the tsunami can spend part of next summer in America. And we are encouraging more Americans to study abroad in Japan, and we're pleased that this number rose to more than 5,700 this past year.
Now, we have seen how generations who study and live together give life to our alliance. We have seen how foreign visitors and overseas travel with all of its challenges in today's world builds character and perspective. And it is inspiring to see what happens when our cultures do mix. Just last month, I met a group of Japanese little league baseball and softball players at the State Department. They were here through the U.S.-Japan Sport Visitor Exchange Program. It will not surprise you to hear that our sports exchange programs are our most popular exchange programs. And you should have seen the kids’ eyes light up as they met Cal Ripken, Jr., who was four times the size of anyone else in the room. He hosted them in America and he will be giving youth baseball clinics across Japan next month. All of the kids who were there that day came from the areas hardest hit by the tsunami, and it was just a pure emotional high to see them in our country, some of whom who had lost family members, whose schools no longer existed, but who were just resilient and resourceful and determined to move with confidence into the future.
So we believe that building this relationship is not only strategic, not only economic, not only political; we believe it is a noble cause, and it's one that we are absolutely committed to. The U.S.-Japan alliance is the cornerstone of a system in the Asia Pacific that has underwritten peace, stability, and prosperity for decades. And the close connections built by the Monty Dicksons and the Taylor Andersons and the U.S.-Japan Councils, those are the foundations that not only keep the cornerstones strong but keep building higher and higher.
I'm here to ask you for your help, Japanese and Americans alike. Let's keep this alliance and what it represents strong for as far as we can see into the future. Let it be said about us as it can be said of prior generations of American and Japanese leaders in business, government, academia, civil society, that we understood why this relationship was so vital, not only to each of us but to the world. And let us teach our young people what our countries have meant, can mean, and will mean to each other in the years ahead. And then we can give a new generation the skills, the opportunities, and the dream to help America and Japan thrive together in the century ahead.
Thank you all very much.
Op-Ed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Foreign Policy Magazine October 11, 2011Footnote 2
America's Pacific Century
The future of politics will be decided in Asia, not Afghanistan or Iraq, and the United States will be right at the center of the action.
As the war in Iraq winds down and America begins to withdraw its forces from Afghanistan, the United States stands at a pivot point. Over the last 10 years, we have allocated immense resources to those two theaters. In the next 10 years, we need to be smart and systematic about where we invest time and energy, so that we put ourselves in the best position to sustain our leadership, secure our interests, and advance our values. One of the most important tasks of American statecraft over the next decade will therefore be to lock in a substantially increased investment—diplomatic, economic, strategic, and otherwise—in the Asia-Pacific region.
The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics. Stretching from the Indian subcontinent to the western shores of the Americas, the region spans two oceans—the Pacific and the Indian—that are increasingly linked by shipping and strategy. It boasts almost half the world's population. It includes many of the key engines of the global economy, as well as the largest emitters of greenhouse gases. It is home to several of our key allies and important emerging powers like China, India, and Indonesia.
At a time when the region is building a more mature security and economic architecture to promote stability and prosperity, U.S. commitment there is essential. It will help build that architecture and pay dividends for continued American leadership well into this century, just as our post-World War II commitment to building a comprehensive and lasting transatlantic network of institutions and relationships has paid off many times over—and continues to do so. The time has come for the United States to make similar investments as a Pacific power, a strategic course set by President Barack Obama from the outset of his administration and one that is already yielding benefits.
With Iraq and Afghanistan still in transition and serious economic challenges in our own country, there are those on the American political scene who are calling for us not to reposition, but to come home. They seek a downsizing of our foreign engagement in favor of our pressing domestic priorities. These impulses are understandable, but they are misguided. Those who say that we can no longer afford to engage with the world have it exactly backward—we cannot afford not to. From opening new markets for American businesses to curbing nuclear proliferation to keeping the sea lanes free for commerce and navigation, our work abroad holds the key to our prosperity and security at home. For more than six decades, the United States has resisted the gravitational pull of these “come home” debates and the implicit zero-sum logic of these arguments. We must do so again.
Beyond our borders, people are also wondering about America's intentions— our willingness to remain engaged and to lead. In Asia, they ask whether we are really there to stay, whether we are likely to be distracted again by events elsewhere, whether we can make—and keep—credible economic and strategic commitments, and whether we can back those commitments with action. The answer is: We can, and we will.
Harnessing Asia's growth and dynamism is central to American economic and strategic interests and a key priority for President Obama. Open markets in Asia provide the United States with unprecedented opportunities for investment, trade, and access to cutting-edge technology. Our economic recovery at home will depend on exports and the ability of American firms to tap into the vast and growing consumer base of Asia. Strategically, maintaining peace and security across the Asia-Pacific is increasingly crucial to global progress, whether through defending freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, countering the proliferation efforts of North Korea, or ensuring transparency in the military activities of the region's key players.
Just as Asia is critical to America's future, an engaged America is vital to Asia's future. The region is eager for our leadership and our business—perhaps more so than at any time in modern history. We are the only power with a network of strong alliances in the region, no territorial ambitions, and a long record of providing for the common good. Along with our allies, we have underwritten regional security for decades—patrolling Asia's sea lanes and preserving stability—and that in turn has helped create the conditions for growth. We have helped integrate billions of people across the region into the global economy by spurring economic productivity, social empowerment, and greater people-to-people links. We are a major trade and investment partner, a source of innovation that benefits workers and businesses on both sides of the Pacific, a host to 350,000 Asian students every year, a champion of open markets, and an advocate for universal human rights.
President Obama has led a multifaceted and persistent effort to embrace fully our irreplaceable role in the Pacific, spanning the entire U.S. Government. It has often been a quiet effort. A lot of our work has not been on the front pages, both because of its nature—long-term investment is less exciting than immediate crises—and because of competing headlines in other parts of the world.
As Secretary of State, I broke with tradition and embarked on my first official overseas trip to Asia. In my seven trips since, I have had the privilege to see firsthand the rapid transformations taking place in the region, underscoring how much the future of the United States is intimately intertwined with the future of the Asia-Pacific. A strategic turn to the region fits logically into our overall global effort to secure and sustain America's global leadership. The success of this turn requires maintaining and advancing a bipartisan consensus on the importance of the Asia-Pacific to our national interests; we seek to build upon a strong tradition of engagement by presidents and secretaries of state of both parties across many decades. It also requires smart execution of a coherent regional strategy that accounts for the global implications of our choices.
What does that regional strategy look like? For starters, it calls for a sustained commitment to what I have called “forward-deployed” diplomacy. That means continuing to dispatch the full range of our diplomatic assets—including our highest-ranking officials, our development experts, our interagency teams, and our permanent assets—to every country and corner of the Asia-Pacific region. Our strategy will have to keep accounting for and adapting to the rapid and dramatic shifts playing out across Asia. With this in mind, our work will proceed along six key lines of action: strengthening bilateral security alliances; deepening our working relationships with emerging powers, including with China; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights.
By virtue of our unique geography, the United States is both an Atlantic and a Pacific power. We are proud of our European partnerships and all that they deliver. Our challenge now is to build a web of partnerships and institutions across the Pacific that is as durable and as consistent with American interests and values as the web we have built across the Atlantic. That is the touchstone of our efforts in all these areas.
Our treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the fulcrum for our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific. They have underwritten regional peace and security for more than half a century, shaping the environment for the region's remarkable economic ascent. They leverage our regional presence and enhance our regional leadership at a time of evolving security challenges.
As successful as these alliances have been, we can't afford simply to sustain them—we need to update them for a changing world. In this effort, the Obama Administration is guided by three core principles. First, we have to maintain political consensus on the core objectives of our alliances. Second, we have to ensure that our alliances are nimble and adaptive so that they can successfully address new challenges and seize new opportunities. Third, we have to guarantee that the defense capabilities and communications infrastructure of our alliances are operationally and materially capable of deterring provocation from the full spectrum of state and nonstate actors.
The alliance with Japan, the cornerstone of peace and stability in the region, demonstrates how the Obama Administration is giving these principles life. We share a common vision of a stable regional order with clear rules of the road—from freedom of navigation to open markets and fair competition. We have agreed to a new arrangement, including a contribution from the Japanese Government of more than $5 billion, to ensure the continued enduring presence of American forces in Japan, while expanding joint intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance activities to deter and react quickly to regional security challenges, as well as information sharing to address cyberthreats. We have concluded an Open Skies Agreement that will enhance access for businesses and people-to-people ties, launched a strategic dialogue on the Asia-Pacific, and been working hand in hand as the two largest donor countries in Afghanistan.
Similarly, our alliance with South Korea has become stronger and more operationally integrated, and we continue to develop our combined capabilities to deter and respond to North Korean provocations. We have agreed on a plan to ensure successful transition of operational control during wartime and anticipate successful passage of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement. And our alliance has gone global, through our work together in the G-20 and the Nuclear Security Summit and through our common efforts in Haiti and Afghanistan.
We are also expanding our alliance with Australia from a Pacific partnership to an Indo-Pacific one, and indeed a global partnership. From cybersecurity to Afghanistan to the Arab Awakening to strengthening regional architecture in the Asia-Pacific, Australia's counsel and commitment have been indispensable. And in Southeast Asia, we are renewing and strengthening our alliances with the Philippines and Thailand, increasing, for example, the number of ship visits to the Philippines and working to ensure the successful training of Filipino counterterrorism forces through our Joint Special Operations Task Force in Mindanao. In Thailand—our oldest treaty partner in Asia— we are working to establish a hub of regional humanitarian and disaster relief efforts in the region.
As we update our alliances for new demands, we are also building new partnerships to help solve shared problems. Our outreach to China, India, Indonesia, Singapore, New Zealand, Malaysia, Mongolia, Vietnam, Brunei, and the Pacific Island countries is all part of a broader effort to ensure a more comprehensive approach to American strategy and engagement in the region. We are asking these emerging partners to join us in shaping and participating in a rules-based regional and global order.
One of the most prominent of these emerging partners is, of course, China. Like so many other countries before it, China has prospered as part of the open and rules-based system that the United States helped to build and works to sustain. And today, China represents one of the most challenging and consequential bilateral relationships the United States has ever had to manage. This calls for careful, steady, dynamic stewardship, an approach to China on our part that is grounded in reality, focused on results, and true to our principles and interests.
We all know that fears and misperceptions linger on both sides of the Pacific. Some in our country see China's progress as a threat to the United States; some in China worry that America seeks to constrain China's growth. We reject both those views. The fact is that a thriving America is good for China and a thriving China is good for America. We both have much more to gain from cooperation than from conflict. But you cannot build a relationship on aspirations alone. It is up to both of us to more consistently translate positive words into effective cooperation—and, crucially, to meet our respective global responsibilities and obligations. These are the things that will determine whether our relationship delivers on its potential in the years to come. We also have to be honest about our differences. We will address them firmly and decisively as we pursue the urgent work we have to do together. And we have to avoid unrealistic expectations.
Over the last two-and-a-half years, one of my top priorities has been to identify and expand areas of common interest, to work with China to build mutual trust, and to encourage China's active efforts in global problem-solving. This is why Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and I launched the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the most intensive and expansive talks ever between our governments, bringing together dozens of agencies from both sides to discuss our most pressing bilateral issues, from security to energy to human rights.
We are also working to increase transparency and reduce the risk of miscalculation or miscues between our militaries. The United States and the international community have watched China's efforts to modernize and expand its military, and we have sought clarity as to its intentions. Both sides would benefit from sustained and substantive military-to-military engagement that increases transparency. So we look to Beijing to overcome its reluctance at times and join us in forging a durable military-to-military dialogue. And we need to work together to strengthen the Strategic Security Dialogue, which brings together military and civilian leaders to discuss sensitive issues like maritime security and cybersecurity.
As we build trust together, we are committed to working with China to address critical regional and global security issues. This is why I have met so frequently— often in informal settings—with my Chinese counterparts, State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, for candid discussions about important challenges like North Korea, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, and developments in the South China Sea.
On the economic front, the United States and China need to work together to ensure strong, sustained, and balanced future global growth. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, the United States and China worked effectively through the G-20 to help pull the global economy back from the brink. We have to build on that cooperation. U.S. firms want fair opportunities to export to China's growing markets, which can be important sources of jobs here in the United States, as well as assurances that the $50 billion of American capital invested in China will create a strong foundation for new market and investment opportunities that will support global competitiveness. At the same time, Chinese firms want to be able to buy more high-tech products from the United States, make more investments here, and be accorded the same terms of access that market economies enjoy. We can work together on these objectives, but China still needs to take important steps toward reform. In particular, we are working with China to end unfair discrimination against U.S. and other foreign companies or against their innovative technologies, remove preferences for domestic firms, and end measures that disadvantage or appropriate foreign intellectual property. And we look to China to take steps to allow its currency to appreciate more rapidly, both against the dollar and against the currencies of its other major trading partners. Such reforms, we believe, would not only benefit both our countries (indeed, they would support the goals of China's own five-year plan, which calls for more domestic-led growth), but also contribute to global economic balance, predictability, and broader prosperity.
Of course, we have made very clear, publicly and privately, our serious concerns about human rights. And when we see reports of public-interest lawyers, writers, artists, and others who are detained or disappeared, the United States speaks up, both publicly and privately, with our concerns about human rights. We make the case to our Chinese colleagues that a deep respect for international law and a more open political system would provide China with a foundation for far greater stability and growth—and increase the confidence of China's partners. Without them, China is placing unnecessary limitations on its own development.
At the end of the day, there is no handbook for the evolving U.S.-China relationship. But the stakes are much too high for us to fail. As we proceed, we will continue to embed our relationship with China in a broader regional framework of security alliances, economic networks, and social connections.
The Asia-Pacific has become a key driver of global politics.
Among key emerging powers with which we will work closely are India and Indonesia, two of the most dynamic and significant democratic powers of Asia, and both countries with which the Obama administration has pursued broader, deeper, and more purposeful relationships. The stretch of sea from the Indian Ocean through the Strait of Malacca to the Pacific contains the world's most vibrant trade and energy routes. Together, India and Indonesia already account for almost a quarter of the world's population. They are key drivers of the global economy, important partners for the United States, and increasingly central contributors to peace and security in the region. And their importance is likely to grow in the years ahead.
President Obama told the Indian parliament last year that the relationship between India and America will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century, rooted in common values and interests. There are still obstacles to overcome and questions to answer on both sides, but the United States is making a strategic bet on India's future—that India's greater role on the world stage will enhance peace and security, that opening India's markets to the world will pave the way to greater regional and global prosperity, that Indian advances in science and technology will improve lives and advance human knowledge everywhere, and that India's vibrant, pluralistic democracy will produce measurable results and improvements for its citizens and inspire others to follow a similar path of openness and tolerance. So the Obama administration has expanded our bilateral partnership; actively supported India's Look East efforts, including through a new trilateral dialogue with India and Japan; and outlined a new vision for a more economically integrated and politically stable South and Central Asia, with India as a linchpin.
We are also forging a new partnership with Indonesia, the world's third-largest democracy, the world's most populous Muslim nation, and a member of the G-20. We have resumed joint training of Indonesian special forces units and signed a number of agreements on health, educational exchanges, science and technology, and defense. And this year, at the invitation of the Indonesian government, President Obama will inaugurate American participation in the East Asia Summit. But there is still some distance to travel—we have to work together to overcome bureaucratic impediments, lingering historical suspicions, and some gaps in understanding each other's perspectives and interests.
Even as we strengthen these bilateral relationships, we have emphasized the importance of multilateral cooperation, for we believe that addressing complex transnational challenges of the sort now faced by Asia requires a set of institutions capable of mustering collective action. And a more robust and coherent regional architecture in Asia would reinforce the system of rules and responsibilities, from protecting intellectual property to ensuring freedom of navigation, that form the basis of an effective international order. In multilateral settings, responsible behavior is rewarded with legitimacy and respect, and we can work together to hold accountable those who undermine peace, stability, and prosperity.
So the United States has moved to fully engage the region's multilateral institutions, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum, mindful that our work with regional institutions supplements and does not supplant our bilateral ties. There is a demand from the region that America play an active role in the agenda-setting of these institutions—and it is in our interests as well that they be effective and responsive.
That is why President Obama will participate in the East Asia Summit for the first time in November. To pave the way, the United States has opened a new U.S. Mission to ASEAN in Jakarta and signed the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation with ASEAN. Our focus on developing a more results-oriented agenda has been instrumental in efforts to address disputes in the South China Sea. In 2010, at the ASEAN Regional Forum in Hanoi, the United States helped shape a regionwide effort to protect unfettered access to and passage through the South China Sea, and to uphold the key international rules for defining territorial claims in the South China Sea's waters. Given that half the world's merchant tonnage flows through this body of water, this was a consequential undertaking. And over the past year, we have made strides in protecting our vital interests in stability and freedom of navigation and have paved the way for sustained multilateral diplomacy among the many parties with claims in the South China Sea, seeking to ensure disputes are settled peacefully and in accordance with established principles of international law.
We have also worked to strengthen APEC as a serious leaders-level institution focused on advancing economic integration and trade linkages across the Pacific. After last year's bold call by the group for a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific, President Obama will host the 2011 APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Hawaii this November. We are committed to cementing APEC as the Asia-Pacific's premier regional economic institution, setting the economic agenda in a way that brings together advanced and emerging economies to promote open trade and investment, as well as to build capacity and enhance regulatory regimes. APEC and its work help expand U.S. exports and create and support high-quality jobs in the United States, while fostering growth throughout the region. APEC also provides a key vehicle to drive a broad agenda to unlock the economic growth potential that women represent. In this regard, the United States is committed to working with our partners on ambitious steps to accelerate the arrival of the Participation Age, where every individual, regardless of gender or other characteristics, is a contributing and valued member of the global marketplace.
In addition to our commitment to these broader multilateral institutions, we have worked hard to create and launch a number of “minilateral” meetings, small groupings of interested states to tackle specific challenges, such as the Lower Mekong Initiative we launched to support education, health, and environmental programs in Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam, and the Pacific Islands Forum, where we are working to support its members as they confront challenges from climate change to overfishing to freedom of navigation. We are also starting to pursue new trilateral opportunities with countries as diverse as Mongolia, Indonesia, Japan, Kazakhstan, and South Korea. And we are setting our sights as well on enhancing coordination and engagement among the three giants of the Asia-Pacific: China, India, and the United States.
In all these different ways, we are seeking to shape and participate in a responsive, flexible, and effective regional architecture—and ensure it connects to a broader global architecture that not only protects international stability and commerce but also advances our values.
Our emphasis on the economic work of APEC is in keeping with our broader commitment to elevate economic statecraft as a pillar of American foreign policy. Increasingly, economic progress depends on strong diplomatic ties, and diplomatic progress depends on strong economic ties. And naturally, a focus on promoting American prosperity means a greater focus on trade and economic openness in the Asia-Pacific. The region already generates more than half of global output and nearly half of global trade. As we strive to meet President Obama's goal of doubling exports by 2015, we are looking for opportunities to do even more business in Asia. Last year, American exports to the Pacific Rim totaled $320 billion, supporting 850,000 American jobs. So there is much that favors us as we think through this repositioning.
When I talk to my Asian counterparts, one theme consistently stands out: They still want America to be an engaged and creative partner in the region's flourishing trade and financial interactions. And as I talk with business leaders across our own nation, I hear how important it is for the United States to expand our exports and our investment opportunities in Asia's dynamic markets.
