The field of Sino-Roman comparative studies has rapidly expanded in the last two decades. From its inception, this field has been predominantly interested in large-scale comparisons of social, economic and political systems (for example, Fritz-Heiner Mutchsler and Achim Mittag (eds), Conceiving the Empire (2008); Walter Scheidel (ed.), Rome and China (2009) and State Power in Ancient China and Rome (2015); and Hans Beck and Griet Vankeerberghen (eds), Rulers and Ruled in Ancient Greece, Rome, and China (2021)). Comparative works focusing on religion in these two cultures, however, have been relatively lacking, and no monograph-length study has yet compared one of the most significant aspects of these cultures: the imperial cult. Rebecca Robinson’s timely work addresses this gap in current scholarship.

The Introduction establishes the overarching argument and articulates an admirable defence of the comparative methodology. R. aims to compare the religious activities and renovations of Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) and Augustus. Acknowledging the differences between Chinese and Roman religious systems and emphasising that this work does not focus on a direct comparison of these, R. instead draws attention to how the two emperors ‘restructured their respective religious institutions, ensuring that they each had a final say over state-sponsored religious activities’, and, in doing so, ensured that ‘newly established ceremonies and sacrifices placed each ruler at the centre of all religious activity, and this was a fundamental part of securing the rulers’ personal authority over their empires’ (2). By comparatively examining Wu and Augustus, one could see ‘how different civilizations approached similar problems under different circumstances, and through a comparative analysis […] gain a different understanding of each civilization’ (7).

Chs 2 and 3 provide the necessary contextual background for this comparative study. Ch. 2 is a general outline of the socio-political developments in China and Rome, from the Zhou dynasty (c. 1046–256 b.c.e.) until Wu and from Sulla until Augustus, respectively. Although it is clearly necessary for framing a comparative study, a reader lacking prior knowledge of one of the cultural spheres may find ch. 2 over-simplified to follow the complex arguments R. presents later in her work, while those with some understanding of these cultures may find it insufficiently detailed to be of real value. In ch. 3, R. provides an in-depth overview of Sino-Roman religious institutions, especially the development of the state cult, prior to the two reigns under examination. She concludes that, although the two systems lack any significant common ground (Rome was far more formalised in its religious institutions, for example), the transformation under Wu and Augustus shared fascinating similarities.

Chs 4 and 5 then begin R.’s analyses of Wu and Augustus in earnest, with ch. 4 focusing on how the two emperors reshaped their religious institutions and ch. 5 on how these two emperors expanded their authority through these reforms. R. argues that although Wu and Augustus approached their reforms differently — Wu introduced new cults outside the imperial capital, such as to the Sovereign Earth and Great Unity, while Augustus largely revitalised traditional priestly colleges and festivals within the city of Rome, such as the quindecimviri and the Arvales — the two emperors nevertheless centralised their authority by raising new men, personally loyal to the emperors, into their reformed religious institutions and ‘us[ed] state-sponsored religious activity to accrue more personal authority’ (60). Although these two chapters offer fascinating insights, particularly for Wu, whose religious activities have long been negatively painted as superstitious attempts at gaining immortality, they did not engage as effectively with R.’s comparative approach, as much of the discussion explores the two cultures in relative isolation rather than through a deeper comparative examination.

Ch. 6 examines how Wu and Augustus communicated their new religious authority to the people. R. argues that Augustus primarily focused on the city of Rome with his renovation of the compita and the introduction of the Lares Augusti, while Wu utilised inspection tours combined with religious sacrifices to pacify and to assert control over the far-reaching territories of the Han empire. Ch. 7 delves more specifically into how the two emperors reshaped sacrifices and ceremonies, with a comparative case study of the Ludi Saeculares and the Feng/Shan sacrifices. R. demonstrates that both emperors redefined religious ceremony to celebrate the unification of their respective empires, to secure divine blessings and to demonstrate that the two emperors were now at the centre of their new empire. It is in chs 6 and particularly 7 that R.’s comparative approach is most fully realised. Especially in her case study, R. successfully illustrates how, despite differing religious contexts, Augustus and Wu approached religious reform with strikingly similar rationales and methods to legitimise and extend their centralised authority.

R.’s conclusions are largely convincing and clearly argued. Given the complexity of the topic, however, a more extensive study would have allowed for a deeper exploration of the themes. This is a relatively short monograph, and one is left wishing that the author had taken her analyses further. For example, while R.’s insights about Emperor Wu are quite novel, the various conclusions regarding Augustus largely concur with established scholarship. Wishing that the work was longer is hardly a criticism, of course — despite its limitations, R.’s monograph is a valuable contribution to Sino-Roman comparative studies and highlights the potential of comparative studies for the advancement of both Classics and Sinology.