In his Allgemeine Theorie der schönen Künste (General Theory of the Fine Arts), first published in two instalments in 1771 and 1774, the Enlightenment man of letters Johann Georg Sulzer defined music as ‘a succession of sounds that originates as a passionate emotion, and which has the power to depict, arouse, and strengthen such emotions’.Footnote 1 In arousing particular emotions, Sulzer believed, music could dispose the listener to ethical behaviour. Such a position was typical of the prevailing Enlightenment view of music. In his 1802–1803 lectures on the Philosophie der Kunst (Philosophy of Art), the German idealist philosopher Friedrich Schelling put forward a somewhat different view of music: ‘The forms of music are the forms of the eternal things … the forms of music are necessarily the forms of things in themselves.’Footnote 2 Schelling's discussion of music in these lectures is the first systematized statement of a new view of music that arose among German-speaking thinkers and critics in the years around 1800; according to this view, music is capable of providing non-linguistic knowledge into the ultimate nature of reality.Footnote 3
In expounding their divergent views, both Sulzer and Schelling place particular emphasis on rhythm. Given the differences between their views of music in general, one might expect their definitions of rhythm to be equally dissimilar. Yet Sulzer defines rhythm as ‘nothing other than a periodic division of a row of homogeneous things, through which their uniformity is combined with diversity’,Footnote 4 while Schelling defines rhythm as ‘nothing other than a periodic division of homogeneous things, through which their uniformity is combined with diversity, and, therefore, unity is combined with multiplicity’.Footnote 5 That is, their definitions of rhythm are practically identical.Footnote 6 In order to understand how Schelling arrived at his view of music – the first systematized version of a perspective that became increasingly prevalent in aesthetics and criticism after 1800 – it is necessary to explain how the same theory of rhythm could have formed the core of two such different conceptions of music. The aim of this article is to offer such an explanation. I do so by examining three theories of time and their relationships to ideas about rhythm: the Newtonian conception of time inherited by Sulzer, a new understanding of time first set out by Immanuel Kant and finally Schelling's post-Kantian conception of time.Footnote 7
SULZER, NEWTON AND THE AKZENTTHEORIE
Before the Allgemeine Theorie, eighteenth-century theories of rhythm had on the whole been guided by a mensural conception, according to which rhythm works by combining individual, discrete building-blocks into larger units. The block was either the tactus, which contained within itself two parts corresponding to a downwards and an upwards movement of the hand (thesis and arsis), or the bar, which evolved from the older concept of the tactus in the seventeenth century.Footnote 8 Sulzer, by contrast, saw rhythm and metre as formed not from the combination of discrete elements, but from the breaking down of a continuous flow, such as a row of equal notes. This flow is broken down, according to Sulzer, by placing accents on particular notes. Because of this emphasis on accents, Sulzer's theory later became known as the Akzenttheorie, or theory of accents.Footnote 9 The past decade has seen two important discussions of the Akzenttheorie, by William E. Caplin and Roger Mathew Grant.Footnote 10 Much of what follows takes the form of an appreciative but critical response to these writers.
Caplin and Grant both acknowledge that three different thinkers – Sulzer, Johann Philipp Kirnberger and Johann Abraham Peter Schulz – may have been involved in formulating the Akzenttheorie, but both identify Kirnberger as the principal theorist ‘for the sake of convenience’,Footnote 11 focusing on Die Kunst des reinen Satzes in der Musik (The Art of Strict Composition in Music), which appeared under Kirnberger's name in 1771–1779.Footnote 12 Crucially, however, the first work to state the Akzenttheorie was Sulzer's Allgemeine Theorie, which first appeared in 1771–1774, and in which the Akzenttheorie was expounded in particular detail in the article ‘Rhythmus; Rhythmisch’.Footnote 13 Although volume 1 of Kirnberger's Kunst des reinen Satzes came out earlier in 1771 than did part 1 (A to J) of Sulzer's Allgemeine Theorie,Footnote 14 Kirnberger's discussion of rhythm and metre was contained in volume 1, part 2 of Kunst des reinen Satzes, which came out in 1776, two years after part 2 (K–Z, 1774) of the Allgemeine Theorie, which contained the ‘Rhythmus’ article.
