Introduction and context
Research into resilience has intensified in recent years (Smith and Carlson, Reference Smith and Carlson1997) due to its role as an increasingly valuable construct facilitating understanding of why some individuals thrive despite traumatic experiences and deprived backgrounds whilst others flounder (Rutter, Reference Rutter1987). Resilience allows individuals to effectively negotiate risks and adverse conditions rather than eliminate or avoid them altogether. Explicitly stated, resilience refers to a ‘dynamic process encompassing positive adaptation within the context of significant adversity’ (Luthar et al., Reference Luthar, Cicchetti and Becker2000).
The body of work on resilience is now such that commentators are able to reflect on the deficiencies and discrepancies in the field. The great variability in conceptualisations of resilience has been noted (DelFabbro and Harvey, Reference Delfabbro and Harvey2004). Further critiques observe: inconsistencies in definitions and use of terminology; concerns over the multidimensional nature of resilience; questions over the robustness of evidence on resilience; and a body of work that remains largely empirically driven rather than theoretically based (Luthar et al., Reference Luthar, Cicchetti and Becker2000). The potential for imposing normative assumptions and social values of the middle classes in the arbitrary selection of outcome variables has also been raised as a concern (for example, Delfrabbro and Harvey, Reference Delfabbro and Harvey2004; Frydenberg, Reference Frydenberg2002).
A possible route to avoiding the imposition of certain values in resilience research could be by gaining insights into the particular socio-cultural and environmental contexts of the people under study (Blum, Reference Blum1998; Murry et al., Reference Murry2001). A suitable way of doing so may be through qualitative enquiry, a so far neglected approach within the largely quantitative resilience field (Zimmerman et al., Reference Zimmerman, Bingenheimer, Behrendt, Dubois and Karcher2005). Ungar (Reference Ungar2003) argues that the application of qualitative methods can address some of the methodological limitations that quantitative resilience researchers face:
Qualitative methods: are well suited to the discovery of the unnamed protective processes relevant to the lived experience of research participants; provide thick description of phenomenon in very specific contexts; elicit and add power to minority ‘voices’ which account for unique localised definitions of positive outcomes; promote tolerance but facilitating transferability of results; and, require researchers to account for their biased standpoints. (p. 83)
Qualitative research is well suited to investigate ‘chains of events or factors and processes that protect over time, rather than static variables’ (p. 89) as well as exploring in depth the underlying mechanisms in the risk–resilience relationship. The data presented here convey the complexity of people's lived experience and relationships with others within the current social and political context. The aim here is to explore through people's detailed narratives: (1) the role of community involvement; (2) the influence of education, employment and training; and (3) experiences of parenting in two of the most deprived boroughs in Britain. The outcomes investigated are not quantifiable in that they are respondent's recollections of their personal growth and change, leading them to a greater sense of coherence and purpose in their lives. To conclude, these findings are positioned in relation to existing theory and research and reflect on the implications of the chosen research method.
Method
The data presented here originated from a research project following the lives of one hundred families living in two neighbourhoods of high deprivation (one ‘inner’ city, one ‘outer’) in East London.Footnote 1 In order to fully contextualise how families view and interact in their neighbourhoods and how family life is influenced by neighbourhood conditions, we focused on specific areas. Respondents were asked about: family composition, their area, satisfaction with schools, community life and their hopes for the future.
Families were recruited via a wide range of settings, including GP's surgeries, playgroups and schools. Families were eligible if their households had dependents under the age of 18 at round one of the study. Established social networks were utilised by asking families already recruited to refer us to other families they knew. Care was taken to broadly reflect the cultural diversity and socio-economic status of the areas by referring to census data and monitoring recruitment to ensure different ethnic groups were represented. The achieved sample cannot claim statistical representativeness but did reflect a broad range of individual and family characteristics found in the areas in the study.
Most of the interviews took place in the homes of families but occasionally were conducted in local public spaces. Field notes were written after each visit, detailing observations about the neighbourhoods and the families. Translators were used where necessary for families with English as a second language. Questionnaires included both open-ended and more structured questions. The majority of respondents were mothers, although a small number of fathers were also interviewed. Most interviewees agreed to be tape recorded and details have been changed to protect identities.