Last March in APEC meetings in Washington, and again in Hong Kong in July, I laid out four attributes that I believe characterize healthy economic competition: open, free, transparent, and fair. Through our engagement in the Asia-Pacific, we are helping to give shape to these principles and showing the world their value.
We are pursuing new cutting-edge trade deals that raise the standards for fair competition even as they open new markets. For instance, the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement will eliminate tariffs on 95 percent of U.S. consumer and industrial exports within five years and support an estimated 70,000 American jobs. Its tariff reductions alone could increase exports of American goods by more than $10 billion and help South Korea's economy grow by 6 percent. It will level the playing field for U.S. auto companies and workers. So, whether you are an American manufacturer of machinery or a South Korean chemicals exporter, this deal lowers the barriers that keep you from reaching new customers.
We are also making progress on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which will bring together economies from across the Pacific—developed and developing alike—into a single trading community. Our goal is to create not just more growth, but better growth. We believe trade agreements need to include strong protections for workers, the environment, intellectual property, and innovation. They should also promote the free flow of information technology and the spread of green technology, as well as the coherence of our regulatory system and the efficiency of supply chains. Ultimately, our progress will be measured by the quality of people's lives—whether men and women can work in dignity, earn a decent wage, raise healthy families, educate their children, and take hold of the opportunities to improve their own and the next generation's fortunes. Our hope is that a TPP agreement with high standards can serve as a benchmark for future agreements—and grow to serve as a platform for broader regional interaction and eventually a free trade area of the Asia-Pacific.
Achieving balance in our trade relationships requires a two-way commitment. That's the nature of balance—it can't be unilaterally imposed. So we are working through APEC, the G-20, and our bilateral relationships to advocate for more open markets, fewer restrictions on exports, more transparency, and an overall commitment to fairness. American businesses and workers need to have confidence that they are operating on a level playing field, with predictable rules on everything from intellectual property to indigenous innovation.
Asia's remarkable economic growth over the past decade and its potential for continued growth in the future depend on the security and stability that has long been guaranteed by the U.S. military, including more than 50,000 American servicemen and servicewomen serving in Japan and South Korea. The challenges of today's rapidly changing region—from territorial and maritime disputes to new threats to freedom of navigation to the heightened impact of natural disasters— require that the United States pursue a more geographically distributed, operationally resilient, and politically sustainable force posture.
We are modernizing our basing arrangements with traditional allies in Northeast Asia—and our commitment on this is rock solid—while enhancing our presence in Southeast Asia and into the Indian Ocean. For example, the United States will be deploying littoral combat ships to Singapore, and we are examining other ways to increase opportunities for our two militaries to train and operate together. And the United States and Australia agreed this year to explore a greater American military presence in Australia to enhance opportunities for more joint training and exercises. We are also looking at how we can increase our operational access in Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean region and deepen our contacts with allies and partners.
How we translate the growing connection between the Indian and Pacific oceans into an operational concept is a question that we need to answer if we are to adapt to new challenges in the region. Against this backdrop, a more broadly distributed military presence across the region will provide vital advantages. The United States will be better positioned to support humanitarian missions; equally important, working with more allies and partners will provide a more robust bulwark against threats or efforts to undermine regional peace and stability.
But even more than our military might or the size of our economy, our most potent asset as a nation is the power of our values—in particular, our steadfast support for democracy and human rights. This speaks to our deepest national character and is at the heart of our foreign policy, including our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific region.
As we deepen our engagement with partners with whom we disagree on these issues, we will continue to urge them to embrace reforms that would improve governance, protect human rights, and advance political freedoms. We have made it clear, for example, to Vietnam that our ambition to develop a strategic partnership requires that it take steps to further protect human rights and advance political freedoms. Or consider Burma, where we are determined to seek accountability for human rights violations. We are closely following developments in Nay Pyi Taw and the increasing interactions between Aung San Suu Kyi and the government leadership. We have underscored to the government that it must release political prisoners, advance political freedoms and human rights, and break from the policies of the past. As for North Korea, the regime in Pyongyang has shown persistent disregard for the rights of its people, and we continue to speak out forcefully against the threats it poses to the region and beyond.
We cannot and do not aspire to impose our system on other countries, but we do believe that certain values are universal— that people in every nation in the world, including in Asia, cherish them—and that they are intrinsic to stable, peaceful, and prosperous countries. Ultimately, it is up to the people of Asia to pursue their own rights and aspirations, just as we have seen people do all over the world.
In the last decade, our foreign policy has transitioned from dealing with the post-Cold War peace dividend to demanding commitments in Iraq and Afghanistan. As those wars wind down, we will need to accelerate efforts to pivot to new global realities.
We know that these new realities require us to innovate, to compete, and to lead in new ways. Rather than pull back from the world, we need to press forward and renew our leadership. In a time of scarce resources, there's no question that we need to invest them wisely where they will yield the biggest returns, which is why the Asia-Pacific represents such a real 21st-century opportunity for us.
Other regions remain vitally important, of course. Europe, home to most of our traditional allies, is still a partner of first resort, working alongside the United States on nearly every urgent global challenge, and we are investing in updating the structures of our alliance. The people of the Middle East and North Africa are charting a new path that is already having profound global consequences, and the United States is committed to active and sustained partnerships as the region transforms. Africa holds enormous untapped potential for economic and political development in the years ahead. And our neighbors in the Western Hemisphere are not just our biggest export partners; they are also playing a growing role in global political and economic affairs. Each of these regions demands American engagement and leadership.
And we are prepared to lead. Now, I'm well aware that there are those who question our staying power around the world. We've heard this talk before. At the end of the Vietnam War, there was a thriving industry of global commentators promoting the idea that America was in retreat, and it is a theme that repeats itself every few decades. But whenever the United States has experienced setbacks, we've overcome them through reinvention and innovation. Our capacity to come back stronger is unmatched in modern history. It flows from our model of free democracy and free enterprise, a model that remains the most powerful source of prosperity and progress known to humankind. I hear everywhere I go that the world still looks to the United States for leadership.
Our military is by far the strongest, and our economy is by far the largest in the world. Our workers are the most productive. Our universities are renowned the world over. So there should be no doubt that America has the capacity to secure and sustain our global leadership in this century as we did in the last.
As we move forward to set the stage for engagement in the Asia-Pacific over the next 60 years, we are mindful of the bipartisan legacy that has shaped our engagement for the past 60. And we are focused on the steps we have to take at home—increasing our savings, reforming our financial systems, relying less on borrowing, overcoming partisan division—to secure and sustain our leadership abroad.
This kind of pivot is not easy, but we have paved the way for it over the past two-and-a-half years, and we are committed to seeing it through as among the most important diplomatic efforts of our time.
Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, October 13, 2011Footnote 3
Secretary Hillary Clinton made these remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Please be seated and welcome to the Ben Franklin Room here on the eighth floor of the State Department for this celebratory state lunch in honor of President Lee, Mrs. Kim, and the Korean delegation. It is especially fitting that President Lee is here for the first state visit by a Korean president in 13 years.
Our alliance has never been stronger and the enduring partnership that we have built over decades of cooperation is a symbol of security, stability, peace, and prosperity. And President Lee's vision for a global Korea is strengthening and deepening our relationship in new areas from peacekeeping to antipiracy, from stemming climate change to ending nuclear proliferation.
And I'm proud to announce another new venue for cooperation: The United States will host a pavilion at the 2012 Yeosu World Expo in partnership with Philippe Cousteau, Jr. This pavilion would not be possible without the support of our partners and generous sponsors, so I want to thank everyone involved.
And finally, of course today we celebrate the passage of one of our most important joint achievements, the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement. This landmark agreement will spur economic growth in both our countries, bringing our nations even closer together. It is another clear example of the United States commitment to the Asia Pacific region. We are a resident military, diplomatic, and economic power and we are in Asia to stay.
And now it is my great pleasure to introduce a stalwart advocate of the relationship between our two countries and an eloquent spokesperson for the importance of building strong ties, Vice President Biden.
Excerpts of Remarks by Vice President Biden and Korean President Lee, October 13, 2011Footnote 4
Vice President Joe Biden and President Lee Myung-bak gave these remarks at the State Department in Washington, DC
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Vice President Biden. To state the obvious, this is not a new partnership, but an old friendship rooted in mutual respect, and a history of shared sacrifice. Our alliance, forged in war, is now a cornerstone of peace, security and prosperity for all of Northeast Asia.
Mr. President, I noted that two years ago when we took office and three years ago when you took office, both you and President Obama made the same pledge. You made a pledge that you would strengthen the strategic alliance with the United States of America. As President Obama said when he took office that he planned on—strengthening the pledge, the alliance with the Republic of Korea.
I don't think it's an overstatement to suggest that you have succeeded. Thanks to your leadership and that of President Obama, the alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea is the strongest it has ever been.
We're working shoulder-to-shoulder on many common problems. And increasingly, these problems are global challenges. And increasingly, the Republic of Korea, as the Secretary stated, is playing a global role.
One example of that is that you will host the nuclear summit next year to help further our shared commitment to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, reduce nuclear arsenals and secure nuclear materials.
And from our discussions this morning in the Oval Office, I know we share the hope that the participating countries will come to Seoul ready to deliver on pledges they made in Washington last year, and to build on those pledges.
We also know, Mr. President, for you and for your fellow countrymen, nuclear security is not some abstract concept. Together, we have built an international sanctions regime that impedes proliferation and constrains North Korea's nuclear missile programs. But together we also remain willing to engage in meaningful talks—meaningful talks—with North Korea with the shared goals of denuclearization and the reduction of tensions on the peninsula and in the region.
Finally, we celebrate perhaps our greatest achievement yet. Last night, as a consequence of the hard work of your negotiators and Ambassador Kirk and many others, the United States Congress voted to approve the U.S.-Korea free trade agreement. And I know from our discussions today it is our mutual hope that your national assembly will ratify it very soon, and this agreement will be recognized by all as a win for both of us, and bring the world's first and 12th largest economies even closer together.
Madam Secretary, many people have known that President Lee's nickname is the Bulldozer. I wondered how in the Lord's name he got that nickname. He doesn't look like an American linebacker in the National Football League to me. But his persistence exceeds any linebacker that ever hit me. But I want you all to know what you may not know and that is the origin of the nickname. I'm told that earlier in his career, President Lee once completely—completely dismantled, took apart and reassembled a bulldozer in order to figure out how to make it work better and improve it.
And knowing you from before, Mr. President, when I heard that story it strangely did not surprise me. For those who know you much better than I, it's no surprise either because it's a story as a testament to your unyielding perseverance but your incredible patience—breaking down problems to the nuts and bolts and sometimes literally—in order to do that, in order to develop practical and lasting solutions.
President Lee. First of all, Mr. Vice President and Madam Secretary, let me just explain and add a little bit to the story about my nickname Bulldozer. The bulldozer that I dismantled down to the nuts and bolts, that was a Caterpillar bulldozer. And also, let me remind you, ladies and gentlemen, this was a brand new Caterpillar bulldozer.
Well, Mr. Vice President, Dr. Biden, Madam Secretary, thank you very much for inviting all of us here to this lovely room and giving us this opportunity. I'm also very happy to see so many business community leaders represented here from both Korea and the United States. And I know—and let me assume that all of you here are friends of Korea, which makes this occasion that much more meaningful.
Ladies and gentlemen, I consider both Vice President Biden and Secretary Clinton as my very, very close friends. And, first of all, with regards to Vice President Biden, I know that in 2008, immediately or soon after I was elected President of Korea that he led the move to unanimously adopt a congratulatory resolution congratulating me on my election as President. I think this is the first time that I am thanking you in person, Mr. Vice President. So let me use this opportunity to say thank you, sir.
Vice President Biden. It was an honor.
Excerpts of a Background Briefing by a Senior State Department Official on North Korea, October 19, 2011Footnote 5
Senior State Department Official. As you know, at the podium today we announced the fact that an interagency team of U.S. officials will have a second meeting with a North Korean delegation led by First Vice Minister Kim of North Korea in Geneva October 24 and 25. And just to say again what Mark said, this is a second meeting in this exploratory phase that we are in with the DPRK.
As you know, when we saw them in New York in July, the United States laid out a list of things that we are looking for from the DPRK to demonstrate their seriousness about engaging on their nuclear program in the categories of moving towards implementation of their obligations under Security Council Resolution 1718, 1874, and their commitments under the 2005 Joint Statement of the Six-Party Talks.
What I want to say here is that we are making this effort again not because we have any new information from the DPRK but because we think it is important to keep the door open to engagement, to keep putting before them the list of things that we are looking for, and because one of the other pieces that we were looking for, to stay engaged bilaterally, has been going okay, which is that the North Koreans have been engaging with the South Koreans in bilateral talks. And as you remember, we said that a condition of our continuing to have bilateral talks with the DPRK, and to keep trying to work together on these issues, was that they were also working with our ally and their neighbor, the ROK. And as we had said to you when the meetings happened, they did have a constructive meeting with the ROK a few weeks ago, although there were no breakthroughs.
So what we are doing here is meeting again to see how they absorbed what we said in July, and to see whether they have anything new to tell us about their intentions. And as Mark said very clearly, our policy on this hasn't changed. We will not go back to the Six-Party Talks unless we see a real commitment by them on the denuclearization side, and a continuation of their dialogue with South Korea.
So we will see what they have to say when we see them in Geneva. But we believe that for a variety of reasons, it's important to keep the door open, keep explaining directly what it will take to get back to the Six-Party Talks, and to have them hear directly from us that without that kind of progress, we're not prepared to go back to the Six-Party Talks. And our concern is that if we don't engage, that could result in miscalculations by the North Koreans, as we've seen in the past. Sometimes when engagement has been broken off, it causes them to lash out in dangerous and unsettling ways. But again, we are not prepared to reward bad behavior and we are not prepared to move forward to the next stage unless they show a true commitment.
Remarks by President Obama, November 12, 2011Footnote 6
President Barack Obama gave these remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
President Obama. I want to welcome, once again, all the leaders gathered around this table and their trade ministers to Hawaii. Here in Hawaii, the United States wants to send a clear message: We are a Pacific nation and we are deeply committee to shaping the future security and prosperity of the Trans-Pacific region, the fastest-growing region in the world.
I'm very pleased to be here with my partners with whom we're pursuing a very ambitious new trade agreement, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. I want to thank my fellow leaders from Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore, Vietnam, Chile and Peru.
We just had an excellent meeting, and I'm very pleased to announce that our nine nations have reached the broad outlines of an agreement. There are still plenty of details to work out, but we are confident that we can do so. So we've directed our teams to finalize this agreement in the coming year. It is an ambitious goal, but we are optimistic that we can get it done.
The TPP will boost our economies, lowering barriers to trade and investment, increasing exports, and creating more jobs for our people, which is my number-one priority. Along with our trade agreements with South Korea, Panama and Colombia, the TPP will also help achieve my goal of doubling U.S. exports, which support millions of American jobs.
Taken together, these eight economies would be America's fifth-largest trading partner. We already do more than $200 billion in trade with them every single year, and with nearly 500 million consumers between us, there's so much more that we can do together.
In a larger sense, the TPP has the potential to be a model not only for the Asia Pacific but for future trade agreements. It addresses a whole range of issues not covered by past agreements, including market regulations and how we can make them more compatible, creating opportunities for small and medium-sized businesses in the growing global marketplace. It will include high standards to protect workers’ rights and the environment.
And I want to thank my U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Kirk, and all our teams for doing tireless work to achieve the progress that we've made so far. I want to thank all my fellow leaders for their partnership and their commitment to making the TPP a reality, which will be a win for all our countries.
So, again, I am confident that we can get this done. Together we can boost exports, create more goods available for our consumers, create good jobs, and compete and win in the markets of the future.
Ladies and gentlemen, thank you very much for your outstanding work. Thank you.
Remarks by President Obama and Chinese President Hu, November 12, 2011Footnote 7
President Barack Obama and President Hu Jintao gave these remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
President Obama. Well, I want to extend a warm welcome to President Hu as he attends this APEC Summit, and we are glad to host him and the other world leaders who are attending.
This will be the first extensive discussions that we've had since our very successful state visit by President Hu to Washington.
As we emphasized at that state visit, as two of the world's largest countries and largest economies, cooperation between the United States and China is vital not only to the security and prosperity of our own people but is also vital to the world.
Such cooperation is particularly important to the Asia Pacific region, where both China and the United States are extraordinarily active. We are both Pacific powers. And I think many countries in the region look to a constructive relationship between the United States and China as a basis for continued growth and prosperity.
As we did at the G20 in Cannes, President Hu and I I'm sure will be discussing issues related to economic growth, how we can continue to rebalance growth around the world, emphasize the importance of putting people back to work, and making sure that the trade relationships and commercial relationships between our two countries end up being a win-win situation.
And I look forward to the opportunity to also discuss a range of both regional and global security issues, including nonproliferation and denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, ways that we can work together on issues like climate change, and our efforts to jointly assure that countries like Iran are abiding by international rules and norms.
And although there are areas where we continue to have differences, I am confident that the U.S.-China relationship can continue to grow in a constructive way based on mutual respect and mutual interests. And I want to extend my appreciation to President Hu for the continuous engagement not only of him but also of the entire Chinese government in addressing a wide range of these issues.
So, welcome, President Hu, and I look forward to not only a good discussion here but also an outstanding APEC Summit.
President Hu. I wish to thank you, Mr. President, for your warm invitation and welcome. I'm delighted to have this opportunity to come to the beautiful state of Hawaii to attend the APEC economic leaders meeting and to meet with you, Mr. President.
This is the ninth meeting between you and I, Mr. President, since you took office, and I look forward to a extensive and in-depth discussion on China-U.S. relations, as well as major regional and international issues of shared interest.
As things stand, the international situation is undergoing complex and profound changes. There is growing instability and uncertainty in the world economic recovery, and regional security threat has become more salient. Under these circumstances, it is all the more important for China and the United States to increase their communication and coordination. China looks forward to maintaining and strengthening dialogue and cooperation with the United States, to respect each other's major concerns, appropriately manage sensitive issues, and ensure that the China-U.S. relationship will continue to grow on a sustainable and stable path.
This APEC meeting has drawn a lot of attention worldwide and we appreciate the tremendous work the United States has done in preparing for this meeting. The Asia Pacific region is the most dynamic region in today's world, with the biggest development potential. This region should become a region of active cooperation between China and the United States.
I sincerely wish this meeting a full success, and I hope that this meeting here will send out a positive message to the international community that economies in the Asia Pacific region will reach out to each other like passengers on the same boat, and work together to ensure the continued, steady growth of the economies. Thank you once again, Mr. President.
Excerpts from Remarks by President Obama and Boeing CEO McNerney, November 12, 2011Footnote 8
President Barack Obama and Chairman of the President's Export Council Jim McNerney gave these remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
Mr. McNerney. As you know, APEC accounts for 55 percent of global GDP and is growing faster than the global average—significantly faster. It represents 2.7 billion consumers, and purchases 58 percent of U.S. exports. So I'm honored, very honored, to represent many of the wide-ranging interests of the business community on stage with you today.
Unlocking the growth potential that exists within APEC is a huge opportunity for job creation here in the United States and for our economic partners. Secretary Clinton spoke about that yesterday within the context of greater engagement of women and small business, for example.
Given that you represent—and I'm working my way up to a question here. Given that you represent the largest economy in the group, your views on subjects pertinent to that growth potential are vital, and that's what I'd like to explore with you here this morning.
Just to start at 50,000 feet, you just participated in the G20 meeting last week, where global growth was a—and threats thereof was a central topic of discussion. With the benefit of the viewpoints exchanged at the G20 session, what now is your outlook for the global economy, and maybe with just an eye toward its impact on the APEC economies?