To be sure, the authorship of the music articles within Sulzer's lexicon is notoriously unclear – Sulzer, Kirnberger and Schulz each having had a hand in at least some of the articles. Indeed, it is common to presume, not without good reason, that most of the music articles in the Allgemeine Theorie were written primarily either by Kirnberger or by Schulz.Footnote 15 Yet Sulzer, Schulz, Kirnberger and their Berlin contemporary Johann Friedrich Reichardt all corroborate that Sulzer played at least some role in writing the musical articles before the letter S. Besides which, the ‘Rhythmus’ article is classified not exclusively under the heading of music, but under the threefold heading ‘Verbal Arts [Redende Künste], Music, Dance’.Footnote 16 Whatever the shortcomings of his musical knowledge, Sulzer would have considered himself a greater expert in oratory than Kirnberger or Schulz. Moreover, the article ‘Ordnung’, which mentions music only in passing, also contains a summary of the Akzenttheorie.Footnote 17 Furthermore, as we will see, there are compelling connections between the Akzenttheorie and Sulzer's metaphysics.Footnote 18
According to both Caplin and Grant, the Akzenttheorie depends on a new, ‘Newtonian’ conception of time, which Caplin describes thus:
The medieval and Renaissance mensural system is rooted in an Aristotelian conception of temporality, whereby the passage of time is conceived as a succession of discrete, individual times (in the plural) each marking a concrete type of cyclical motion … During the seventeenth century, a new conception of temporality emerged, one eventually codified by Newton, in which time (in the singular) is understood as an empty, homogeneous, and infinite span, waiting to be filled by any kind of motion. It was not until the second half of the eighteenth century that … a theory of musical rhythm founded upon this newer concept of time [was articulated].Footnote 19
The new theory of rhythm to which Caplin refers is, of course, the Akzenttheorie. While I do not doubt that, according to the Newtonian conception, time is homogeneous, I would query Caplin's premise that Newtonian time is also ‘empty’. For Newton, as for earlier thinkers, God sustains and fills time. Take the Principia mathematica of 1687, which concludes with a discussion of the nature of God. The ‘true God’, writes Newton,
is a living, intelligent, and powerful Being … He is eternal and infinite … ; that is, his duration reaches from eternity to eternity; his presence from infinity to infinity; … He is not eternity or infinity, but eternal and infinite; he is not duration or space, but he endures and is present. He endures for ever, and is every where present; and by existing always and every where, he constitutes duration and space.Footnote 20
Not only can there be no time where God is not present, for his presence reaches ‘from infinity to infinity’, but God ‘constitutes duration’. Time, for Newton, is replete – with God's presence.
This conclusion, that the Newtonian time upon which the Akzenttheorie was founded was homogeneous but full, is borne out by Sulzer's Allgemeine Theorie and the Kunst des reinen Satzes (on which Sulzer, by Kirnberger's own admission, was a major influence).Footnote 21 In both of these texts, the guiding metaphor for homogeneous time is flowing waterFootnote 22 – an image that evokes a millennia-old tradition associating God with flowing water (the Holy Spirit in particular), and precisely precludes temporal emptiness.Footnote 23
KANT, SCHELLING AND THE AKZENTTHEORIE
In Sulzer's inaugural conception of it, then, the Akzenttheorie was predicated on a notion of time as homogeneous and full. The idea of homogeneous, empty time is, however, crucial to the subsequent history of the Akzenttheorie. Though neither Caplin nor Grant quote him explicitly, the phrase ‘empty, homogeneous time’ is, in modern scholarship, associated primarily with Walter Benjamin.Footnote 24 In his late essay ‘On the Concept of History’ Benjamin suggests that a fundamental break in dominant conceptions of time occurred in the early nineteenth century – a break from an older time-consciousness, dating back at least as far as Biblical ages,Footnote 25 to a modern temporality that Benjamin calls ‘homogeneous, empty time’ (homogene und leere Zeit).Footnote 26 In my view, this Benjaminian shift from an older conception of time (as neither homogeneous nor empty) to a newer one (‘homogeneous, empty time’) is not a single transformation but a two-stage process in the history of ideas. First, the Newtonian paradigm portrays time as homogeneous but full. Then, as we will see, the Kantian tradition reconceives time as both homogeneous and empty.
Indeed, Kant's mature philosophy, as launched in his 1781 Kritik der reinen Vernunft (Critique of Pure Reason), is founded on a radically new attitude to time.Footnote 27 Previous thinkers, Sulzer and Newton included, had seen time as a feature of objective reality. Time, according to this view, is a feature of how the world around us is in itself. Kant, by contrast, believes that time, along with space, is a ‘form of intuition’, a way in which rational beings necessarily perceive the world.Footnote 28 Space and time, for Kant, function as lenses through which we see the world, and without which we are blind.Footnote 29 These lenses structure the empirical world so that it appears to us as spatial and temporal, regardless of how it is in itself. As a form of intuition, time is in itself contentless – not only homogenous, but also empty.Footnote 30 It was not Newton but Kant who emptied time.
