This era of globalization characterized by the relatively free flow of goods, capital, information, ideas, and peoples has brought the world much closer together. Although we have a fairly good understanding of how the cross-border flow of goods, capital, services, and ideas are influencing and shaping global economic and political integration, the movement of peoples, especially from the developing to the developed world (which has always been the least free aspect of globalization and has become even more restricted in the aftermath of 9/11), remains understudied and poorly understood. The singular strength of Kapur's book is that admirably fills some of this gap in the literature by addressing two pertinent questions: first, how the mass movement of people across the globe impacts on their country of origin, and second, with particular reference to India, the effects of migration out of India on both the host countries and India itself.

In addressing these interrelated questions, Kapur divides his book into nine tightly organized and lucidly argued chapters. Chapter 1 situates the question of global migration within a broad historical and conceptual context. The author insightfully highlights how the current phase of global migration is different from earlier great migrations (beginning with the non-voluntary forced migration out of Africa in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries), and how the current “third leg of the globalization triad: the flow of labor” (p. 2) is and will continue to play a profoundly critical role in shaping the global political and economic landscape in the coming decades. Chapter 2 outlines the study's analytical framework and research methodology. The author seems to have mined every bit of hard data there is on the impact of migration on both the host and recipient countries. The result is an informed discussion of “who leaves,” “how many leave,” “why did they leave,” “when did they leave,” “where did they go,” and “how did they leave.” Chapter 3 provides a nuanced discussion of migration from India—both historical and contemporary. Drawing on various survey data, the study provides an extremely rich profile of contemporary international migrants from India broken down by age, gender, education, occupation, religion, region, ethnicity, destination country, reasons for leaving, political beliefs, and socioeconomic group, and “the consequences and causal mechanisms linking these characteristics to particular effect.” (p. 18). Chapter 4 examines a number of mechanisms through which the economic effects of emigration and the Indian diaspora are most manifest: financial flows, global networks and most interestingly, “as reputational intermediaries and as credibility-enhancing mechanisms” (p. 19). The discussion of how the Indian diaspora's success in California's Silicon Valley enhanced the global perceptions of India, and the way the “diasporic networks” weaved by enterprising Gujarati Jains has helped elevate India as a world leader in the diamond industry (as well as Antwerp, Belgium where the Jains settled), makes for fascinating reading.

Chapter 5 provides a new twist—both in meaning and in implications of the word “remittances Rather than focusing on the conventional economic or financial remittances that migrants send back to their families, Kapur highlights both the subtle and dynamic effects of migration's “social remittances.” Although less tangible than cash, given the “distinctively elite characteristics of modern Indian emigration,” (p. 19), the Indian diaspora's unprecedented overseas success have made their cumulative expertise, ideas, and experiences much valued by Indian leaders keen to replicate those successes at home. Chapter 6 provides a provocative discussion of the relationship between migration and India's democracy. Specifically, the author argues that paradoxically, emigration helps to stabilize India's democracy by creating the exit-option for disgruntled groups, in particular, upper-class elites and their progeny who are increasingly concerned about the political ascendancy of formerly marginalized castes and groups and the ramifications it has for their old-age privileges and prerogatives. Chapter 7 examines the impact of migration on India's foreign policy. Here again, Kapur deftly shows the manner in which the “global family portfolios of Indian elites are affecting Indian foreign policy” (p. 23)—albeit, greater elaboration of how the Indian diaspora has and continues to influence Indian foreign policy would have been useful. Chapter 8, aptly titled “Civil or Uncivil Transnational Society? The Janus Face of Long-Distance Nationalism,” lucidly addresses the perplexing question: under what conditions are diasporas “a form of international social capital, and when do they represent a more contentious long-distance nationalism?” The study provides some very intriguing answers with reference to Hindu nationalism and Indian-American views regarding Muslims.

Overall, this is an excellent book—well researched and lucidly written, cogently argued, engaging in style, substantive in depth, packs much food for thought, and a pleasure to read and recommend.