President Obama. The United States is a Pacific power and we are here to stay. And one of the messages that Secretary Clinton, Secretary Panetta have been delivering, but I am personally here to deliver over the next week, is that there's no region in the world that we consider more vital than the Asia Pacific region, and we want, on a whole range of issues, to be working with our partner countries around the Pacific Rim in order to enhance job growth, economic growth, prosperity and security for all of us.
And let me just give you a couple of examples. The APEC conference that we're hosting here is going to have some very concrete deliverables around issues like regulatory convergence, which permits countries to all think about whether our regulations are as efficient, as effective as they can be, or where are they standing in the way of smart trade.
I'll be traveling to Australia to celebrate the 60th year of the American-Australian alliance, and that will signify the security infrastructure that allows for the free flow of trade and commerce throughout the region.
The TPP—the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement that I just met with the countries who are involved, we're doing some outstanding work trying to create a high-level trade agreement that could potentially be a model not just for countries in the Pacific region but for the world generally.
And so, across the board, whether it's on security architecture, whether it's on trade, whether it's on commerce, we are going to continue to prioritize this region. And one of the gratifying things is that, as we talk to our partners in the region, they welcome U.S. reengagement. I think we spent a decade in which, understandably, after 9/11, we were very focused on security issues, particularly in the Middle East region. And those continue to be important. But we've turned our attention back to the Asia Pacific region, and I think that it's paying off immediately in a whole range of improved relations with countries, and businesses are starting to see more opportunities as a consequence.
Mr. McNerney. You know, I don't think the business community has fully understood the comprehensiveness of your approach out here, and I think—because it all does link together—security, business environment, bilateral trade facilitation— all these things really do link together. And I think Secretary Clinton has made a very comprehensive case for it—we've seen in some of her published work and some of her speeches. So this looks like— I wouldn't say a major new direction, but it is something that is a major priority for you over the next number of years, is— am I capturing it right?
President Obama. There's no doubt. It is a reaffirmation of how important we consider this region. It has a range of components. Now, some of those are grounded in decade-long alliances. The alliance we have with Japan and South Korea, the alliance we have with Australia—the security architecture of the region is something that we pay a lot of attention to. And we're going to be going through some tough fiscal decisions back home, but nevertheless, what I've said when it comes to prioritizing our security posture here in this region, this has to continue to remain a top priority.
And on the business side, this is where the action is going to be. If we're going to not just double our exports but make sure that good jobs are created here in the United States, then we're going to have to continue to expand our trade opportunities and economic integration with the fastest-growing region in the world.
And that means, in some cases, some hard negotiations and some tough work, as we went through in South Korea. I think that was a great model of prioritizing trade with a key partner. It wasn't easy. I said at the outset that I wanted—I had no problem seeing Hyundais and Kias here in the United States, but I wanted to see some Chevrolets and Fords in Seoul. And after a lot of work and some dedicated attention from President Lee, we were able to get a deal that for the first time was endorsed not just by the business community but also was endorsed by the United Auto Workers and a number of labor leaders. And that shows how we can build a bipartisan support for job creation in the United States and trade agreements that make sense.
Mr. McNerney. You referenced Korea and Colombia, Panama—big, strong, protrade votes. I mean, it was a major legislative accomplishment. And the momentum that Ambassador Kirk talks about flowing into the Trans-Pacific Partnership—just let's spend a minute on that. You raised it earlier. Do you see other APEC countries joining—the obvious question is Japan? And how significant is the TPP for this region of the world and for the United States? Is there anything else you'd like to say about it?
President Obama. Well, keep in mind that almost two decades ago when APEC was formed, the notion was to create a trans-Pacific free trade agreement. Obviously the membership of APEC is extraordinarily diverse. It reflects countries with different levels of development. And so for many years that vision, that dream I think seemed very far off in the distance.
What happened was, is a group, a subset of APEC countries came together and said let's see if we can create a high-standard agreement that is dealing with tariffs and non-tariff barriers to trade, but let's also incorporate a whole range of new trade issues that are going to be coming up in the future—innovation, regulatory convergence, how we're thinking about the Internet and intellectual property.
And so what we've seen—and we just came from a meeting in which the TPP members affirmed a basic outline and our goal is, by next year, to get the legal text for a full agreement. The idea here is to have a trade agreement that deals not just with past issues but also future issues. And if we're successful, then I think it becomes the seed of a broader set of agreements. And what's been really interesting is how, because of the success of these first few countries joining together, we're now seeing others like Japan expressing an interest in joining. And I'll have a meeting with Prime Minister Noda later this afternoon and I'll get a sense from him about the degree to which Japan wants to go through the difficult process involved.
And I don't underestimate the difficulties of this because each member country has particular sensitivities, political barriers. It requires adjustments within these countries where certain industries or certain producers may push back. For Japan, for example, in the agricultural sector, that's going to be a tough issue for them.
But we're not going to delay. Our goal is to try to get something done by next year. And our hope is, is that if we can model this kind of outstanding trade agreement, then, potentially, you see a lot of others joining in.
Mr. McNerney. Sounds like real momentum.
President Obama. Yes.
Mr. McNerney. Sounds like real momentum.
You know, another issue, just shifting gears slightly, same kind of subject—Russia, pending ascension to the WTO. And as you know, Russia will host APEC in 2012. Assuming that the WTO process is successfully concluded, what kind of opportunities do you see as they try to integrate further into the global economy, become more Asia-facing themselves in the process? I mean, there is a clear agenda there for them as they've try to upgrade their economy. But there is a reason that you're making this happen, that you're going after WTO. And so maybe give us a few words on the benefits of it all.
President Obama. Well, first of all, we've had a excellent working relationship with President Medvedev. The United States and Russia obviously have a whole range of differences on a whole range of issues, but we also have some common interests. And I believe it is very much in the United States’ interest to see Russia in the WTO. Not only will it provide greater opportunities for U.S. businesses in Russia, but it also will create a even stronger incentive for Russia to proceed down a course of reforms that will be good for the Russian people, but will also integrate them with the world economy.
For the United States, I think a message that applies not only to the TPP but also to Russia, is the U.S. will do well if everybody is playing by the rules. I believe we've got some of the best entrepreneurs, businesses, universities. We have a system that has some flaws, but overall we have extraordinary transparency. We have a legal system that protects intellectual property. We are at the cutting edge of the information technology boom. And so if we can create a system in which everybody is playing by a common set of rules, everybody knows what those rules are, then I think U.S. workers and U.S. businesses are going to excel.
There's no reason why globalization should be something we fear. It's something that we should be able to excel at as long as everybody is in agreement about how we proceed. And so, whether it's in the WTO, whether it's in the TPP, whether it's in forums like APEC, my message to all our trading partners, to other countries, is: If you are playing by the rules, then America is ready to do business. And we will remain open; we will fight against protectionist measures. But we are also going to be pushing hard to make sure that you are not engaging in gaming the system. And we want strong enforcement of these international norms and rules. We think that will be to everybody's benefit over the long term.
Mr. McNerney. Agree. And many of us have, I should say, benefited from the steadfastness that many in your Cabinet have shown in supporting this, the enforcement side of the WTO. We appreciate it.
China. You will be meeting here with China's senior leadership, and many of us in the business world face a common dilemma with China that perhaps you do at your level. We see a world where our interests lay in both competing with China, on one hand, in global markets and within their marketplace, and also engaging with China for access to its market, on the other. Yet, challenges abound, and you alluded to a lot of them just a minute ago—intellectual property protections, adherence to the WTO, rules you mentioned, currency debate, drilling rights, et cetera. There's a long list.
But against the backdrop, will you be getting into specifics this week in your discussions? And how would you assess the U.S.-China relationship when voices now, on both the left and the right, are calling for a harder line from your administration? Tough to navigate.
President Obama. Well, first of all, I think that we have created a frank dialogue with the Chinese over the last two years that has benefited both countries. And my general view is that there can be a friendly and constructive competition between the United States and China, and a whole range of areas where we share common interests and we should be able to cooperate.
We should be rooting for China to grow, because not only does that then present an enormous marketplace for American businesses and American exports, but to see so many millions of people, hundreds of millions of people, lifted out of poverty is a remarkable achievement. And so whether it's China, whether it's India, these emerging countries, what they're accomplishing in a few short decades—alleviating poverty, helping ordinary people all around the world get access to opportunity—that's a wonderful thing that we should be rooting for. And those are potential customers for us in the future.
But what I've said since I first came into office, and what we've exhibited in terms of our interactions with the Chinese, is we want you to play by the rules. And currency is probably a good example. There are very few economists who do not believe that the RMB is not undervalued. And that makes exports to China more expensive, and it makes exports from China cheaper. That disadvantages American business; it disadvantages American workers.
And we have said to them that this is something that has to change—and, by the way, it would actually be good for China's economy if they refocused on their domestic market, that that kind of appreciation of their currency would help the overall balance of payments globally and it would increase growth in China and increase growth here in the United States.
Intellectual property. I don't think it's any secret—Jim, you talked to a lot of CEOs and probably a lot of folks in this room—for an economy like the United States, where our biggest competitive advantage is our knowledge, our innovation, our patents, our copyrights—for us not to get the kind of protection that we need in a large marketplace like China is not acceptable.
Government procurement—if we are allowing foreign countries to bid on projects in the United States of America, we want reciprocity. State-owned enterprises, how they work—all these issues I think have to be resolved. Some of them can be resolved in multilateral forums. Some of them will have to be resolved bilaterally. I am sympathetic to the fact that there are a lot of people in China who are still impoverished and there's a rapid pace of urbanization that's taking place there that Chinese leaders have to work through. But the bottom line is, is that the United States can't be expected to stand by if there's not the kind reciprocity in our trade relations and our economic relationships that we need.
So this is an issue that I've brought up with President Hu in the past. We will continue to bring it up. There is no reason why it inevitably leads to sharp conflict. I think there is a win-win opportunity there, but we've got to keep on working diligently to get there. And in the meantime, where we see rules being broken, we'll speak out and, in some cases, we will take action.
We've brought more enforcement actions against China over the last couple of years than had taken place in many of the preceding years, not because we're looking for conflict, but simply because we want to make sure that the interests of American workers and American businesses are protected.
President Obama. I think it's important to remember that the United States is still the largest recipient of foreign investment in the world. And there are a lot of things that make foreign investors see the U.S. as a great opportunity—our stability, our openness, our innovative free market culture.
But we've been a little bit lazy, I think, over the last couple of decades. We've kind of taken for granted—well, people will want to come here and we aren't out there hungry, selling America and trying to attract new business into America. And so one of things that my administration has done is set up something called SelectUSA that organizes all the government agencies to work with state and local governments where they're seeking assistance from us, to go out there and make it easier for foreign investors to build a plant in the United States and put outstanding U.S. workers back to work in the United States of America.
And we think that we can do much better than we're doing right now. Because of our federalist system, sometimes a foreign investor comes in and they've got to navigate not only federal rules, but they've also got to navigate state and local governments that may have their own sets of interests. Being able to create if not a one-stop shop, then at least no more than a couple of stops for people to be able to come into the United States and make investments, that's something that we want to encourage.
President Obama. I mentioned that we're on track to double our exports, a goal that I set when I first came into office. Part of the reason for that is because of some terrific work that's been done by our Export/Import Bank. We've substantially increased the amount of financing that we're providing to companies. I think Boeing appreciates the good work that—
Mr. McNerney. Upon occasion, we're at the teller window.
President Obama. On occasion, yes. But one of the things that I wanted to mention is we're starting to focus on how we can get small and medium-sized businesses plugged into the global economy as well.
Somebody mentioned earlier that I think Secretary Clinton had talked about women-owned businesses. Well, a lot of women-owned businesses are smaller businesses and medium-sized businesses. And they may have great products, but they may not have the infrastructure to be able to navigate a whole bunch of other countries’ customs and regulatory impediments. And so for us to be a champion not only of financing but also making it easier for them to enter into the global marketplace is something that we want to focus on.
President Obama. Backstage before we came out, I just signed a piece of legislation that was voted on unanimously out of Congress that essentially sets up a APEC business gold card, a travel card that allows businesses to be able to— Everybody here appreciates it because they're not going to have to wait in line as long at the airport. So that generated a lot of popularity.
But that's an idea that came out of the Business Council that we've been able to execute. And we're going to keep on trying to pursue every avenue that we have to see how we can ease and smooth the ability of doing business with the United States and U.S. businesses being able to operate overseas.
And some of that has to do with us changing our own internal operations. For the business leaders who are here, there's been a lot of commentary about regulations and my administration's approach to regulations. And, frankly, there have been some misconceptions, particularly in the business press. And so let me just comment on this.
I make no apologies for wanting to make sure that we've got regulations that protect consumers from unfair practices or shoddy products, that protect the help of our kids here in the U.S., that make sure that our air and water is clean. But I think it's really important to know that over the first two years of the Obama administration, we've actually issued fewer new regulations than the previous two administrations; that we've applied, for the most part, a rigorous cost benefit, and we have seen a lot more benefit for every dollar that our regulations cost than previous administrations.
And this is where it's relevant to the export issue—one of the things we're also doing is engaging in what we call a regulatory look-back, where we've asked all the agencies that are under the Executive Branch control, but also independent agencies that voluntarily been willing to look at every regulation that's on the book, with a simple question: Is this helping to grow the economy, create jobs, and is it doing a good job in this 21st century of protecting the health and welfare of the public and consumers?
And if a rule isn't working anymore, we want to get rid of it. If a rule could be done cheaper and faster, then we want to hear about it. And our relationship with the Business Council is a great example of where you've given us some suggestions where you said, you know what, this rule—we understand what you were trying to do, but it's actually creating a lot of unnecessary costs, and here's a way to do it that would meet your objective but do it in a much more efficient, effective way. We are eager for that kind of input, and that's the kind of relationship with the business community we want to establish.
For those of you who may not be fully familiar with this issue—because we have such a terrific advantage in high-technology areas—in cutting-edge advance manufacturing or the work that we've been doing in information systems and so forth—traditionally, there has been a security element to U.S. export policy where we've said there are certain products that could be weaponized, could have military applications, in which we are not going to permit an easy time of exporting those products.
And under the leadership of Bob Gates, my former Secretary of Defense, he actually recommended that we reexamine this whole issue of export controls to make sure that it was up to date and that we were not unnecessarily inhibiting U.S. companies from taking advantage of their biggest competitive advantage, and going out there and selling high-value products made by high-wage workers that create a lot of opportunity for American workers and American businesses.
Remarks by President Obama, November 13, 2011Footnote 9
President Barack Obama gave the following remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
President Obama. Good morning, everybody. It is my great pleasure to welcome all of you, officially, to the APEC Leaders Meeting. This is the first time in nearly 20 years that the United States has hosted this forum, and it comes at a time when America is very focused on how we can work together in a cooperative, effective way in the Trans-Pacific region.
And obviously I'm particularly pleased that we're meeting in my home state of Hawaii, which reflects the deep connections between the peoples of our region. And I hope everybody had a wonderful evening last night. I've heard that some of you wanted to join in the hula dancing— I'm sorry we did not give you that opportunity.
Now it's time to get down to work, and we have much to do. Our 21 economies— our nearly 3 billion citizens—are looking to us to bring our economies closer, to increase exports, to expand trade and opportunity that creates jobs and economic growth. That's why we're here.
I'm confident that we can make significant progress. We've done it before. Since APEC started, we've slashed tariffs and barriers to trade and investment. Commerce in the region has soared—creating new jobs, new markets and raising living standards across the region.
And I want to emphasize that the Asia Pacific region is absolutely critical to America's economic growth. We consider it a top priority. And we consider it a top priority because we're not going to be able to put our folks back to work and grow our economy and expand opportunity unless the Asia Pacific region is also successful.
This region includes many of our top trading partners. This is where we do most of our trade and where we sell most of our exports. It's also the fastest growing region in the world. And as a consequence, the Asia Pacific region is key to achieving my goal of doubling U.S. exports and creating new jobs.
Today, we've got an opportunity to make progress towards our ultimate goal, which is a seamless regional economy. We're going to be focusing on three specific areas: increasing trade and investment, promoting green jobs, and streamlining and coordinating regulations so that we encourage trade and job creation. And more broadly, we'll be discussing how we can work together to spur on quicker economic growth and more sturdy and sustainable economic growth. The economies of this region have a critical role to play in addressing the imbalances and making sure that growth is balanced and sustainable in the future.
So I want to thank my fellow leaders for being here. I'm confident that we can continue to make significant progress during the course of this day.
Before we begin discussing this morning's topic, I want to congratulate Japan on the superb job it did in hosting APEC in 2010. Prime Minister Noda of Japan set a high bar for us, so we are going to try to follow your footsteps.
I also want to recognize the outstanding work that's been done by our officials and ministers during the course of this year to move forward an ambitious set of initiatives.
The focus of our host year was to make progress towards a seamless regional economy, and we have made progress in the three themes that we set out—regional economic integration, green growth, and regulatory reform. We have agreed to address a set of next-generation trade issues, including removing frictions in the global supply chains, helping small and medium-size enterprises grow and better plug into the global trading system, and adopting smart, market-oriented innovation policies. Innovation is especially critical to all of us, and we all want to take appropriate steps to encourage it, because without it we can't grow, become more productive or create enough jobs.
Excerpts of Remarks by President Obama, November 14, 2011Footnote 10
President Barack Obama gave these remarks in Honolulu, Hawaii
President Obama. [T]he single greatest challenge for the United States right now, and my highest priority as President, is creating jobs and putting Americans back to work. And one of the best ways to do that is to increase our trade and exports with other nations. Ninety-five percent of the world's consumers are beyond our borders. I want them to be buying goods with three words stamped on them: Made in America. So I've been doing everything I can to make sure that the United States is competing aggressively for the jobs and the markets of the future.
No region will do more to shape our long-term economic future than the Asia Pacific region. As I've said, the United States is, and always will be, a Pacific nation. Many of our top trading partners are in this region. This is where we sell most of our exports, supporting some 5 million American jobs. And since this is the world's fastest growing region, the Asia Pacific is key to achieving my goal of doubling U.S. exports—a goal, by the way, which we are on track right now to meet.
And that's why I've been proud to host APEC this year. It's been a chance to help lead the way towards a more seamless regional economy with more trade, more exports, and more jobs for our people. And I'm pleased that we've made progress in three very important areas.
First, we agreed to a series of steps that will increase trade and bring our economies even closer. We agreed to a new set of principles on innovation to encourage the entrepreneurship that creates new businesses and new industries. With simplified customs and exemptions from certain tariffs we'll encourage more businesses to engage in more trade. And that includes our small businesses, which account for the vast majority of the companies in our economies.
We agreed to a new initiative that will make it easier and faster for people to travel and conduct business across the region. And yesterday, I was pleased to sign legislation, a new travel card that will help our American businessmen and women travel more easily and get deals done in this region.
I'd note that we also made a lot of progress increasing trade on the sidelines of APEC. As I announced yesterday, the United States and our eight partners reached the broad outlines of an agreement on the Trans-Pacific Partnership. And today I'm pleased that Japan, Canada and Mexico have now expressed an interest in this effort.
This comes on the heels of our landmark trade agreements with South Korea, Panama and Colombia, which will support tens of thousands of American jobs.
And in my meeting with President Medvedev, we discussed how to move ahead with Russia's accession to the WTO, which will also mean more exports for American manufacturers and American farmers and ranchers.