Four researchers undertook the interviews annually over the seven-year period, from February 1999 onwards. By the study's end, approximately 70 per cent of the original families remained in the study, with researchers recruiting new families as the study progressed. The respondents featured in this paper were interviewed in every round.
Respondents were asked, among other things, to reflect on aspirations, achievements, challenges and barriers across a range of topics such as family life, employment and community, and the principle themes from these responses are presented here. Transcripts were coded thematically, gradually building up narratives over rounds on the most resonant topics of community, employment and parenting. The case studies presented here feature six parents who, relative to the sample as a whole, have been through the greatest change in terms of personal development, family situation, career trajectory and external involvements (of course, these factors are not mutually exclusive, relate to each other and often overlap). In writing up the data, efforts were made to include enough context about families whilst protecting confidentiality, and to illustrate how respondents’ views change over time (interview round numbers are included in the text).
Findings
The themes described in the following sections are intended to illustrate the dynamic nature of resilience as respondents adapt to the challenges and barriers they face in the realms of their communities, employment and experiences as parents.
Community involvement: ‘It pays to have a voice in the right place . . . we've had an influence in what's going on.’ [R6, p. 11, Clare (N031) White British, mid-20s at R1]
This first section focuses on respondents who have persisted in their community work despite periodically expressing their frustration at the challenges they face. Structural factors play a role in that respondents recount being given an initial opportunity to get directly involved in their communities, yet beyond this they persist even when there appears to be little return. However, their involvement allows the development of new social circles and therefore support, and they recount existing strong relationships. Through their community work, respondents have found a means of having (sometimes limited) control over their environments, explicitly defining their terms.
In 1999 Clare is a lone parent bringing up two young children with virtually no support from her ex-husband. During the study period, she meets a new partner, and has two further children leading to very difficult living conditions of four children in one bedroom. She relies on her mother and best friend (Linda, also interviewed) for support in both practical and emotional terms. Throughout such change, some constants emerge in her accounts: her involvement in a local single parent community group, as well as in her local Tenants Association (finally becoming treasurer). Clare had been ‘sitting here feeling sorry for myself one day’ (R2, p. 13), and the single parent group offered her and her friend Linda [White British, late twenties at R1] an opportunity to build social networks with others in similar situations. Clare describes how she likes ‘getting involved, organising things’, speculating that while most would ‘get stressed’, she can participate ‘quite easily’ (R2, p. 13).
Linda relies on Clare for support as she meets the challenges of caring for her son who is diagnosed with severe ADHD in the penultimate year of the study. The pair meet when Linda gets involved with her own Tenant's Association following a resignation. Both women's increasing involvement seems to allow some sense of control in a challenging environment. In every interview bar one, Clare describes her area as worsening, and consistently reports feeling unsafe, describing the effects of constant, low-level anti-social behaviour as well as very serious incidents such as the attempted murder of a drug dealer in her block. As a result, she confines herself and her children to the flat and has few visitors because people are reluctant to leave their cars outside in the street. Linda describes a place beyond hope, yet still she actively participates in attempts to improve her surroundings. Despite her years of hard work, she says she doesn't ‘want to deal with the outside world’ (R7, p. 3). Racial tension in her neighbourhood is high and indiscriminate attacks are commonplace: ‘You don't say nothing to anyone ‘cause you don't know what someone's gonna pull out their pocket’ (R7, p. 3).
As life-long residents of the area, both women have witnessed incredible social change: the population is transient and multi-cultural and so almost unrecognisable from their early childhood. Although Clare feels marginalised and excluded by such change, she tried to exert a positive influence though the lone parent group, explicitly stating that they are ‘there to give help and advice to anybody no matter their race and beliefs’ (R2, p. 13). When asked in round three if she felt she had any influence over anything in her area, Linda expresses her desire to have the area looking tidy for the children and new residents but that ‘sometimes you feel like you're banging your head against the wall’ due to low attendance at community events and ingrained neighbourhood apathy (R3, p. 9). Two rounds later into the study, Linda describes the Tenants Association as ‘fighting a losing battle’ (R5, p. 8). Yet, a competing account emerges, evidencing Linda's sense of pro-activeness and agency: ‘It's down to involvement’ (R4, p. 8); ‘If tenants want to make it better they will’ (R5, p. 3); ‘You have to find things out for yourself’ (R7, p. 19).