The nature of time was also a central issue in Schelling's 1802–1803 lectures on the Philosophie der Kunst.Footnote 31 Schelling's view of time, as set out in these lectures, is basically Kantian, but with a twist. As we have seen, for Sulzer and Newton, time is a feature of objective reality, and is correspondingly filled with God's presence. For Kant, however, time is a lens through which the subject perceives the world, and God is correspondingly absent. In other words, for Sulzer and Newton time is an aspect of nature, whereas for Kant, time is constituted by the subject. Schelling's temporal starting-point in the Philosophie der Kunst is Kant's theory, but he imbues this conception of time with something of the realism and naturalism of Sulzer's pre-Kantian approach. Throughout his early philosophy of the 1790s, Schelling developed a position whereby there is a close interaction between the objectivity of nature and the subjectivity of human consciousness. On the one hand, Schelling sees the subject as a part of nature: humans are in a sense nothing more than one part of the natural world around them, and they depend on this world for survival. On the other hand, however, Schelling believes that nature is completed by human consciousness, for it is only through this consciousness that nature comes to know itself. Nature and the subject are consequently seen as two aspects of the same world. The result of this is that there is a natural affinity or fit between nature and the subject: for Schelling's rational subject, time is still a lens through which nature is viewed, but this lens is itself part of nature, and nature is constituted in such a way that it is receptive to being viewed in temporal terms.
In the Philosophie der Kunst, Schelling developed this position by suggesting that both nature and the subject are subservient to a greater reality.Footnote 32 Schelling refers to this reality as God, but under the influence of Spinoza, he conceives this God in pantheistic terms, believing God to be the totality of the universe. This totality is, for Schelling, infinite and absolute, hence Schelling sometimes refers to God simply as das Absolute. At the time of the Philosophie der Kunst, Schelling held to a philosophical system commonly known as Identitätsphilosophie (identity philosophy).Footnote 33 Its core principle is that God is not only infinite and absolute, but also absolutely one. That is to say, in God there is no difference, only pure identity. Schelling conceives this identity in the most radical terms as meaning that in God there is not even any difference between subjectivity and objectivity, between sameness and difference, or between unity (Einheit) and multiplicity (Vielheit).Footnote 34 Because God is conceived in pantheistic terms, Schelling's assertion equates to the mind-bending claim that there is no difference between anything in the universe.
Such a claim is clearly implausible. It is, in fact, so implausible that Schelling himself started to back-track just as soon as he had made it, suggesting that, alongside God's infinite sameness, there is also a finite world in which things are differentiated.Footnote 35 This finite world, Schelling believes, must fall short of the true nature of reality, for true reality is found only in God. This finite world is also the world to which humans belong – the world that is split into objective nature and subjective consciousness. Yet objective nature and subjective consciousness are driven to combine with each other, and in this combination they reflect, if only dimly, God's ultimate sameness. Objective nature is, broadly speaking, characterized by difference or multiplicity; subjective consciousness is characterized by sameness or unity. The multiplicity of objective nature is, Schelling believes, unified precisely by subjective consciousness, which draws together the variety of the world around it into a unified whole. The fundamental way in which the subject does this is through its imposition of time onto nature, time as conceptualized in broadly Kantian terms.Footnote 36 Essential here is that this time is, in itself, homogeneous and empty: it is mere empty form, devoid of any content. Time, for Schelling, is the subjective frame that unifies nature's objective multiplicity.
Schelling, then, thinks that humans can gain knowledge of God through the finite world's reflection of His ultimate reality. The artefact that, in the finite world, best reflects God's ultimate reality is, for Schelling, art: art, he claims, embodies more than anything else in the finite world the divine combination of objective nature and subjective consciousness, and in particular the combination of multiplicity and unity. How does art accomplish this? It would be appropriate at this point to turn our attention specifically to music.Footnote 37 Schelling sees music, understandably, as the most temporal art – meaning that music is the art most closely linked to the subject's imposition of unity onto nature's multiplicity. In explaining how music imposes unity onto multiplicity, Schelling draws precisely on Sulzer's Akzenttheorie. If we compare once more Sulzer's and Schelling's definitions of rhythm, we may note a small difference between them:
[Sulzer:] [Rhythm] is at root nothing other than a periodic division of a row of homogeneous things, through which their uniformity [Einförmigkeit] is combined with diversity [Mannigfaltigkeit].
[Schelling:] [Rhythm] is … nothing other than a periodic division of homogeneity, through which uniformity [Einförmigkeit] is combined with diversity [Mannigfaltigkeit] and, therefore, unity [Einheit] is combined with multiplicity [Vielheit].