Second, APEC agreed on ways to promote the green growth we need for our energy security. We agreed to reduce tariffs on environmental goods and make it easier to export clean energy technologies that create green jobs. We raised the bar on ourselves and we'll aim for even higher energy efficiencies. And we're moving ahead with the effort to phase out fossil fuel subsidies. This would be a huge step toward creating clean energy economies and fighting climate change, which is a threat to both the beauty and the prosperity of the region.
Third, we're redoubling our efforts to make sure that regulations are encouraging trade and job creation, not discouraging trade and job creation. And this builds on the work that we're doing in the United States to get rid of rules and regulations that are unjustified and that are overly burdensome. Our APEC partners are joining us in streamlining and coordinating regulations so that we're sparking innovation and growth even as we protect public health and our environment.
And finally, since many of the leaders here were also at the recent G20 summit, we continued our efforts to get the global economy to grow faster. APEC makes up more than half the global economy, and it will continue to play a key role in achieving the strong and balanced growth that we need.
As I've said, as the world's largest economy, the best thing that the United States can do for the global economy is to grow our own economy faster. And so I will continue to fight for the American Jobs Act so that we can put our people back to work.
I was glad to see that Congress moved forward on one aspect of the jobs bill— tax credits for companies that are hiring veterans. But we've got to do a lot more than that.
So, again, I want to thank the people of Hawaii for their extraordinary hospitality and for all that they've done to help make this summit such a success. I want to thank my fellow leaders for the seriousness and sense of common purpose that they brought to our work. And I believe that the progress we've made here will help create jobs and keep America competitive in a region that is absolutely vital not only for our economy but also for our national security.
So, with that, I'm going to take a few questions. I'll start with Ben Feller of AP.
Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Yesterday in a speech before business leaders, you said that you want China to play by the rules. And then your staff later said that, in a bilateral meeting with President Hu, that you expressed that American business leaders are growing frustrated with the pace of change in China's economy. What rules is China not playing by? What specific steps do you need to see from China? And what punitive actions is your administration willing to take, as you said it would yesterday, if China does not play by the rules?
President Obama. Well, first of all, I also said yesterday that we welcome the peaceful rise of China. It is in America's interests to see China succeed in lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. China can be a source of stability and help to underwrite international norms and codes of conduct.
And so what we've done over the last two years is to try to develop a frank, consistent, open relationship and dialogue with China, and it's yielded considerable benefits—for example, support for issues like Iran. But what I've also said to Chinese leadership since I came into office is that when it comes to their economic practices, there are a range of things that they have done that disadvantage not just the United States but a whole host of their trading partners and countries in the region.
The most famous example is the issue of China's currency. Most economists estimate that the RMB is devalued by 20 to 25 percent. That means our exports to China are that much more expensive, and their imports into the United States are that much cheaper. Now, there's been slight improvement over the last year, partly because of U.S. pressure, but it hasn't been enough. And it's time for them to go ahead and move towards a market-based system for their currency.
We recognize they may not be able to do it overnight, but they can do it much more quickly than they've done it so far. And, by the way, that would not necessarily be a bad thing for the Chinese economy, because they've been so focused on export-driven growth that they've neglected domestic consumption, building up domestic markets. It makes them much more vulnerable to shocks in the global economy. It throws the whole world economy out of balance because they're not buying as much as they could be from other countries.
And this is not something that's inconsistent with where Chinese leadership say they want to go. The problem is, is that you've got a bunch of export producers in China who like the system as it is, and making changes are difficult for them politically. I get it. But the United States and other countries, I think understandably, feel that enough is enough.
That's not the only concern we have. Intellectual property rights and protections—companies that do business in China consistently report problems in terms of intellectual property not being protected. Now, that's particularly important for an advanced economy like ours, where that's one of our competitive advantages, is we've got great engineers, great entrepreneurs, we're designing extraordinary new products. And if they get no protection and the next thing you know China is operating as a low-cost producer and not paying any fees or revenues to folks who invented these products, that's a problem.
So those are two examples, but there are a number of others. These practices aren't secret. I think everybody understands that they've been going on for quite some time. Sometimes, American companies are wary about bringing them up because they don't want to be punished in terms of their ability to do business in China. But I don't have that same concern, so I bring it up.
And in terms of enforcement, the other thing that we've been doing is actually trying to enforce the trade laws that are in place. We've brought a number of cases— one that the U.S. press may be familiar with are the cases involving U.S. tires, where we brought very aggressive actions against China and won. And as a consequence, U.S. producers are in a better position, and that means more U.S. jobs.
So I think we can benefit from trade with China. And I want certainly to continue cultivating a constructive relationship with the Chinese government, but we're going to continue to be firm in insisting that they operate by the same rules that everybody else operates under. We don't want them taking advantage of the United States or U.S. businesses.
Remarks by Secretary of Commerce John Bryson, November 14, 2011Footnote 11
Statement released at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Ministerial Meeting in Hawaii
Secretary Bryson. This initiative is an important development in international data protection. The United States and its trading partners in APEC recognized the need for a data privacy framework that provides effective privacy protection for consumers while avoiding barriers to information flows. Once implemented, this system will help establish region-wide privacy policy compatibility, which should lower regulatory compliance costs while increasing the export of U.S. services.
The United States and partnering APEC economies began development of this system in 2007 with the strong support of U.S. industry. The 21 member economies in APEC comprise a market of 2.7 billion consumers, account for 55 percent of global gross domestic product and 43 percent of total global trade. In addition, APEC member economies purchase 58 percent of U.S. exports.
Implementation of the Cross Border Privacy Rules system directly supports the President's National Export Initiative by decreasing regulatory barriers to trade and commerce. U.S. exporters face an increasing array of privacy regulations and domestic data storage requirements around the world. When there regulations are incompatible, they create barriers to U.S. exports and costs for U.S. companies. This system will help reduce those barriers, lower costs, and facilitate U.S. exports to the Asia Pacific region. This work also supports the Administration's privacy and innovation goals by facilitating global privacy interoperability as outlined in the soon to be released White Paper on data privacy and innovation.
Announcement from President Obama and Australian Prime Minister Gillard, November 16, 2011Footnote 12
Today, Prime Minister Gillard and President Obama announced two new force posture initiatives that will significantly enhance defence cooperation between Australia and the United States.
Coming on the 60th anniversary of the ANZUS Alliance, these initiatives strengthen an already robust partnership that has been an anchor of stability and peace in the Asia-Pacific region. They reflect our enduring and visible commitment to strengthening regional security and will increase interoperability between Australian and U.S. forces.
Starting next year, Australia will welcome the deployment of U.S. Marines to Darwin and Northern Australia, for around six months at a time, where they will conduct exercises and training on a rotational basis with the Australian Defence Force. The initial deployment will consist of a small liaison element and a company of 250 U.S. Marines. The intent in the coming years is to establish a rotational presence of up to a 2,500 person Marine Air Ground Task Force (MAGTF). The U.S. Marines will exercise and train on a rotational basis with the Australian Defence Force in the Northern Territory.
The leaders also agreed to closer cooperation between the Royal Australian Air Force and the U.S. Air Force that will result in increased rotations of U.S. aircraft through northern Australia. This will enhance bilateral collaboration and offer greater opportunities for combined training and exercises. Select equipment and supplies in support of these initiatives will be prepositioned in these locations to facilitate exercises and training. These joint initiatives, which will take place in Australian facilities, are part of an ongoing review of U.S. force posture in the Asia-Pacific region intended to pursue a more geographically distributed, operationally resilient and politically sustainable military presence in this region. They will further enhance the capabilities of both partners by increasing opportunities for combined training, deepening interoperability, and enabling both countries to work together even more effectively to pursue common interests. Moreover, these initiatives will better position both nations to join with other partners to respond in a timely and effective manner to a range of contingencies in the Asia-Pacific, including humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
Excerpts of Remarks by President Obama and Australian Prime Minister Gillard, November 16, 2011Footnote 13
President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Julia Gillard gave these remarks in Canberra, Australia
Prime Minister Gillard. We live in the growing region of the world where its global—contribution to global growth is a profound one. We live in a region which is changing, changing in important ways. And as a result of those changes, President Obama and I have been discussing the best way of our militaries cooperating for the future.
So I'm very pleased to be able to announce with President Obama that we've agreed joint initiatives to enhance our alliance—60 years old and being kept robust for tomorrow. It is a new agreement to expand the existing collaboration between the Australian Defence Force and the U.S. Marine Corps and the U.S. Air Force. What this means in very practical detail is from mid-2012, Australia will welcome deployments of a company-size rotation of 200 to 250 Marines in the Northern Territory for around six months at a time.
Over a number of years, we intend to build on this relationship in a staged way to a full force of around 2,500 personnel—that is a four Marine Air Ground Task Force.
A second component of these initiatives which we have agreed is greater access by U.S. military aircraft to the Royal Australian Air Force facilities in our country's north. This will involve more frequent movements of U.S. military aircraft into and out of northern Australia. Now, taken together, these two initiatives make our alliance stronger, they strengthen our cooperation in our region.
We are a region that is growing economically. But stability is important for economic growth, too. And our alliance has been a bedrock of stability in our region. So building on our alliance through this new initiative is about stability. It will be good for our Australian Defence Force to increase their capabilities by joint training, combined training, with the U.S. Marines and personnel. It will mean that we are postured to better respond together, along with other partners in the Asia Pacific, to any regional contingency, including the provision of humanitarian assistance and dealing with natural disasters.
In addition to discussing this global force posture review by the United States and these new initiatives in our alliance, the President of the United States and I have had an opportunity to reflect on a number of other issues—to reflect on circumstances in the global economy; to reflect on a clean energy future for our nations and for our planet; to reflect on the forthcoming East Asia Summit. President Obama will proceed from Australia to that summit in Indonesia, where he spent time growing up.
We've had a comprehensive discussion. I very much welcome President Obama to Australia. I think he's already seen that the welcome he's getting from Australians, including Australian schoolchildren, is a very warm one. And I know that that is going to be sustained during tonight's events and the events of tomorrow.
President Obama, over to you.
President Obama. I welcome your friendship and your partnership. I am thrilled to be Down Under.
As you may know, this is not my first visit to Australia. In fact, I first visited Australia as a boy. And I've never forgotten the warmth and kindness that the Australian people extended to me when I was six and eight. And I can see that the Australian people have lost none of that warmth.
I very much wanted to take this trip last year, and although events back home prevented me from doing so, I was determined to come for a simple reason: The United States of America has no stronger ally than Australia. We are bound by common values, the rights and the freedoms that we cherish. And for nearly a century, we've stood together in defense of these freedoms. And I'm very happy to be here as we celebrate the 60th anniversary of our alliance, and as we work together to strengthen it for the future.
We are two Pacific nations, and with my visit to the region I am making it clear that the United States is stepping up its commitment to the entire Asia Pacific. In this work, we're deeply grateful for our alliance with Australia and the leadership role that it plays. As it has been for six decades, our alliance is going to be indispensable to our shared future, the security we need and the prosperity that we seek not only in this region but around the world.
I'm also very grateful for my partnership with Prime Minister Gillard. We've worked quite a bit together lately—
Prime Minister Gillard. You bet.
President Obama. —spanning time zones—the G20 in Cannes, APEC, and TPP in Hawaii, now here in Australia, and next onto Bali for the East Asia Summit. And this speaks to how closely our countries work together on a wide range of issues. And in my friend, Julia, I see the quality that we Americans admire most in our Australian friends: somebody who's down to earth, easy to talk to, and who says it like it is—straight up. And that's why we achieved so much today.
We agreed to push ahead with our efforts to create jobs for our people by bringing our economies and those of the region even closer together. Building on our progress at APEC, we're going to keep striving for a seamless regional economy. And as the two largest economies in the Trans-Pacific Partnership, Australia and the United States are helping to lead the way to a new model for trade across the region. And along with our G20 partners, we agreed that we have to stay focused on the growth that creates jobs, and that every nation needs to play by the same economic rules of the road.
As two global partners, we discussed the whole range of challenges where we stand shoulder to shoulder, including Afghanistan. Obviously, this has not been an easy mission for either of our countries, and our hearts go out to the families that were affected on October 29th. But we both understand what's at stake—what happens when al Qaeda has safe havens. We've seen the awful loss of life—from 9/11 to Bali.
So I thanked the Prime Minister for Australia's strong commitment to this mission. I salute the extraordinary sacrifices of our forces who serve together, including your Australian troops who've shown that no job is too tough for your “Diggers.” Today, the Prime Minister and I reaffirmed the way forward. The transition has begun. Afghans are stepping into the lead. As they do, our troops—American and Australian—will draw down responsibly together so that we preserve the progress that we've made, and by 2014, Afghans will take full responsibility for security in their country.
But our focus today, as the Prime Minister said, was on preparing our alliance for the future. And so I am very pleased that we are able to make these announcements here together on Australian soil. Because of these initiatives that are the result of our countries working very closely together as partners, we're going to be in a position to more effectively strengthen the security of both of our nations and this region.
As Julia described, we are increasing our cooperation—and I'd add, America's commitment to this region. Our U.S. Marines will begin rotating through Darwin for joint training and exercises. Our Air Force will rotate additional aircraft through more airfields in Northern Australia. And these rotations, which are going to be taking place on Australian bases, will bring our militaries even closer and make them even more effective. We'll enhance our ability to train, exercise, and operate with allies and partners across the region, and that, in turn, will allow us to work with these nations to respond even faster to a wide range of challenges, including humanitarian crises and disaster relief, as well as promoting security cooperation across the region.
And this commitment builds upon the best traditions of our alliance. For decades, Australians have welcomed our service members as they've come here to work, train, and exercise together. And I'm looking forward to joining the Prime Minister in Darwin tomorrow to thank our troops—Australians and Americans—for the incredible work that they are doing.
Finally, as I'll discuss more in my speech to Parliament tomorrow, this deepening of our alliance sends a clear message of our commitment to this region, a commitment that is enduring and unwavering. It's a commitment that I'll reaffirm in Bali as the United States joins the East Asia Summit. And I want to thank our Australian friends who supported our membership so strongly and have worked to make sure that the EAS addresses regional challenges that affect all of us like proliferation and maritime security.
Q. You and Prime Minister Gillard have outlined what is for us a significant new U.S. troop buildup. How much of this is because you're (inaudible) of China? And as of today's deal, U.S. Marines will be for the first time conducting exercises by themselves on Australian soil. Why is that, and what will they be doing?
And, Mr. President, you also mentioned in your remarks that Afghanistan is not an easy mission. In the past few months there have been three cases for Australia where our troops have been shot at by the Afghan soldiers who have been training and, sadly, four of our soldiers have died and many others have been injured. Australian public opinion is strongly against our involvement continuing. You've outlined the—just then, the drawdown. What can you say to the Australian people who don't want to wait, who want to leave immediately?
President Obama. Well, first, with respect to these new initiatives, this rotational deployment is significant because what it allows us to do is to not only build capacity and cooperation between our two countries, but it also allows us to meet the demands of a lot of partners in the region that want to feel that they're getting the training, they're getting the exercises, and that we have the presence that's necessary to maintain the security architecture in the region.
And so, as Julia mentioned, this is a region that's becoming increasingly important. The economy in this area is going to be the engine for world economic growth for some time to come. The lines of commerce and trade are constantly expanding. And it's appropriate then for us to make sure that not only our alliance but the security architecture of the region is updated for the 21st century, and this initiative is going to allow us to do that.
It also allows us to respond to a whole host of challenges, like humanitarian or disaster relief, that, frankly, given how large the Asia Pacific region is, it can sometimes be difficult to do, and this will allow us to be able to respond in a more timely fashion and also equip a lot of countries, smaller countries who may not have the same capacity, it allows us to equip them so that they can respond more quickly as well.
And I guess the last part of your question, with respect to China, I've said repeatedly and I will say again today that we welcome a rising, peaceful China. What they've been able to achieve in terms of lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty over the last two decades has been nothing short of remarkable. And that is good not just for China, but it's potentially good for the region. And I know Australia's economy, obviously, has benefitted by the increased demand that you're seeing in China.
The main message that I've said not only publicly but also privately to the Chinese is that with their rise comes increased responsibilities. It's important for them to play by the rules of the road and, in fact, help underwrite the rules that have allowed so much remarkable economic progress to be made over the last several decades. And that's going to be true on a whole host of issues.
So where China is playing by those rules, recognizing its new role, I think this is a win-win situation. There are going to be times where they're not, and we will send a clear message to them that we think that they need to be on track in terms of accepting the rules and responsibilities that come with being a world power.
With respect to Afghanistan, the impact of any loss of life among our troops is heartbreaking. And obviously, as President of the United States, there's no greater responsibility and nothing more difficult than putting our troops in harm's way. I think Prime Minister Gillard feels the same way that I do, which is we would not be sending our young men and women into harm's way unless we thought it was absolutely necessary for the security of our country.
What we have established is a transition process that allows Afghans to build up their capacity and take on a greater security role over the next two years. But it's important that we do it right. As some of you are aware, I just announced that all remaining troops in Iraq will be removed. It would have been tempting, given that I have been opposed to the Iraq war from the start, when I came into office, to say, we're going to get you all out right away. But what I recognized was that if we weren't thoughtful about how we proceed, then the enormous sacrifices that had been made by our men and women in the previous years might be for naught.
And what I'd say to the Australian people at this point is, given the enormous investment that's been made and the signs that we can, in fact, leave behind a country that's not perfect, but one that is more stable, more secure, and does not provide safe haven for terrorists, it's appropriate for us to finish the job and do it right.
Prime Minister Gillard. If I could just add to that and say, every time I have met President Obama and we've talked about our alliance, we've talked about our work in Afghanistan, and in our meetings, both formal and informal, the President has shown the greatest possible concern for our troops in the field. The meetings we've had over the last few weeks at various international events have coincided with some of the most bitter and difficult news that we've had from Afghanistan, and every step of the way the President has gone out of his way to convey to me his condolences for the Australian people and particularly for the families that have suffered such a grievous loss.
Q. Thanks, Prime Minister. Mark Riley from 7News, Australia. Mr. President, I wanted to ask you about the other rising giant of our region—India—and the Prime Minister might like to add some comments. How significant is it for the U.S. that Australia is now considering selling uranium to India? And could you clear up for us what influence or encouragement your administration gave Australia as it made that decision? And also, the decision is so India can produce clean energy. In that regard, you're aware that our Parliament has passed a new bill, pricing carbon—a carbon tax, if you like. But we're intrigued about where America is going on this issue.
And countries like Australia don't see a carbon trading system in the world working unless America is a big part of it. Can you tell us, is it your wish that American will have an emissions trading scheme across the nation within the next five years or so? How heavily do you want to see America involved in an emissions trading scheme globally, or has this become too politically hard for you?
President Obama. Well, first of all, with respect to India, we have not had any influence, I suspect, on Australia's decision to explore what its relationship in terms of the peaceful use of nuclear energy in India might be. I suspect that you've got some pretty smart government officials here who figured out that India is a big player, and that the Australia-India relationship is one that should be cultivated. So I don't think Julia or anybody else needs my advice in figuring that out. This is part of your neighborhood, and you are going to make bilateral decisions about how to move forward.
I think without wading into the details, the discussions that are currently taking place here in Australia around that relationship and the nuclear issue with India are ones that are compatible with international law, compatible with decisions that were made in the NPT. And I will watch with interest what's determined. But this is not something between the United States and Australia; this is something between India and Australia.
With respect to carbon emissions, I share the view of your Prime Minister and most scientists in the world that climate change is a real problem and that human activity is contributing to it, and that we all have a responsibility to find ways to reduce our carbon emissions.
Each country is trying to figure out how to do that most effectively. Here in Australia, under the leadership of the Prime Minister, you've moved forward with a bold strategy. In the United States, although we haven't passed what we call a cap-and-trade system, an exchange, what we have done is, for example, taken steps to double fuel efficiency standard on cars, which will have an enormous impact on removing carbon from the atmosphere.
We've invested heavily in clean energy research. We believe very strongly that we've improved efficiencies and a whole step range of steps that we can meet and the commitments that we made in Copenhagen and Cancun. And as we move forward over the next several years, my hope is, is that the United States, as one of several countries with a big carbon footprint, can find further ways to reduce our carbon emissions. I think that's good for the world. I actually think, over the long term, it's good for our economies as well, because it's my strong belief that industries, utilities, individual consumers— we're all going to have to adapt how we use energy and how we think about carbon.
Now, another belief that I think the Prime Minister and I share is that the advanced economies can't do this alone. So part of our insistence when we are in multilateral forum—and I will continue to insist on this when we go to Durban—is that if we are taking a series of step, then it's important that emerging economies like China and India are also part of the bargain. That doesn't mean that they have to do exactly what we do. We understand that in terms of per capita carbon emissions, they've got a long way to go before they catch up to us. But it does mean that they've got to take seriously their responsibilities as well.
And so, ultimately, what we want is a mechanism whereby all countries are making an effort. And it's going to be a tough slog, particularly at a time when the economies are—a lot of economies are still struggling. But I think it's actually one that, over the long term, can be beneficial.
Excerpts of Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, November 16, 2011Footnote 14
Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks in Manila, Philippines
Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, and it is indeed an honor for me to be in Manila to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the U.S.-Philippines Mutual Defense Treaty and it is wonderful to be onboard the USS Fitzgerald, a fine ship with a dedicated crew under the leadership of Commander Mutty. If only we were underway. And I thank you greatly for hosting us today.
As each of us can attest, our mutual defense treaty has provided for our common defense and helped to create cooperation between our countries, not only military cooperation but also political and economic, and not only between governments but most importantly between our people.
That summer day in 1951 when this treaty was signed, our nations faced a very different world. Then we were united against the spread of communism. Filipino and American soldiers had fought side by side in World War II not long before, and this treaty was a testament that we stood united against the challenges of a dangerous world. Our hope was that we could pursue the peace together. And that common devotion to peace has sustained our alliance through the years.
Well, today we meet in a new era where we face new challenges but also where we confront new opportunities. So we must ensure that this alliance remains strong, capable of delivering results for the people of the Philippines, the United States, and our neighbors throughout the Asia Pacific. We are now updating our alliance and all of our alliances in the region with three guidelines in mind. First, we are working to ensure that the core objectives of our alliances have the political support of our people. Second, we want our alliances to be nimble, adaptive, flexible so they can continue to deliver results in this new world. And third, we are making sure that our collective defense capabilities and communications infrastructure are operationally and materially capable of deterring provocation from the full spectrum of state and non-state actors.
To that end, the United States is working with our Filipino allies to ensure that we can meet threats like proliferation and terrorism, and to support the Philippines particularly in the maritime domain as you move to improve your territorial defense and interdiction capabilities. In August, we transferred a Coast Guard cutter here, thanks to the escort that you provided, and we are together considering transferring a second one as well.
We are seeking to broaden and strengthen our partnership beyond defense. The Manila Declaration that we have just signed sets forth a shared vision for strategic, political, economic, and people-to-people cooperation. And later today, Secretary Del Rosario and I will sign a Statement of Principles for our Partnership for Growth to help the Philippines break into the ranks of the world's high-performing economies. We are working together to increase trade and investment and to strengthen regional institutions like ASEAN, APEC, and the East Asia Summit. The United States-Philippines alliance has been a force for regional security for decades, and through our direct cooperation we are bringing that same spirit to regional forums as well.
As always, the foundation of what we do is really based on the ties connecting our peoples. The United States is home to more than four million Filipinos and Americans of Filipino descent, including several members of the crew of this ship. All told, Filipinos represent the second largest Asian American community in the United States, and we are proud and grateful for the invaluable contributions they make to our democracy, our economy, and our culture.
Looking back, there is much to celebrate, I agree, and we wish to make sure that both of our people understand the benefits that this relationship has brought, is bringing, and will provide for the future.
Now, consider this ship. The USS Fitzgerald has patrolled the entire Western Pacific region this year. It traveled to Australia, Russia, Guam, Saipan, the Marshall Islands, before docking here in Manila Bay. As part of Operation Tomodachi, the search, rescue, and recovery mission following the earthquake, the tsunami, and the nuclear reactor meltdown in Japan, the Fitzgerald operated closest to shore. And this summer, it transited the Gregorio del Pilar the flagship of the Filipino Navy on its maiden voyage across the Pacific. The ships cross-decked and held training sessions for 16 days on emergency response and onboard medical procedures. By the end of the exercise, the officers and crews onboard both vessels achieved new levels of proficiency and partnership.
That is just one example of the work we do every day together not only between our militaries and our governments, our diplomatic corps, but between our businesses, our universities, and our citizens. The vital ties between the Philippines and the United States are strong and growing stronger, and we must continue to invest in them to serve the interests and answer the concerns of the Filipino and American people, to maintain security and the conditions for progress, and to keep following the fruitful pursuits of peace. The United States remains committed to this goal, just as we are committed to our alliance. We are grateful for 60 years of partnership and the progress we have made together, and we look forward to many more years of working closely together on behalf of our two nations, our people, and the world. Thank you all very much.
Excerpts of Statements by Secretary of State Clinton and Thai Prime Minister Yingluck, November 16, 2011Footnote 15
Secretary Hillary Clinton made these remarks with Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra in Bangkok, Thailand
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Prime Minister Yingluck. First and foremost, though, I wish to place on record our thanks and appreciation to President Obama as well as the government and people of the United States for the assistance extended to us to support of our flood relief effort. The assistance, be it financial, technical, or (inaudible) was not only generous, but timely. Given the increased (inaudible) of severity of national disaster in the regions and elsewhere, the need for closer cooperation on disaster management cannot be overemphasized. In this connection, Thailand has been in discussion with the United States about possibility of using the U-Tapao Airport for humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, (inaudible) propose, especially on rapid deployment in case of disaster in the regions. (Inaudible) standard operations— operating procedure, and enhancing skill and readiness for (inaudible) capabilities.
We in Thailand stand ready to work in the partnership with the United States on this very important issue, the damaging effect of natural disaster on crop. Cultivation and food production is also an issue of the greatest concern, one that is directly related to food security. This is an issue that we will have to address as well as in order to ensure the well-being of our peoples. I also reaffirmed that this government attach high priorities to promoting political reconciliation and social cohesion. This is being done through our strong support for ongoing work for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and providing fair and equitable remedy to all those affected, reconciliation and stabilities, good governance, enhanced (inaudible), universally acceptable rule of law. I believe we are regaining the confidence and trust of Thai people and the world.
With the APEC meeting just conclude, I also wish to take opportunities to congratulate the United States for the successful chairmanship of APEC during this (inaudible) significant progress was made toward its mission to regional, economic (inaudible) and to the (inaudible) goal for free and open trade and investment.
Lastly, I want to say how much we welcome the United States continued engagement with Asia, and Southeast Asia in particular. I, therefore, look forward to my bilateral meeting with President Obama on Saturday. Given the base and depth of our partnership, as far as our similar outlook on many of the challenge and opportunities now before us, there is much Thailand and the United States can do together. Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Well, good evening, everyone, and thank you very much, Prime Minister, for welcoming me so warmly back to Bangkok. It is a pleasure to be here to renew the ties that have bound the United States and Thailand together for so many years. Our nations are connected through not only security cooperation and business ties, but the democratic values we share and the bonds of family and friendship that link our people.
During this past century, we have stood by each other in times of challenge, and we are proud to stand with you now in this time of challenge as you contend with the worst floods of your nation's history. Tomorrow, I will visit one of the largest flood evacuation facilities and talk with flood victims. And in the days and weeks ahead, the United States will continue to identify ways we can provide both military and civilian assistance to help save and restore lives, to support Thailand's long-term recovery and rebuilding.
We have worked closely and continuously with the Thai Government from the start of these floods. Early on, we responded to requests for assistance by providing emergency support, including water pumps, boats, generators, survival kits. And as the needs grew, we intensified our efforts. Assessment teams are on the ground now to prepare for U.S. contributions to help Thailand restore vital infrastructure and services and address public health needs. We are providing direct medical services and improving hospital readiness.
One of our ships, the USS Lassen, is now in port with crew and helicopters to assist in the recovery efforts. One of our major areas of focus will be to help the Thai Government reopen the Don Muang Airport, Thailand's second-largest airport, to resume commerce and tourism, and also help reconnect people with their families. We will also help the Thai police return to full strength by assisting them in reopening police stations when it is possible to do so. And we are identifying sites that hold historical significance to the Thai people to help protect and restore monuments of Thailand's proud and ancient culture.
I want to emphasize that although, of course, we are all focused on the immediate needs, the United States will be with you for the long run. We are working to help Thailand improve its capacity to prevent, prepare for, and respond to disasters like these floods. And we will support Thailand's economic recovery as a trade investment and development partner. I recognize that these floods pose an early and serious challenge to the new Thai Government and to the hard-won peace that the Thai people achieved after the political violence that you have endured in recent years.
The United States stands firmly behind the civilian government of Thailand and the work it is doing to consolidate strong democratic institutions, ensure good governance, guarantee the rule of law, and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. We encourage the government to move forward with a political reconciliation process, which is critical to Thailand's long-term stability and security. As it does so, it can also count on support from the United States.
We had an opportunity to discuss not only bilateral and regional issues, but global ones—how to deepen commercial ties and expand trade, how to strengthen security cooperation on issues ranging from proliferation to maritime security, which will be discussed at the East Asia Summit. I'm very pleased that the prime minister will be attending the East Asia Summit and the U.S.-ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting. I fully supported, as did President Obama, her decision not to travel to Hawaii for the APEC meeting because of the press of business here at home.
But Thailand is a leader, and having the prime minister present for the East Asia Summit and the U.S.-ASEAN Leaders’ Meeting is very important. For more than 170 years, our alliance has helped keep our nation and our region secure, and that has, in turn, permitted us all to become more prosperous and freer. There is such a long history of cooperation between us, and that will continue far into the future. The United States—not only our government, but our people—are committed to the people of Thailand and to the government. We are proud and grateful for this alliance. It has delivered results, and now we have to ensure that it continues to deliver results for both of our people for decades to come.
Thank you, Prime Minister.
Statements by Secretary of State Clinton and Filipino Foreign Secretary Del Rosario, November 16, 2011Footnote 16
Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks with Secretary Albert Del Rosario in Manila, Philippines
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Moderator. We will now proceed to the signing of the Joint Statement of Intent on the Partnership for Growth between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the United States of America.
The Partnership for Growth aligns both governments’ strategic efforts towards inclusive Philippine economic growth. This partnership will enhance the Philippine Government's capability to: first, foster a more competitive business environment; second, strengthen the rule of law and increase efficiency in courts; and lastly, support fiscal stability. This five-year program is a signature initiative of President Obama's Presidential Policy Directive on Global Development. Fifteen U.S. agencies are actively engaged with the Philippine Government in this new joint effort. The Partnership for Growth anticipates producing a transformative impact on the Philippines and unleashing the country's potential for broad-based and sustained economic growth.
(The joint statement was signed.)
Secretary Clinton. For 60 years now, the alliance between the Philippines and the United States has helped keep our nations secure. And thanks to that security, both nations have made progress on many fronts. We have strengthened our democracies, developed our economies, and certainly built strong ties among our peoples. We have also helped provide stability and security throughout the Asia Pacific.
And so we do have a lot to be grateful for and proud of during this anniversary year. But it's not about looking toward the past. This is about how we face the future together. And we know that we can count on the alliance to continue to keep us safe and growing stronger.
During the past year, our nations have embarked on a campaign of increasingly active diplomacy. In January, we inaugurated the first U.S.-Philippines Bilateral Strategic Dialogue here in Manila. In June, I had the pleasure of welcoming the foreign secretary to Washington. And Secretary Panetta and I are looking forward to welcoming Secretary Del Rosario and Defense Secretary Gazmin to Washington early next year for a joint meeting in the 2+2 format, making it the first time all four secretaries will sit down together to take a comprehensive look at our partnership. Our meeting in Washington in January will be quite a bit cooler weatherwise, but I hope just as warm personally as the one here in Manila.
My visit today is part of this reinvigorated diplomacy. Earlier on the deck of the USS Fitzgerald in Manila Bay, the foreign secretary and I signed the Manila Declaration. And just now, he and I officially launched the U.S.-Philippines Partnership for Growth, a rigorous, results-oriented collaboration to help the Philippines break into the ranks of the world's high-performing emerging economies and achieve sustainable, broad-based growth that will benefit all of the people of this country. Leaders here have worked hard to lay the groundwork for this kind of economic leap by making reforms to improve transparency and tax collection and to create more inclusive prosperity.
The United States wants to support these pro-growth reforms and help unlock the Philippines vast economic potential to improve the lives of your own people, to drive regional prosperity, and to create more high-paying jobs so fewer Filipino citizens have to travel to distant countries to support their families.
Through the Partnership for Growth, a team from across the United States Government will work closely with partners in the Filipino Government to create a more transparent and predictable business environment, lower barriers to trade and strengthen the rule of law, as well as fighting corruption. Together we hope to deliver an array of benefits to the people, including more foreign investment to create new jobs, a more streamlined court system that can deliver justice and protect local businesses, better services, and more resources to fight poverty. Over time, these steps will better position the Philippines to join the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which we hope will dramatically increase trade and investment among the peoples of the Pacific.
In addition to our bilateral partnership, we are working in several regional forums. A few days ago we met in Hawaii for the APEC Leaders Meeting, and in a few days we will meet again in Bali for the East Asia Summit and the U.S.-ASEAN Leaders Meeting. Our goal is to show demonstrably what we mean by a pivot to Asia, to strengthen the architecture of cooperation among the nations of the Pacific to address regional challenges, advance broad-based security, prosperity, democratic progress, and peace.
The United States looks to the Philippines and sees a trusted ally, a nation that shares our democratic values, and ancestral home for millions of Filipino Americans, an important trade and development partner, and may I add, a country with one of the highest Facebook penetration rates in the world. The Filipino people, like the American people, are eager to connect, to seize new opportunities, to have a voice in their own country and in global debates. And so let us work together to shape that shared future.
And I'll end today with just a personal comment, some praise for a native son of the Philippines who is making headlines across the world. We know that the Pac-man had another great victory. As I said in the last time I was in Manila, I am a major Pacman fan, and in the spirit of his sport and his success, let me say the United States will always be in the corner of the Philippines. We will always stand and fight with you to achieve the future we seek. Thank you all.
Foreign Secretary Del Rosario. Ladies and gentlemen, the year 2011 is a banner year for Philippines-U.S. relations. This year we are celebrating the 60th anniversary of the 1951 Philippines-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty as well as the 50th anniversary of the Peace Corps and US AID in the Philippines. The event is marked no less than by the visit of Secretary Clinton, to be followed by the meeting between President Aquino and President Obama in Indonesia on the 18th of November.
These milestones and high-level meetings have tested the multifaceted engagement between the Philippines and the United States, making it one of the most durable and dynamic strategic partnerships in the whole world.
Secretary Clinton and I had very fruitful discussions on a broad range of bilateral, regional, and global issues this morning. We exchanged views on how to employ the interlocking tools of development, diplomacy, and defense to weld a formidable, more focused, and efficient alliance that is results-oriented and forward-looking.
This morning we signed the Manila Declaration. It affirms the vigor of our alliance, especially at a time when the Philippines is facing challenges to its territorial integrity in the West Philippine Sea. As I mentioned earlier in the signing, a stronger, reliable Philippine defense in the West Philippine Sea upholds our common and shared interests to freedom of navigation, unimpeded commerce, and respect for international law.
The president also met with Secretary Clinton today and discussed areas where their priorities converge and how the Philippines and the U.S. can work in these areas together. We are charting the course of our relations by seizing vast opportunities to grow our economies, open by the fastest-growing region in the world, the Asia Pacific.
The Philippines and the U.S. blazed a trail in development-oriented collaboration in Asia. We jointly embark on a mission to win a sustainable and broad-based economic growth in our country through the Partnership for Growth. A stronger economy for the Philippines is a stronger ally for the United States and the region. We are committing ourselves in implementing policies that will catalyze a kind of economic growth that would have a perceptible impact on the lives of average Filipinos across the nation. By unlocking the Philippines’ potential for economic growth, the Partner for Growth will boost the Aquino administration's drive to unleash our country's capacity to create equal opportunities for everyone.
There is much reservoir of goodwill across both sides of the Pacific. I am confident that our partnership will gather more steam as our engagement intensifies in every front. I thank you.
Announcement from President Obama and Australian Prime Minister Gillard, November 16, 2011Footnote 17
Today, Prime Minister Gillard and President Obama announced two new force posture initiatives that will significantly enhance defence cooperation between Australia and the United States.
Coming on the 60th anniversary of the ANZUS Alliance, these initiatives strengthen an already robust partnership that has been an anchor of stability and peace in the Asia-Pacific region. They reflect our enduring and visible commitment to strengthening regional security and will increase interoperability between Australian and U.S. forces.
Starting next year, Australia will welcome the deployment of U.S. Marines to Darwin and Northern Australia, for around six months at a time, where they will conduct exercises and training on a rotational basis with the Australian Defence Force. The initial deployment will consist of a small liaison element and a company of 250 U.S. Marines. The intent in the coming years is to establish a rotational presence of up to a 2,500 person Marine Air Ground Task Force (MAGTF). The U.S. Marines will exercise and train on a rotational basis with the Australian Defence Force in the Northern Territory.
The leaders also agreed to closer cooperation between the Royal Australian Air Force and the U.S. Air Force that will result in increased rotations of U.S. aircraft through northern Australia. This will enhance bilateral collaboration and offer greater opportunities for combined training and exercises. Select equipment and supplies in support of these initiatives will be prepositioned in these locations to facilitate exercises and training. These joint initiatives, which will take place in Australian facilities, are part of an ongoing review of U.S. force posture in the Asia-Pacific region intended to pursue a more geographically distributed, operationally resilient and politically sustainable military presence in this region. They will further enhance the capabilities of both partners by increasing opportunities for combined training, deepening interoperability, and enabling both countries to work together even more effectively to pursue common interests. Moreover, these initiatives will better position both nations to join with other partners to respond in a timely and effective manner to a range of contingencies in the Asia-Pacific, including humanitarian assistance and disaster relief.
Remarks by President Obama and Indian Prime Minister Singh, November 17, 2011Footnote 18
President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Bali, Indonesia
President Obama. Well, it is a great pleasure, once again, to meet with my dear friend, Prime Minister Singh, and his delegation.
Last year around this time, I embarked on what was an extraordinary trip to India, in which we continued to strengthen the bonds, both commercial, on the security side, and strategic between the world's two largest democracies. And since that time, we've continued to make progress on a wide range of issues. The bonds between our countries are not just at the leadership level, but they're, obviously, at the person-to-person level given the extraordinary contributions of Indian Americans to our culture, our politics, and our economy.
This will be a outstanding opportunity for us to continue to explore how we can work together, not only on bilateral issues but also in multilateral fora, like the East Asia Summit, which we believe can be the premiere arena for us to be able to work together on a wide range of issues, such as maritime security or nonproliferation, as well as expanding the kind of cooperation on disaster relief and humanitarian aid that's so important.