The few extra words – ‘and, therefore, unity is combined with multiplicity’ – encapsulate the difference between Sulzer's and Schelling's assessments of the significance of the Akzenttheorie. For Sulzer, working on the presumption that the purpose of music is to arouse the emotions (and thus shape ethical sensibility), the combination of uniformity and variety in rhythm is important because it allows the emotions aroused by music to be varied, and, therefore, to be sustained for longer without the listener losing interest. Schelling does not deny the emotional power of rhythm's combining uniformity and diversity, but he criticizes Sulzer for thinking that arousing the emotions is the purpose of music.Footnote 38 For Schelling, rhythm's combination of uniformity and diversity is important because it also equates to the combination of unity and multiplicity. In combining multiplicity and unity, Schelling believes, music combines objective nature and subjective consciousness, and hence intimates God, in whom nature and consciousness, objectivity and subjectivity, multiplicity and unity are all absolutely one. This is, as we saw at the opening of this article, a wholly different view of music from that of Sulzer and of the Enlightenment in general.Footnote 39 The reason that Schelling is able to afford music such transformed significance on the basis of the same theory of rhythm is that he reinterprets Sulzer's Akzenttheorie in the context of a post-Kantian conception of temporality: homogeneous, empty time.
MUSIC, PHILOSOPHY AND THE AKZENTTHEORIE
I noted at the opening of this article that Schelling's discussion of music in the Philosphie der Kunst was the first systematized statement of a new view of music that arose among German-speaking thinkers in the years around 1800. The question of the origins of this view of music has been much discussed. One particularly persistent presumption is that it arose in response to contemporary music, particularly that of Mozart, Haydn and Beethoven, with the mature works of Beethoven especially influential. Faced with the wonders of contemporary Viennese music, this presumption goes, contemporary thinkers were compelled to transform their conceptions of the art.Footnote 40
This view has recently been challenged cogently by Mark Evan Bonds in his 2006 book Music as Thought.Footnote 41 According to Bonds, the music of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was relatively unimportant in the emergence of a new conception of music. Bonds gives three broad reasons for this position. First, the new view of music arose earlier than is often thought, in the late 1790s, before much of the music that is presumed to have inspired it was actually written. The present investigation reinforces this point, for Schelling's lectures on the Philosophie der Kunst, the earliest systematic presentation of the new view of music, were first delivered in the academic year 1802–1803, before work had even begun, for example, on Beethoven's Fifth Symphony, the composition with which the rise of the new view of music is most closely associated, because of E. T. A. Hoffmann's celebrated review of 1810.Footnote 42 Second, Bonds observes that the earliest statements of the new view of music rarely name any specific music. Again, the present investigation backs up this claim, for, bar a passing complaint about the bleating of sheep in Haydn's Creation, Schelling cites no particular works of music in the Philosophie der Kunst.Footnote 43 Nor does he show any particular interest in specific works of music in his other writings from this period.Footnote 44 Even Schelling's extensive correspondence from this time does not reveal any particular musical tastes.Footnote 45
Third, Bonds argues that there is a more convincing narrative available: the new view of music ‘was driven not by any composer or any particular repertory, but rather by a profound shift in aesthetics extending to the very act of listening itself. Ironically, the debate had been unleashed by Kant's Critique of [the Power of] Judgment, the same work that had dismissed instrumental music as something less than a fine art.’Footnote 46 The origin of Schelling's philosophy of music that we have just examined puts us in a position to extend the last stage of Bonds's argument. As we have seen, the route by which Schelling arrived at the new view of music was motivated by changes in philosophy standing well outside that area normally identified as ‘aesthetics’ or the ‘philosophy of art’, particularly by changes in philosophy regarding the thorny issue of the nature of time. Indeed, to appreciate the origins of Schelling's conception of music, I argue, one must start not from Kant's Kritik der Urteilskraft (Critique of the Power of Judgment, 1790), the work in which he devotes most discussion to art and music (among other things), but from the Kritik der reinen Vernunft – the work in which Kant introduced his mature philosophical system, and in which he set out his radically new view of time.Footnote 47
Granted, my focus has been on a set of lectures explicitly about the ‘philosophy of art’. Schelling, however, specifically disavows the idea that the ‘philosophy of art’ is that branch of philosophy dealing with art, writing in the Introduction to the lectures that ‘philosophy is absolutely and essentially one; it cannot be subdivided. Hence, whatever is philosophy at all is philosophy completely and undividedly.’Footnote 48 Schelling also insisted that ‘For those already acquainted with my system of philosophy, the philosophy of art will be merely the repetition of that same philosophy in the highest form [Potenz]’.Footnote 49 Rather than being that branch of philosophy that deals with art, the philosophy of art is, for Schelling, that mode of philosophizing that comprehends the world, the universe and everything through art.
Schelling's view of music was the consequence of transformations at the most abstract level of contemporary philosophy, transformations set in motion by none other than the notoriously unmusical Kant. Given that Schelling was the first to state systematically the new view of music that began to predominate among German-speaking thinkers and critics in the decades after 1800, it may be that a full understanding of this revolution in conceptions of music will necessitate closing our eyes, for a moment, to the music of this period and opening our ears to the clamour of its philosophical debates.