So, Mr. Prime Minister, it's wonderful to see you again. I look forward to a productive discussion, and I very much appreciate all our cooperation.
Prime Minister Singh. Mr. President, it's always a great pleasure and privilege to greet you. And I recall with immense pleasure your historic visit to our country by the same time last year. And in the last one year, we have made progress in every direction, strengthening our bilateral cooperation—in the economy, investment, trade, in the field of higher education, in the field of clean energy, and strategy and defense relations.
And I am very happy to report to you that there are, today, no irritants whatsoever in our working together on a multiplicity of areas, both bilateral, regional, and global issues. It's a privilege for India to find you and your administration as deeply invested in ensuring that India makes a success of its historic journey to have the social and economic transformation carried out in the framework of an open society, a democratic polity, committed to the rule of law, and respect for full human freedoms.
Mr. President, in the last one year, we have strengthened in many ways the path that you set out in your historic visit. And whether it is in civil nuclear cooperation, whether it is in humanitarian relief and disaster management, maritime security—all these are issues which unite us in our quest for a world free from the threat of war, want and exploitation.
With these words, I once again thank you for giving me this opportunity to meet with you. And that's something which the people of India value a great deal. To find the goodwill that you have shown in your presidency is something we deeply appreciate.
Remarks by President Obama, November 17, 2011Footnote 19
President Barack Obama gave these remarks in Darwin, Australia
Introductory Remarks Omitted
President Obama. I'm proud to be the first U.S. President ever to visit the Northern Territory.
I want to begin by respectfully acknowledging the Traditional Owners of this Land and their elders, past and present. You are one of the world's oldest continuous cultures. And I want you to know that your strength, your dignity is an inspiration to me and people all around the world.
I'm not going to give a big speech. It's a little hot. I already gave a big speech. What I really want to do is spend a little time shaking some hands.
Audience Member. Yes!
President Obama. I'm not sure I'm going to be able to reach all the way back there.
As the Prime Minister said, we're celebrating the 60th anniversary of our great alliance. And we couldn't think of a better group to do it with than you. All of you are the backbone of our alliance. It's an honor to be here with Australia's legendary Diggers. You are some of the toughest warriors in the world. And so are another group of folks here today—our extraordinary United States Marines.
Aussies and Americans like you have stood together since World War I, the war in which so much of your national character was born—your incredible ANZAC Spirit.
But, in a sense, it was here, in Darwin, where our alliance was born—during “Australia's Pearl Harbor.” Against overwhelming odds, our forces fought back, with honor and with courage. The Prime Minister and I just paid our respects at the memorial to one of the ships lost that day—the USS Peary. And we looked out at those beautiful blue waters, where so many Australians and Americans rest where they fell, together.
The days after Darwin were tough. Some thought Australia might fall. But we dusted ourselves off. We picked ourselves up. We rebuilt. And thanks to the extraordinary generation of troops, we went on to victory—in the Coral Sea and at Midway and at Milne Bay.
When that war was won, and as another raged in Korea, our countries forged a new alliance. We pledged our “collective defense for the preservation of peace and security.” And that's a promise we've kept ever since.
As I said in Parliament earlier today, our alliance is rooted in the bonds between our people, and the democratic values that we share and our commitment to stand with each other through thick and through thin, no matter what.
That includes Afghanistan. I know many of you served there, including proud members of the 1st Brigade. Like generations before you, you've lived and served alongside your American colleagues—day in and day out. You work together so well, it's often said you can't tell where our guys end and you guys begin. Today, I want to say thank you. Thank you for a job well done. Thank you for your incredible sacrifices. Thank you for your families’ sacrifices. And welcome home.
Others among you served in Iraq, and on dangerous missions around the globe. Among us today are families whose loved ones made the ultimate sacrifice in today's wars. This morning, the Prime Minister and I paid our respects at the Australian War Memorial.
And in that magnificent space I saw the Roll of Honor, with the names of your fallen heroes, including those from Afghanistan. And to their families, I say—no words are sufficient for the depth of your sacrifice. But we will honor your loved ones by completing their mission, by making sure Afghanistan is never again used to attack our people. And I am confident that we are going to succeed.
Now, here in Darwin and Northern Australia, we'll write the next proud chapter in our alliance. As the Prime Minister and I announced yesterday, some of our Marines will begin rotating through these parts to train and exercise with you, and to work as partners across the region for the security we all want.
Today, on behalf of the American people, I want to thank the people of this community for welcoming our men and women in uniform. We are grateful for your friendship and we are grateful for your hospitality.
So we're deepening our alliance—and this is the perfect place to do it. I know the training conditions around here are tough—at least that's what I've heard. Big, open spaces. Harsh weather. Mozzies. Snakes. Crocs. In fact, I was just presented with the most unique gift I've ever received as President—crocodile insurance. My wife, Michelle, will be relieved. I have to admit that when we reformed health care in America, crocodile insurance is one thing we left out.
But there's another reason we're deepening our alliance here. This region has some of the busiest sea lanes in the world, which are critical to all our economies. And in times of crisis—from the Bali bombings to East Timor to relief after a tsunami—Darwin has been a hub, moving out aid, caring for victims, making sure that we do right by the people of this region. And that's what we're going to keep doing, together.
Going forward, our purpose is the same as it was 60 years ago—“the preservation of peace and security.” And in a larger sense, you're answering the question once posed by the great Banjo Paterson. Of Australia, he wrote, “Hath she the strength for the burden laid upon her, hath she the power to protect and guard her own?”
Well, generations of Australians—and you, its men and women in uniform—have given your answer. And America has been honored to stand with you, as allies with an enduring commitment to human freedom.
On this 60th anniversary, we are saying together, proudly: Yes, we have the strength for the burden laid upon us, and we have the power to protect and guard our own, here in the Asia Pacific and all around the world.
So thank you all for your extraordinary service. And thank you for representing the very best of our two countries. God bless Australia. God bless America. And God bless the great alliance between our two peoples. Thank you very much.
Remarks by President Obama, November 17, 2011Footnote 20
President Barack Obama gave these remarks before the Australian Parliament in Canberra, Australia
Introductory Remarks Omitted
President Obama. The bonds between us run deep. In each other's story we see so much of ourselves. Ancestors who crossed vast oceans—some by choice, some in chains. Settlers who pushed west across sweeping plains. Dreamers who toiled with hearts and hands to lay railroads and to build cities. Generations of immigrants who, with each new arrival, add a new thread to the brilliant tapestry of our nations. And we are citizens who live by a common creed—no matter who you are, no matter what you look like, everyone deserves a fair chance; everyone deserves a fair go.
Of course, progress in our society has not always come without tensions, or struggles to overcome a painful past. But we are countries with a willingness to face our imperfections, and to keep reaching for our ideals. That's the spirit we saw in this chamber three years ago, as this nation inspired the world with a historic gesture of reconciliation with Indigenous Australians. It's the spirit of progress, in America, which allows me to stand before you today, as President of the United States. And it's the spirit I'll see later today when I become the first U.S. President to visit the Northern Territory, where I'll meet the Traditional Owners of the Land.
Nor has our progress come without great sacrifice. This morning, I was humbled and deeply moved by a visit to your war memorial to pay my respects to Australia's fallen sons and daughters. Later today, in Darwin, I'll join the Prime Minister in saluting our brave men and women in uniform. And it will be a reminder that—from the trenches of the First World War to the mountains of Afghanistan—Aussies and Americans have stood together, we have fought together, we have given lives together in every single major conflict of the past hundred years. Every single one.
This solidarity has sustained us through a difficult decade. We will never forget the attacks of 9/11, that took the lives not only of Americans, but people from many nations, including Australia. In the United States, we will never forget how Australia invoked the ANZUS Treaty—for the first time ever—showing that our two nations stood as one. And none of us will ever forget those we've lost to al Qaeda's terror in the years since, including innocent Australians.
And that's why, as both the Prime Minister and the Opposition Leader indicated, we are determined to succeed in Afghanistan. It is why I salute Australia—outside of NATO, the largest contributor of troops to this vital mission. And it's why we honor all those who have served there for our security, including 32 Australian patriots who gave their lives, among them Captain Bryce Duffy, Corporal Ashley Birt, and Lance Corporal Luke Gavin. We will honor their sacrifice by making sure that Afghanistan is never again used as a source for attacks against our people. Never again.
As two global partners, we stand up for the security and the dignity of people around the world. We see it when our rescue workers rush to help others in times of fire and drought and flooding rains. We see it when we partner to keep the peace—from East Timor to the Balkans—and when we pursue our shared vision: a world without nuclear weapons. We see it in the development that lifts up a child in Africa; the assistance that saves a family from famine; and when we extend our support to the people of the Middle East and North Africa, who deserve the same liberty that allows us to gather in this great hall of democracy.
This is the alliance we reaffirm today—rooted in our values; renewed by every generation. This is the partnership we worked to deepen over the past three years. And today I can stand before you and say with confidence that the alliance between the United States and Australia has never been stronger. It has been to our past; our alliance continues to be indispensable to our future. So here, among close friends, I'd like to address the larger purpose of my visit to this region—our efforts to advance security, prosperity and human dignity across the Asia Pacific.
For the United States, this reflects a broader shift. After a decade in which we fought two wars that cost us dearly, in blood and treasure, the United States is turning our attention to the vast potential of the Asia Pacific region. In just a few weeks, after nearly nine years, the last American troops will leave Iraq and our war there will be over. In Afghanistan, we've begun a transition—a responsible transition—so Afghans can take responsibility for their future and so coalition forces can begin to draw down. And with partners like Australia, we've struck major blows against al Qaeda and put that terrorist organization on the path to defeat, including delivering justice to Osama bin Laden.
So make no mistake, the tide of war is receding, and America is looking ahead to the future that we must build. From Europe to the Americas, we've strengthened alliances and partnerships. At home, we're investing in the sources of our long-term economic strength—the education of our children, the training of our workers, the infrastructure that fuels commerce, the science and the research that leads to new breakthroughs. We've made hard decisions to cut our deficit and put our fiscal house in order—and we will continue to do more. Because our economic strength at home is the foundation of our leadership in the world, including here in the Asia Pacific.
Our new focus on this region reflects a fundamental truth—the United States has been, and always will be, a Pacific nation. Asian immigrants helped build America, and millions of American families, including my own, cherish our ties to this region. From the bombing of Darwin to the liberation of Pacific islands, from the rice paddies of Southeast Asia to a cold Korean Peninsula, generations of Americans have served here, and died here—so democracies could take root; so economic miracles could lift hundreds of millions to prosperity. Americans have bled with you for this progress, and we will not allow it—we will never allow it to be reversed.
Here, we see the future. As the world's fastest-growing region—and home to more than half the global economy—the Asia Pacific is critical to achieving my highest priority, and that's creating jobs and opportunity for the American people. With most of the world's nuclear power and some half of humanity, Asia will largely define whether the century ahead will be marked by conflict or cooperation, needless suffering or human progress.
As President, I have, therefore, made a deliberate and strategic decision—as a Pacific nation, the United States will play a larger and long-term role in shaping this region and its future, by upholding core principles and in close partnership with our allies and friends.
Let me tell you what this means. First, we seek security, which is the foundation of peace and prosperity. We stand for an international order in which the rights and responsibilities of all nations and all people are upheld. Where international law and norms are enforced. Where commerce and freedom of navigation are not impeded. Where emerging powers contribute to regional security, and where disagreements are resolved peacefully. That's the future that we seek.
Now, I know that some in this region have wondered about America's commitment to upholding these principles. So let me address this directly. As the United States puts our fiscal house in order, we are reducing our spending. And, yes, after a decade of extraordinary growth in our military budgets—and as we definitively end the war in Iraq, and begin to wind down the war in Afghanistan—we will make some reductions in defense spending.
Our new focus on this region reflects a fundamental truth—the United States has been, and always will be, a Pacific nation.
As we consider the future of our armed forces, we've begun a review that will identify our most important strategic interests and guide our defense priorities and spending over the coming decade. So here is what this region must know. As we end today's wars, I have directed my national security team to make our presence and mission in the Asia Pacific a top priority. As a result, reductions in U.S. defense spending will not—I repeat, will not—come at the expense of the Asia Pacific.
My guidance is clear. As we plan and budget for the future, we will allocate the resources necessary to maintain our strong military presence in this region. We will preserve our unique ability to project power and deter threats to peace. We will keep our commitments, including our treaty obligations to allies like Australia. And we will constantly strengthen our capabilities to meet the needs of the 21st century. Our enduring interests in the region demand our enduring presence in the region. The United States is a Pacific power, and we are here to stay.
Indeed, we are already modernizing America's defense posture across the Asia Pacific. It will be more broadly distributed—maintaining our strong presence in Japan and the Korean Peninsula, while enhancing our presence in Southeast Asia. Our posture will be more flexible—with new capabilities to ensure that our forces can operate freely. And our posture will be more sustainable, by helping allies and partners build their capacity, with more training and exercises.
We see our new posture here in Australia. The initiatives that the Prime Minister and I announced yesterday will bring our two militaries even closer together. We'll have new opportunities to train with other allies and partners, from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean. And it will allow us to respond faster to the full range of challenges, including humanitarian crises and disaster relief.
Since World War II, Australians have warmly welcomed American service members who've passed through. On behalf of the American people, I thank you for welcoming those who will come next, as they ensure that our alliance stays strong and ready for the tests of our time.
We see America's enhanced presence in the alliance that we've strengthened: In Japan, where our alliance remains a cornerstone of regional security. In Thailand, where we're partnering for disaster relief. In the Philippines, where we're increasing ship visits and training. And in South Korea, where our commitment to the security of the Republic of Korea will never waver. Indeed, we also reiterate our resolve to act firmly against any proliferation activities by North Korea. The transfer of nuclear materials or material by North Korea to states or non-state entities would be considered a grave threat to the United States and our allies, and we would hold North Korea fully accountable for the consequences of such action.
We see America's enhanced presence across Southeast Asia—in our partnership with Indonesia against piracy and violent extremism, and in our work with Malaysia to prevent proliferation; in the ships we'll deploy to Singapore, and in our closer cooperation with Vietnam and Cambodia; and in our welcome of India as it “looks east” and plays a larger role as an Asian power.
At the same time, we'll reengage with our regional organizations. Our work in Bali this week will mark my third meeting with ASEAN leaders, and I'll be proud to be the first American President to attend the East Asia Summit. And together, I believe we can address shared challenges, such as proliferation and maritime security, including cooperation in the South China Sea.
Meanwhile, the United States will continue our effort to build a cooperative relationship with China. All of our nations—Australia, the United States—all of our nations have a profound interest in the rise of a peaceful and prosperous China. That's why the United States welcomes it. We've seen that China can be a partner from reducing tensions on the Korean Peninsula to preventing proliferation. And we'll seek more opportunities for cooperation with Beijing, including greater communication between our militaries to promote understanding and avoid miscalculation. We will do this, even as we continue to speak candidly to Beijing about the importance of upholding international norms and respecting the universal human rights of the Chinese people.
A secure and peaceful Asia is the foundation for the second area in which America is leading again, and that's advancing our shared prosperity. History teaches us the greatest force the world has ever known for creating wealth and opportunity is free markets. So we seek economies that are open and transparent. We seek trade that is free and fair. And we seek an open international economic system, where rules are clear and every nation plays by them.
In Australia and America, we understand these principles. We're among the most open economies on Earth. Six years into our landmark trade agreement, commerce between us has soared. Our workers are creating new partnerships and new products, like the advanced aircraft technologies we build together in Victoria. We're the leading investor in Australia, and you invest more in America than you do in any other nation, creating good jobs in both countries.
We recognize that economic partnerships can't just be about one nation extracting another's resources. We understand that no long-term strategy for growth can be imposed from above. Real prosperity—prosperity that fosters innovation, and prosperity that endures—comes from unleashing our greatest economic resource, and that's the entrepreneurial spirit, the talents of our people.
So even as America competes aggressively in Asian markets, we're forging the economic partnerships that create opportunity for all. Building on our historic trade agreement with South Korea, we're working with Australia and our other APEC partners to create a seamless regional economy. And with Australia and other partners, we're on track to achieve our most ambitious trade agreement yet, and a potential model for the entire region—the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
The United States remains the world's largest and most dynamic economy. But in an interconnected world, we all rise and fall together. That's why I pushed so hard to put the G20 at the front and center of global economic decision-making—to give more nations a leadership role in managing the international economy, including Australia. And together, we saved the world economy from a depression. And now, our urgent challenge is to create the growth that puts people to work.
We need growth that is fair, where every nation plays by the rules; where workers rights are respected, and our businesses can compete on a level playing field; where the intellectual property and new technologies that fuel innovation are protected; and where currencies are market driven so no nation has an unfair advantage.
We also need growth that is broad—not just for the few, but for the many—with reforms that protect consumers from abuse and a global commitment to end the corruption that stifles growth. We need growth that is balanced, because we will all prosper more when countries with large surpluses take action to boost demand at home.
And we need growth that is sustainable. This includes the clean energy that creates green jobs and combats climate change, which cannot be denied. We see it in the stronger fires, the devastating floods, the Pacific islands confronting rising seas. And as countries with large carbon footprints, the United States and Australia have a special responsibility to lead.
Every nation will contribute to the solution in its own way—and I know this issue is not without controversy, in both our countries. But what we can do—and what we are doing—is to work together to make unprecedented investments in clean energy, to increase energy efficiency, and to meet the commitments we made at Copenhagen and Cancun. We can do this, and we will.
As we grow our economies, we'll also remember the link between growth and good governance—the rule of law, transparent institutions, the equal administration of justice. Because history shows that, over the long run, democracy and economic growth go hand in hand. And prosperity without freedom is just another form of poverty.
And this brings me to the final area where we are leading—our support for the fundamental rights of every human being. Every nation will chart its own course. Yet it is also true that certain rights are universal; among them, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of religion, and the freedom of citizens to choose their own leaders.
These are not American rights, or Australian rights, or Western rights. These are human rights. They stir in every soul, as we've seen in the democracies that have succeeded here in Asia. Other models have been tried and they have failed—fascism and communism, rule by one man and rule by committee. And they failed for the same simple reason: They ignore the ultimate source of power and legitimacy—the will of the people. Yes, democracy can be messy and rough—I understand you mix it up quite well during Question Time. But whatever our differences of party or of ideology, we know in our democracies we are blessed with the greatest form of government ever known to man.
So as two great democracies, we speak up for those freedoms when they are threatened. We partner with emerging democracies, like Indonesia, to help strengthen the institutions upon which good governance depends. We encourage open government, because democracies depend on an informed and active citizenry. We help strengthen civil societies, because they empower our citizens to hold their governments accountable. And we advance the rights of all people—women, minorities and indigenous cultures—because when societies harness the potential of all their citizens, these societies are more successful, they are more prosperous and they are more just.
These principles have guided our approach to Burma, with a combination of sanctions and engagement. And today, Aung San Suu Kyi is free from house arrest. Some political prisoners have been released, and the government has begun a dialogue. Still, violations of human rights persist. So we will continue to speak clearly about the steps that must be taken for the government of Burma to have a better relationship with the United States.
This is the future we seek in the Asia Pacific—security, prosperity and dignity for all. That's what we stand for. That's who we are. That's the future we will pursue, in partnership with allies and friends, and with every element of American power. So let there be no doubt: In the Asia Pacific in the 21st century, the United States of America is all in.
Still, in times of great change and uncertainty, the future can seem unsettling. Across a vast ocean, it's impossible to know what lies beyond the horizon. But if this vast region and its people teach us anything, it's the yearning for liberty and progress will not be denied.
It's why women in this country demanded that their voices be heard, making Australia the first nation to let women vote and run for parliament and, one day, become Prime Minister. It's why the people took to the streets—from Delhi to Seoul, from Manila to Jakarta—to throw off colonialism and dictatorship and build some of the world's largest democracies.
It's why a soldier in a watchtower along the DMZ defends a free people in the South, and why a man from the North risks his life to escape across the border. Why soldiers in blue helmets keep the peace in a new nation. And why women of courage go into brothels to save young girls from modern-day slavery, which must come to an end.
It's why men of peace in saffron robes faced beatings and bullets, and why every day—from some of the world's largest cities to dusty rural towns, in small acts of courage the world may never see—a student posts a blog; a citizen signs a charter; an activist remains unbowed, imprisoned in his home, just to have the same rights that we cherish here today.
Men and women like these know what the world must never forget. The currents of history may ebb and flow, but over time they move—decidedly, decisively—in a single direction. History is on the side of the free—free societies, free governments, free economies, free people. And the future belongs to those who stand firm for those ideals, in this region and around the world.
This is the story of the alliance we celebrate today. This is the essence of America's leadership; it is the essence of our partnership. This is the work we will carry on together, for the security and prosperity and dignity of all people.
So God bless Australia. God bless America. And God bless the friendship between our two peoples.
Excerpts of Background Briefing on Burma by Senior Adminstration Officials, November 18, 2011Footnote 21
The following remarks were given in Bali, Indonesia
Senior Administration Official. Just to give you a bit of background—this comes after many months of engagement between the United States and Burma, which we can speak to.
The President, of course, had a policy of maintaining the very strong pressure that we apply on the Burmese government while also testing engagement. And we felt that this was an appropriate step given the movement by the Burmese government in a range of areas that we can discuss.
The only piece I'll just start with as relates to the President, he's been regularly briefed on this for some time now; he's discussed this with Secretary Clinton for some weeks now. The final piece as far as we were concerned that was very important to take place was for him to be able to call Aung San Suu Kyi last night to confirm that she was supportive of this engagement. He called her from Air Force One. He had a very substantive discussion with her where she was able to update him on her view of the political situation within Burma. And again, my colleagues can speak to that as well.
The President, I have to say, was very—this was his first conversation with Aung San Suu Kyi. He was very struck by both her substantive observations and her warmth. As he said to us, he has great—and as he said to her, he's long been a great admirer of hers for her struggle for democracy and human rights, and so it was a particularly meaningful conversation for the President—but also a friendly one. She even asked the President how Bo, the dog, was doing. So they were able to have a light series of moments as well.
But with that, I'll turn it over to my colleague to give you a little more background and then—
Q. How long was the call?
Senior Administration Official. I think it was about 20 minutes—20 minutes or so.
Senior Administration Official. Well, I can corroborate the reference to the dog. She asked after the family, asked after Bo, and said that she had a dog herself. But we'll have to wait until the next installment to find out more about her dog.
The President began, as you just heard, by expressing his great personal admiration for her for her commitment to democracy, to political freedom and to human rights, and indicated that he wanted to consult with her on the significance of the developments over the past few months in Burma and solicit her ideas and thoughts about the best approach. He made very clear that our goal is to see a Burma that's responsive to the will of the people and needs of the people of Burma, and one that promotes the well-being of all of the diverse peoples in that country.
She talked with the President about the developments and emphasized the importance of a reconciliation process in Burma that is fully inclusive. She encouraged the President to make clear to Burma's leaders that the U.S. will be willing to work with them if they are, in fact, demonstrating that they are willing to work with the world and with her.
She advised the President that it is valuable and important for there to be direct lines of clear communication between the U.S. and the leadership in Burma. She strongly welcomed the prospect of a visit by Secretary Clinton for the purpose of increased dialogue and engagement both with her and her associates and with the government there.
And I think that they agreed that the timing and sequence of developments from this point forward is important. They discussed Aung San Suu Kyi's thinking about the importance, as I've said, of reconciliation and putting an end to violence in the ethnic areas. And I think they both expressed a hope someday to be able to meet in person.
Senior Administration Official. They did, yes.
Senior Administration Official.
Thanks, and good to see you all this afternoon. Let me just give you a sense of how this has played out. As you know, in 2009, when the administration came into office, President Obama asked the Secretary of State to conduct a full review of our policy towards Burma. And after a period of close consultation—we began a consequential with key stakeholders on Capitol Hill, in the region—Southeast Asia, with China, Northeast Asian friends—and all of our interlocutors in Europe. I think we came to the conclusion that the policy of sanctions only was not addressing our strategic interests and so we began a process of attempting, while keeping our sanctions in place, to promote a systematic dialogue with both elements of the regime and also Aung San Suu Kyi.
We've had a series of visits, then, in 2009 and 2010. We first started to see real progress, however, late this summer, after a period in which contested elections led to a new leadership in Nay Pyi Taw. Thein Sein is the current President of the country, formerly was the prime minister, and in a very substantial set of steps over the course of the last three months has taken a number of specific things that we had asked them to do over the course of the last several months. I'll just give you what some of those things were.
We asked that the government begin a systematic dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi. And in fact, what we have seen is a very deep set of consultations emerge between her and key members of the government, and particularly the President himself. And she has said on several occasions that she believes that he is a man of goodwill, has the best interests of his country at heart, and she thinks that she can do business with him.
So I think we've been pleased by that and, as you know, that the parliament and the government had taken steps to allow the reregistration of her party—the NLD—and they are contemplating how to participate in the political life of the country going forward. So, indeed, the amendment of the political party's registration law allows for much broader participation of various political groups inside the country going forward.
The country still has a very large number of political prisoners, and we have seen the release of some 200 political prisoners in the last couple of weeks. It's not enough, but it clearly is a first step, and one that we welcome. But we need to see much further progress in this regard. And Aung San Suu Kyi and the President have underscored that to us in terms of our interactions directly.
There are a whole set of other laws that have been put in place, including new labor organization laws, that if effectively implemented would put Burma near the top of the list in terms of how labor issues are handled through Southeast Asia.
Media restrictions have been eased very substantially in the last several weeks. And in somewhat of a surprise move, the government suspended the building of a very large dam on the Irrawaddy, which is the legendary, almost mythic river of Burma.
The government also created a human rights commission and has begun very careful, but very responsible, constructive interactions with various international financial organizations, such as the IMF.
So what we've seen really across the board is a substantial set of steps that we thought indicated a seriousness of reform. And indeed, we think that the winds of change are blowing inside the country—but it's not far enough yet. And we believe that the best way to help entrench those changes and see them go further is by an active engagement. And that's why the President decided to send Secretary Clinton to Burma.
We will be in Burma on December 1st and we will have consultations both in Nay Pyi Taw and in Rangoon. So we're seeking a parallel engagement in which we work very closely with our interlocutors in the government, including the President, the foreign minister, members of the Parliament, but also, constructive dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi; critically, has been suggested, elements of what are called the ethnic minority groups that make up a large part of the country, and other discussions with civil organizations who have been involved in emergency response after Hurricane Nargis.
Joint Statement by President Obama and Indonesian President Yudhoyono, November 18, 2011Footnote 22
1. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and President Barack Obama met in Bali on November 18, 2011. The two presidents reaffirmed the deepening engagement between the two countries on regional and global issues since establishing the U.S.-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership in November 2010.
2. President Obama expressed the United States’ admiration for Indonesia's democratic transformation, and the two presidents reaffirmed their commitment to strengthen democracy and human rights in their own societies. President Obama welcomed Indonesia's leadership of the Bali Democracy Forum as part of Indonesia's democracy promotion efforts. President Obama also reiterated the United States’ support for Indonesia's national unity and territorial integrity.
3. President Obama congratulated Indonesia on its chairmanship of ASEAN and the East Asia Summit (EAS); its efforts to promote regional security, nonproliferation, and disarmament; and commitment to making democracy and human rights platforms for ASEAN's development.
4. President Yudhoyono welcomed the United States’ inclusion in the EAS, noting it was the first time a U.S. president participated in the Summit. The leaders affirmed the EAS as the region's premier forum for leaders to discuss strategic political and security issues.
5. The two presidents applauded the results of the second Comprehensive Partnership Joint Commission meeting that took place in Bali in July 2011 and emphasized the need to further deepen cooperation under the U.S.-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership's Plan of Action. The two leaders looked forward to the next session of the Joint Commission meeting in 2012.
6. The two presidents announced a $600 million Millennium Challenge Corporation Compact to support environmentally-sustainable economic development through clean energy projects and sustainable landscapes projects, community-based nutrition programs, and procurement modernization.
7. The two presidents welcomed the outcome of the Indonesia-U.S. Security Dialogue (IUSSD) in Jakarta on September 22-23, 2011 and announced the planned transfer and upgrade of 24 Excess Defense Article F-16s to the Indonesian Air Force.
8. The two presidents celebrated the success of the U.S.-Indonesia Higher Education Summit, October 31, 2011 in Washington, D.C. The two presidents also reaffirmed their support for increased education opportunities that will benefit students from both nations and enhance people-to-people ties, and welcomed continued progress in the U.S.-Indonesia Higher Education Partnership. The two presidents welcomed the commemoration of the 60th anniversary of Fulbright in Indonesia and the 20th anniversary of the American-Indonesian Exchange Foundation (AMINEF).
9. The two presidents noted their growing cooperation to address climate change and environmental challenges. The two presidents welcomed the signing of a second Tropical Forest Conservation Act debt-for-nature swap, as well as progress by the Indonesia Climate Change Center on science-based policy recommendations for peat lands, as milestones in bilateral efforts on conservation, biodiversity and climate change. They also agreed to work together, including through the Major Economies Forum on Energy and Climate and other international fora, to achieve a successful outcome at the upcoming climate change negotiations in Durban, South Africa.
10. The two presidents also noted the expanded cooperation on clean and renewable energy under the auspices of the U.S.-Indonesia Energy Policy Dialogue.
11. The two presidents reaffirmed the need for decisive action to achieve sustainable global food security. The two presidents set a goal of substantially increasing bilateral trade in food, fisheries, and sustainably managed forestry products, which will expand employment opportunities for both nations. The two presidents welcomed the development of the Advanced Science Center for Agriculture and Food Security and committed to bilateral efforts to increase agricultural productivity and sustainable fisheries.
12. President Yudhoyono appreciates President Obama's approval of the extension of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) facility to Indonesia on October 21, 2011. The two presidents reaffirmed their commitment to expanding commercial ties, noting that the newly-launched Commercial Dialogue will further expand trade opportunities and job creation. The two presidents welcomed the significant expansion of bilateral trade and investment, benefitting both countries’ economies.
13. The two presidents welcomed the construction of Indonesia's Santi Dharma Peacekeeping Center, with U.S. support, as an important step forward in fulfilling Indonesia's ambitious goals for increasing its peacekeeping contributions around the world.
14. The two presidents celebrated the ongoing success of Peace Corps in Indonesia and reaffirmed their support for the program's expansion on a gradual basis.
15. Under the framework of our bilateral Science and Technology Agreement, President Obama and President Yudhoyono decided to convene a new senior-level science and technology dialogue in the coming year and to strengthen joint research, education, and exchange opportunities.
16. The two presidents reaffirmed their commitment to work together in the area of public health to meet Millennium Development Goals to reduce deaths of young children and women in childbirth and to stem the spread of infectious diseases, especially tuberculosis, HIV/AIDS, and avian influenza.
17. The two presidents reaffirmed the importance of EAS and reaffirmed their commitment to working together—including through international fora—to promote peace and prosperity in both countries, the region, and the world. They expressed their commitment to work together with ASEAN and other regional partners to address key challenges in the region, including maritime security, disaster preparedness and relief, and nonproliferation.
18. President Yudhoyono congratulated President Obama on the success of the U.S. Chairmanship of APEC 2011. President Obama expressed U.S. support for Indonesia's APEC Chairmanship in 2013.
19. President Yudhoyono welcomed President Obama's creation of the Open Government Partnership to improve government transparency, and the two leaders committed to rapidly implementing their national action plans. President Obama thanked Indonesia for its leadership on the steering committee of the Open Government Partnership.
20. The two presidents reaffirmed the importance of the G20 as the premier international economic forum, and discussed their efforts to promote economic recovery and create jobs by implementing the Cannes Summit commitments, and call on all G20 members to make progress on achieving G20 goals.
21. The two presidents reaffirmed their commitment to advancing the U.S.-Indonesia Comprehensive Partnership as a dynamic and enduring partnership that contributes to the security and prosperity of both countries. They also committed to work together to find solutions to strengthen international peace and cooperation in light of ongoing global economic conditions, political transitions, and other transnational challenges.
Excerpts of Statement by Secretary of State Clinton, November 18, 2011Footnote 23
Secretary Hillary Clinton gave these remarks in Bali, Indonesia
Secretary Clinton. Now we, I think, each recognize that economic policy is foreign policy, and foreign policy is economic policy. And by strengthening the diplomacy and presence abroad, we can strengthen our economies back home, and actually, vice versa. And the United States recognizes that, so we are making a pivot, a pivot toward the Asia Pacific region, where we intend to be a diplomatic, economic, and strategic force for the 21st century.
And it is especially important that we work toward the integration of the Asia-Pacific region, because the potential here matters more than ever, first and foremost to the people who live here, but indeed to those living across the globe. This region has the world's fastest rising economies, with GDP growth at an average of better than 6.5 percent a year despite the global slowdown. And with natural resources, untapped markets, a massive consumer base, and unlimited human potential, we expect that to continue to grow.
But we still have more work to do between the United States and ASEAN countries. Trade between the United States and Southeast Asia has tripled over the past 20 years, but it is still just 6 percent of our global trade. And even though American investments in ASEAN countries more than doubled last year, we know we can do better.
How do we grow together to maximize broad, inclusive, sustainable growth that provides real benefits for all of our people? Well, we have to start by insisting on economic competition that is open, free, transparent, and fair. That means taking on rules that prevent foreign investors from competing with local businesses to produce better goods and services. It means lowering trade barriers that stop the flow of ideas, information, products, and capital across borders. It means letting outside investors compete under the same rules as the inside players. And it makes it absolutely imperative that everyone knows what the rules are. When any of these principles are ignored, when people no longer believe they can trade, invest, create jobs, or improve their lives on an even playing field, then the absence of fairness undermines economic growth.
Now let me describe briefly four ways that we want to work with you: first, by lowering trade barriers; second, by strengthening the investment climate; third, by pursuing commercial diplomacy; and fourth, by supporting entrepreneurs. We're excited about the innovative trade agreement called the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP. That would bring economies from across the Pacific, developed and developing alike, into a single trading community, not only to create more growth, but better growth. Not just to lower tariffs, but raise standards on the environment, protections for workers, intellectual property, and innovation. We want to create a cutting-edge trading community that promotes the free flow of information technology and the spread of green technology that helps us harmonize our regulations and build more efficient supply chains together.
We are also working to ensure that the TPP is the first trade pact designed specifically to reduce barriers for small and medium-sized enterprises, and that all companies are treated fairly, regardless of their size, or whether their owners sit in boardrooms or government ministries.
But lowering barriers is not enough, and that's why we share ASEAN's vision for strengthening the roads, rails, ports, power stations, and other infrastructure required for the efficient flow of goods and services. When it—this was, I have to say, very surprising to me, just one of many examples that I was given, but this one I chose because we're in Indonesia—when it is cheaper and easier for an Indonesian shipping company to send its cargo almost a thousand miles away to Singapore than to one of its own islands which has inadequate ports and facilities, that is a breakdown of connectivity. So we are very pleased that the Government of Indonesia has unveiled its plan to improve transportation links among its 17,000 islands, and to other points around the region. And we encourage other ASEAN nations. Through the U.S.-ASEAN connectivity cooperation initiative, we are supporting project designs to build infrastructure that can support economies and create jobs.
The second element is investment. Improvements in Indonesia's investment climate have encouraged American companies like Caterpillar to build new plants here. We think that is a benefit for both sides. Indonesian entrepreneurs who participated in the regional entrepreneurship summit that I addressed last July recently went to Silicon Valley to talk with their counterparts about venture capital. And companies in ASEAN continue to look for new opportunities in the U.S. as they become more global in their operations.
Third is commercial diplomacy. We have to advocate for businesses, and make sure that they do compete on a level playing field. It is somewhat strange that when a young hawker of goods on the streets of Manila can sell a bootleg copy of a major Hollywood movie on the very day of its release, then we have to stand up for intellectual property.
And when governments impose unfair terms on our companies just to enter or expand into a new market, we need to push back. For example, a remanufacturing plant that American Caterpillar recently opened in Singapore would not have gone forward without a year of negotiations and support from our Embassy officers there.
And we were very pleased that the kind of advocacy to make sure that people are getting a fair shake recently led to some positive outcomes for American companies. For example, Boeing finalized the sale of aircraft worth more than $3 billion to Thai Airways. And just this week, we have these developments: Boeing and Lion Air, here in Indonesia, have agreed on a $21.7 billion deal for a supply of 240 new model 737 aircraft. GE Aviation is signing a $1.3 billion contract with Garuda Airlines for the supply and maintenance of new aircraft engines. And GE and Indonesian rail company PT Kereta Api has just announced an agreement to supply 100 trains to Java. Now that's win-win for both sides. And we also are looking not just out for our big companies, but also our small and medium-sized ones as well.
Fourth, we must support entrepreneurship. That's in America's DNA. It's part of what defines us. And we are very excited about entrepreneurship emphasis in the Obama Administration. And certainly as we look across the Asia Pacific, there are so many young people who are so tech-savvy, they have the potential to become one of the biggest drivers of prosperity in the world.
But too often we don't see entrepreneurs and small businesses getting the same kind of help that they need. We have to be very careful about that in our own country. That's why we created something called the Small Business Administration, because we know that large companies very often will get the door open and get through it before small companies even know there is a contract to be had. And we think governments need to be very self-conscious about not giving so many preferences to large companies.
So that's one of the reasons we established the Global Entrepreneurship Program, another initiative called Partnerships for a New Beginning, because we want to advocate not only for our own small businesses, but for small businesses elsewhere, because after all, small businesses provide employment for far more people than all the big businesses in the world combined. So we, as governments, have to pay more attention to small businesses and entrepreneurs. So there is a lot of work ahead of us. The Global Partnership Initiative, which works to connect governments and the private sector, is another way that we're trying to break through red tape and bureaucracy and just get connected, people to people.
Excerpts of Statement by U.S. Ambassador and Alternate Representative for Special Political Affairs to the United Nations DeLaurentis, November 22, 2011Footnote 24
Ambassador Jeffrey DeLaurentis made these remarks before the U.N. Security Council in New York
Ambassador DeLaurentis. The Secretary General's report provides us with an important opportunity to discuss the needs of Timor-Leste to reflect on the progress of UNMIT's planned withdrawal and to begin long-term planning for future United Nations engagement in the country.
Allow me to address four issues today. First, the United States is pleased and encouraged that the security situation in Timor-Leste continues to be stable and that security sector reform efforts continue to bear fruit. The transition of primary policing responsibilities last March from UNMIT to the Timorese national police was a critical step to in developing the capacity of national institutions to promote enduring security in Timor-Leste. We appreciate UNMIT's essential support to the PNTL and recognize the PNTL's successes in strengthening its own capacity. We also acknowledge and commend the commitment of the Timorese defense forces to enhance its professionalism and build its readiness including its ability to respond to natural disasters and humanitarian emergencies. Work remains to be done, however. Continued efforts to professionalize the national police and military are necessary. We encourage the government of Timor-Leste to focus on establishing well-defined roles for the police and military. This is especially important as Timor-Leste moves toward elections in 2012. The United States is committed to supporting the continuing development of the military and police forces through professional exchanges, training, and exercises.
Second, as mentioned, Timor-Leste will hold presidential and parliamentary elections in the first half of 2012. The importance of organizing and holding free, fair, transparent, and peaceful elections cannot be overstated. We urge all political parties to respect the outcome of the democratic process and to conduct political activities peacefully. The United States is pleased to support the government of Timor-Leste's request for election monitors and civic and voter education programs. We urge the international community to provide additional support to the election process.
Third, I would like to reiterate the importance of government institutions in capacity building in Timor-Leste. The strengthening of rule of law and governance institutions is critical to Timor-Leste's future stability and we urge continued international support for this effort. The increased participation of women in the national police and politics is laudable and should be replicated across all institutions. Praise is also due to the government of Timor-Leste for its progress in promoting anti-corruption and transparency initiatives, including the establishment of the anti-corruption commission as well as other initiatives. We urge further work on institutionalizing government accountability, providing access to justice, and resolving truth and reconciliation issues, including the establishment of a memory institute. Strong institutions devoted to the protection of human rights, the promotion of national prosperity, and the achievement of accountability across all levels of society are critical to long-term stability in Timor-Leste.
Finally, I would like to highlight the impressive level of collaboration between UNMIT and the government of Timor-Leste in developing and ratifying the Joint Transition Plan. The plan will guide the complete withdrawal of UNMIT by the end of 2012. We encourage UNMIT and the government to continue with its implementation consistently and systematically. As the 2012 elections approach, the intensity of electoral preparations will increase and it may prove difficult to maintain simultaneous preparations for UNMIT's eventual withdrawal. We urge UNMIT and the government of Timor-Leste to avoid delaying the implementation of the transition plan and to continue engaging international partners to ensure that capability gaps are quickly identified and filled.
With UNMIT's withdrawal a little over a year away we have the opportunity to think collectively about the future engagement of the United Nations, including the Security Council, in Timor-Leste. The United States believes that international support for the development of Timor-Leste will continue to be critical to the country's future. We remain committed to a sustained dialogue with the government and other stakeholders regarding a post-UNMIT UN presence in the country. The good offices of the UN, and other international support systems, will be integral to the continued development of Timor-Leste and will provide opportunities for Timor-Leste to contribute to these institutions as well. This mutually beneficial relationship is already starting to develop. Timor-Leste has progressed from a country that needs a peace-keeping force to a country that contributes to peacekeeping forces.
Excerpts of Press Briefing by Senior State Department Officials, December 1, 2011Footnote 25
The following briefing was given in Rangoon, Burma
Q. In terms of the talks with Suu Kyi, what is the Secretary going to be looking for beyond the obvious general things? I mean, one issue, of course, as the Secretary has pointed out, is there not being any end to sanctions right now but the U.S. is looking for progress []. End to sanctions that the U.S. is looking for. Does it mean that with Suu Kyi, you might be looking at what would be the conditions which would be right to ease the sanctions?
Senior State Department Official One. Well, I think that there are a number of things that we're going to want to explore with her, and I think that began tonight. I think the Secretary asked her about her intentions for running for election. I think you'll hear in the next couple of days, but she's been fairly clear about it in her public statements. I think she's very clearly leaning towards running. I think she was asking the Secretary for pointers about what it's like entering the public fray.
I think the Secretary's very interested to hear from Daw Suu about the kinds of discussions that she's had with the government about steps ahead. I think we've been able to go through—and we could do it again –but it's very clear, over the course of the last three months, they've taken a number of steps in terms of some new legislation, dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, allowing the NLD to participate, a variety of things. But clearly, what's important to the Secretary and to Daw Suu is the plan ahead.
What we heard from each of our interlocutors today were specifics about a very comprehensive set of initiatives that the government intends to put in place, ranging from further prisoner releases, very clear commitments on ending military ties with North Korea, issues associated with what they believe is a new approach to ending ethnic violence and beginning a process of national reconciliation, and general steps designed to just improve the quality of civic life.
And what was fascinating is not only were those underscored both in public and private sessions by President Thein Sein, but also in the sessions with both the upper and lower houses today. I think, as you heard from the Secretary—and she listened very carefully—I think her view is let's see what transpires on the ground. But she's going to be very interested to hear from Daw Suu about what her particular perspectives are. You may have seen that she appeared at a Council on Foreign Relations session yesterday in which she out quite directly and said, “Look, I trust Thein Sein, and I think he's working for the best interests of his country and the people.”
So I think the Secretary is going to be interested—obviously, Daw Suu spent a lot more time with—and then the Secretary has—about what her assessments are. And I think she's going to ask directly what can the United States do to be of assistance, what's appropriate. I'll be very clear. We told the government this as well. We talked directly in advance over the course of the last few months about the specifics of the steps that we were prepared to take with Daw Suu and many of her counterparts and others in civil society to make sure that we had calibrated correctly. And she was supportive of all the things that we had laid out. In fact, I think, as I said in one of our sessions, she was even encouraging of us doing further things that we thought at this time probably made sense for us to wait and see how things develop.
Senior State Department Official One.
The key here is developments and following through on commitments. And as the Secretary said in her statement today, really this is really not about rhetoric and it's not about positions or policies; it's actually about implementing change on the ground that affects people. And I think that's where we are, and I think our assessment is careful and realistic.
Senior State Department Official Two. If I can just jump in here, I think what was useful today was a frank, constructive discussion of a common agenda of issues, issues relating to opening the political process, issues relating to ethnic conflict, issues relating to prisoners, issues relating to legal reform and implementation, issues relating to nuclear nonproliferation and Korea—a common set of agenda and an open conversation. And as [Senior State Department Official One] said, the issue now is we've had a discussion about some of our concerns and some of the things we would like to see, and we will await action on the ground.
Senior State Department Official One. If I can—I just want to—just to—I think one of the things that we look for in dialogues in Asia, just to be—is a degree of openness and a desire to have a full discussion, as opposed to a situation where issues are off the table. And that's not uncommon in many of these countries. All I can tell you in our sessions today—very open, no issues off the table. And the Secretary had no problem interacting on any of the issues that we brought up. And they were studious in responding to each and every issue, whether it was North
Korea, issues associated with brutal ethnic violence that was being perpetuated in the northern territories.
And I'll just tell you, one of the most interesting things was at the very beginning of the session, President Thein Sein started by saying how important Burma's relationship was with China, and he went into some detail about how that was still going to be a critical relationship for them. And the Secretary came right back and said we welcome that. She stated a series of principles at the outset that we support the territorial integrity of the country, we support national reconciliation, we want neighborly—good neighborly relations between your country and others, and we are prepared to support your reform efforts if they maintain momentum.
And over lunch, it was interesting to hear the president talk a little bit about the relationship between Burma and India and China. And he said look, we sit astride an enormously important strategic crossroads of the 21st century between the two great powers that are emerging in India and China, and it's very important for us to have good relations with both and to maintain close coordination and contacts with both.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Aung San Suu Kyi, December 2, 2011Footnote 26
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Aung Sang Suu Kyi gave these remarks at Ms. Kyi's home in Rangoon
Ms. Suu Kyi. Are we all settled? I'd like to say that it's a great pleasure and a privilege for us… to welcome Secretary Clinton to my country and to my home. It's, I think, a historical moment for both our countries because we hope that from this meeting, we will be able to proceed to us renewing the ties of friendship and understanding that bound our countries together since independence. There has been times when that tie has weakened, but I don't think it was ever really broken. And we hope that from now on, not only will the understanding and friendship between our two countries be reestablished and strengthened, but we will bring in also other members of the international community who share our commitment to human dignity, to peace, to democratic institutions, and to sustainable development.
We are so happy that Secretary Clinton had very good meetings at Nay Pyi Taw, and we are happy with the way in which the United States is engaging with us. It is through engagement that we hope to promote the process of democratization. Because of this engagement, I think our way ahead will be clearer, and we will be able to trust that the process of democratization will go forward. For this, we do need the help not just of the United States, but of other members of the international community. We need capacity-building in Burma, we need technical assistance, we are very eager that the time will come soon when the World Bank can send in an assessment team to find out what it is that our country really needs.
Before we decide what steps to take, we have to find out what our greatest needs are. And of course, two of the greatest needs of this country are rule of law and a cessation to civil war. All hostilities must cease within this country as soon as possible. That will really build up ethnic harmony and peace and a union that is prosperous and stable.
Now, when I say rule of law, I must mention that rule of law is essential to prevent more prisoner—political prisoners from appearing in Burma. First of all, we need all those who are still in prison to be released, and we need to ensure that no more are arrested in future for their beliefs. This is why we put so much emphasis on rule of law, and I am confident that the United States and our other friends will help us in our endeavors to bring rule of law to this country, and also in our endeavors to help our country to develop its educational and health facilities, which are the basic needs of all our peoples.
Whatever we do in the predominantly Burmese areas, we hope to be matched by similar programs and projects in the ethnic nationality areas, because we are a union of many peoples. And in a union of many peoples, there must be equality, there must be consideration for those who are in gracious need. And to that end, we look to our friends from all over the world to help us to meet the needs of the people of our country.
I am very confident that if we all work together—and by “we,” I mean the Government of Burma, the opposition in Burma, our friends from the United States and all over the world who are committed to the same values—if we go forward together, I am confident that there will be no turning back from the road towards democracy. We are not on that road yet, but we hope to get there as soon as possible with the help and understanding of our friends.
I was very pleased to read today that the Chinese foreign ministry said—put out a statement welcoming the engagement of the United States and Burma. This shows that we have the support of the whole world. And I'm particularly pleased because we hope to maintain good, friendly relations with China, our very close neighbor—and not just with China, but with the rest of the world.
Now I think I must give time to Secretary Clinton, who you're all wishing to hear, because we are rather behind schedule.
Secretary Clinton. Well, I want to begin by not only thanking you for your hospitality and welcoming us all here to your home today, but for your steadfast and very clear leadership of the opposition and of many here in Burma whose voices would not otherwise be heard, including ethnic nationalities.
About the way forward, democracy is the goal. That has been the goal from the very beginning. And yet we know that it has been a long, very difficult path that has been followed. We do see openings today that, as Aung San Suu Kyi just said, give us some grounds for encouragement. My visit, both here with members of the opposition as well as representatives of civil society and the ethnic nationalities, in concert with my visit with government officials yesterday, is intended to explore the path forward.
The United States wants to be a partner with Burma. We want to work with you as you further democratization, as you release all political prisoners, as you begin the difficult but necessary process of ending the ethnic conflicts that have gone on far too long, as you hold elections that are free, fair, and credible. But we also, because of our close work with you, know that there's much work to be done to build the capacity of the government. This is going to be an area that we will continue to consult closely with you to see what kind, as you said, technical assistance might be offered. The rule of law is essential in any democracy, and we will also look for ways we can work to further that.
But let me conclude by underscoring that you have been an inspiration, but I know you feel that you are standing for all the people of your country who deserve the same rights and freedoms of people everywhere. The people have been courageous and strong in the face of great difficulty over too many years. We want to see this country take its rightful place in the world. We want to see every child here given the chance for a good education, for the healthcare that he or she needs, for a job that will support a family, for development not only in the cities, but in the rural areas as well.
So we hold the dream that you have so long represented to many of us around the world, and we want to be a partner with you, with the new government, and with all people of goodwill who want finally to see the future that is right there waiting realized for every single citizen. So thank you again for your gracious hospitality, but thank you even more for your leadership and your strong partnership with the United States.
Ms. Suu Kyi. I would like to thank—end with a last note of thanks, a word of thanks to President Obama and to the United States of America for working so closely with us throughout, consulting us along each step of the way, and for the careful and collaborated way in which they are approaching engagement in this country. This will be the beginning of a new future for all of us, provided we can maintain it, and we hope to be able to do so.
Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much.
Press Statement from President Obama, December 6, 2011Footnote 27
The United States welcomes Indonesia's ratification of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, (CTBT), which provides a strong example of the positive leadership role Indonesia can play in the global effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty is a critical element of the international effort to prevent the proliferation of nuclear weapons and I urge all states to sign and ratify the agreement so that it can be brought into force at the earliest possible date. The United States remains fully committed to pursuing ratification of the Test Ban Treaty and will continue to engage members of the Senate on the importance of this Treaty to U.S. security. America must lead the global effort to prevent proliferation, and adoption and early entry into force of the CTBT is a vital part of that effort.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Japanese Foreign Minister Gemba, December 29, 2011Footnote 28
Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Koichiro Gemba gave the following remarks in Washington, DC
Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. And it's an honor for me to welcome Foreign Minister Gemba to the State Department on his first official visit to Washington. He and I have closely consulted both by phone and in person several places, but it's a real pleasure to have you here. Japan and the United States share a strong and vibrant partnership. Our alliance helps safeguard regional security and is the cornerstone of U.S. strategic engagement throughout the Asia Pacific.
Today the foreign minister and I discussed the evolving situation on the Korean peninsula in light of the reports from North Korea state-owned media on the death of Kim Jong-il. We both share a common interest in a peaceful and stable transition in North Korea, as well as in ensuring regional peace and stability. We have been in close touch with our partners in the Six-Party Talks today. President Obama and President Lee spoke last night. I spoke with Foreign Minister Kim early this morning, and we are also reaching out to Beijing and Moscow, and, of course, closely coordinating with our Japanese friends. We reiterate our hope for improved relations with the people of North Korea and remain deeply concerned about their well-being.
The minister and I also discussed a number of bilateral and regional issues and reviewed the close and ongoing collaboration between Japan and the United States in the aftermath of last March's earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear crisis. We discussed Japan's recent move to pursue consultations on joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations to resolve longstanding trade concerns in order to deepen the economic ties to the benefit of both our countries. I also urged that Japan take decisive steps so that it accedes to The Hague Convention on International Parental Child Abduction and address outstanding cases.
We are also focused on investing in the increased ties between our people and, in particular, young people through the Tomodachi Initiative. I welcome the news that the foreign minister will soon visit Burma. We now have a real opportunity through sustained diplomacy to test the new government and to overcome the obstacles in the way to Burma achieving its rightful place in the community of nations. Later today, Japanese and U.S. officials will meet with counterparts from India for our first-ever trilateral meeting, and the United States supports a meeting between Japan, China, and ourselves, as Foreign Minister Gemba recently proposed. And finally, we covered global issues like Iran's nuclear ambitions and the situation in Afghanistan, where our two nations are the two largest donors.
So we had a very comprehensive, constructive discussion, and I am grateful for this chance at the end of this year to meet with the foreign minister, to take stock of where we are, and I look forward to meeting again next year as we continue our work together.
Foreign Minister Gemba. Let me start by saying that at the invitation of Secretary Clinton, I visited the United States for the first time in a bilateral context. This visit has served as an opportunity for me to deepen my personal relationship with Secretary Clinton and to further strengthen Japan-U.S. relations.
This time, in light of the developments in North Korea, namely the death of Mr. Kim Jong-il, Secretary Clinton and I had an in-depth discussion on the situation in North Korea at today's meeting. We share the recognition that it is important to make sure that the latest events would not negatively affect the peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. For this purpose, as we—for this purpose, we affirm to closely monitor the situations concerned, and to coordinate closely with each other by sharing information between Japan and the United States, and among Japan, the United States, and the Republic of Korea.
I understand that there was a telephone conversation between Prime Minister Noda and also President Lee Myung-bak yesterday. And based on the discussion that I had with Secretary Clinton today, I intend to reach out to my counterparts in the Republic of Korea and China to discuss this issue. We share the view that we should coordinate closely with Six-Party partners. We're also in agreement that all sides want stability and calmness during this period. In addition, we also confirmed that we should maintain our close coordination among Japan, the United States, and the Republic of Korea on the efforts toward denuclearization of North Korea—in particular, to ensure concrete actions taken by North Korea.
Due to the most recent developments, we are seeing an increasing level of interest in and attention to how the process of dealing with the abduction issue develops in Japan. I expressed my gratitude to the consistent support extended by the United States for raising the abduction issue every time during the U.S.-North Korea dialogue. Moreover, taking into account this new situation, I ask for continuous understanding and support from the United States for resolving the issue. Also, when we look at the Asia Pacific region, trust and cooperation among Japan, the United States, and China is critical for ensuring stability in the region. With this in mind, I proposed to Secretary Clinton to launch a trilateral dialogue among these three countries, and in response, Secretary Clinton shares my view.
I am encouraged by the progress in democratization and national reconciliation in Myanmar. Secretary Clinton visited Myanmar earlier this month, and I will visit there next week. Against this backdrop, we agree to deepen coordination between Japan and the United States so that this positive trend will be further solidified in Myanmar.
On India, as the Secretary suggested, we affirmed that Japan and the United States are deepening strategic relationship with India. As a specific example of collaboration, the Japan-U.S.-India trilateral dialogue will be held at the working level here in Washington, DC today. We also exchanged views on global issues, including pressing challenges of Iran and Afghanistan, and confirmed that we will closely consult and cooperate with each other. During our frank discussion on Iran, specifically in relation to the National Defense Authorization Act, which targets the Central Bank of Iran, I conveyed my view that there is a danger of causing damage to the entire global economy if the imports of Iranian crude oil stop.
And let me emphasize that it is the solid foundation of the Japan-U.S. relations that enable us to coordinate, cooperate, and consult with each other closely. On security, Secretary Clinton and I reaffirmed that the two countries will continue to implement the realignment of the U.S. forces stationed in Japan, including the relocation of Futenma Air Station and the relocation of the U.S. Marine Corps from Okinawa to Guam in accordance with the Japan-U.S. agreements. We also confirmed that with regard to the U.S. budget for the relocation of the Marine Corps to Guam, the commitment of the U.S. Government to the implementation of the 2006 Japan-U.S. Roadmap is unchanged. I emphasized the importance of moving forward to lessen burden on Okinawa and asked for cooperation from the United States.
On the economy, from the perspective of incorporating the economic growth of the Asia Pacific region, which is a growth engine of the global economy, Japan decided to enter into consultations with the countries concerned for the participating in the TPP negotiations. I briefed Secretary Clinton on the most recent status of preparation in Japan regarding this consultation.
As part of the centennial anniversary of the presentation of the cherry blossom trees from Japan to the United States, and also in the context of the reconstruction efforts after the disaster, we did discuss Kizuna Project, a youth exchange program that focuses on the North America as well as collaboration with the Tomodachi Initiative, the joint initiative between Japan and the United States, in implementing the project.
In conclusion, taking into consideration the current situation in North Korea, Secretary Clinton and I reaffirmed to continue to make frequent contact with each other.
Thank you very much.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. Thank you, Minister.
Press Statement from Secretary of State Clinton, December 19, 2011Footnote 29
With the passing of National Defense Commission Chairman Kim Jong Il, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is now in a period of national mourning. We are deeply concerned with the well being of the North Korean people and our thoughts and prayers are with them during these difficult times. It is our hope that the new leadership of the DPRK will choose to guide their nation onto the path of peace by honoring North Korea's commitments, improving relations with its neighbors, and respecting the rights of its people. The United States stands ready to help the North Korean people and urges the new leadership to work with the international community to usher in a new era of peace, prosperity and lasting security on the Korean Peninsula.