Linda appears to view her neighbourhood as no different from any other ‘no matter what area you go to, you've got trouble’ (R1, p. 5). Therefore it is the way places are perceived and managed that matters, ‘Areas are what you make of them’ (R2, p. 14), as well as defining one's own approach in seemingly inhospitable environs, ‘you've just got to be your own person, but be friendly as well in this world because being nasty, violent or racialist, don't get you anywhere in the long run. Black, white, pink or green, we're all the same’ (R7, p. 22).
Upward career trajectories: personal aspiration and family background
During the course of the study, a number of interviewees experienced considerable developments in their careers. Like the women heavily involved in community work, those who have progressed most in the workplace have been particularly specific about defining their boundaries, expectations and agendas in relation to their prior life experiences. They have the capacity to look at the long-term investment in their actions, even if in the short term they may be making more difficult choices. They avoid complacency by setting further goals and reflect and review their progress.
Oni [Mixed-race African, late 20s at R1] is a lone parent with a one-year-old daughter, having split up with her husband after being unable to cope with his ‘promiscuity’ (R1, p. 7). As a result, she is housed in temporary accommodation whilst pregnant and feels isolated as her extended family remains in Africa. Her mother lives in the household for the duration of the study, playing a vital role in looking after Oni's daughter. Oni originally came to study for her law degree, which she completes before her ill-fated marriage. Gradually building up work experience with motherhood, Oni secures full-time employment as a solicitor with the help of a New Deal scheme after developing a supportive and productive relationship with her mentor. Although assisted by a government scheme, a recurrent narrative throughout Oni's account is the influence of her privileged childhood in Africa, leading to a clear vision: ‘I want to get [my daughter] into private education and save for her future . . . I came from a professional background so [university] is the least I want from her’ (R1, p. 15); ‘I can't just sit at home and be a benefit queen . . . my parents haven't invested so much money on me for me to sit at home and not make the most of my professional qualifications’ (R7, p. 2).
A troubling aspect of her neighbourhood is the high levels of crime, and in the first three rounds of the study, Oni describes the area as worsening. However, she has clearly formulated a strategy to ensure her daughter makes the right choices: ‘When she's around fifteen, I'll take her to court with me as an eye-opener to what happens with naughty people’ (R6, p. 12). In the meantime, she endeavours to foster an open, mother–daughter relationship. Similar to Linda's earlier comments, Oni perceives the problems she faces bringing up her daughter in her particular neighbourhood as ‘universal’ (R4, p. 5). As part of her job, Oni encounters many young people entrenched in the criminal justice system, and sets herself apart from such a course as an incomer: ‘I came over, I knew what I wanted, I achieved that. And so already I was half way on the ladder, working my way up, so I'm not the average . . . who might be unemployed or on benefits or struggling’ (R7, p. 11). By the end of the study, Oni qualifies her success, stating: ‘I won't say I'm successful, because to say you're successful is in itself a stumbling block because I don't want to get too comfortable. I can always try and do better . . . and that way I'm improving myself and everything and everyone around me’ (R7, p. 6).
Other reasons cited for working include setting a good example for children, and being motivated by cross-cultural comparisons (disliking the British social security system). Timing is also important, as some of the mothers experiencing success in the workplace have done so when they are older. They are waiting for the right time and a liveable income, often after years of gradually building up work experience and part-time study. Therefore, they are unlikely to be swayed by back-to-work schemes if they perceive them to be counter to the care of their children.
H003 Cynthia. ‘It's a bit late but I always knew I would be what I want to be. People've realised the potential in me’ [(R7, p. 14). Black African, mid-30s at Round One]
During the course of the Neighbourhood study, Cynthia progresses from hospital cleaner to newly qualified nurse, despite financial problems and the breakdown of her second marriage. At the beginning of the study, she talks of residents in her borough being turned down for jobs by virtue of their postcode alone, and of the local schools being placed at the bottom of the league tables. Cynthia is helped by her sister who lives nearby and regularly looks after her two children (11 years and 4 months at round one) and talks of how having a baby isn't a ‘full stop’ to living life. Consequently she ‘grasps’ at opportunities after arriving at the conclusion that she's ‘capable of doing more . . . of doing something better’ than cleaning (R2, p. 14). By round three we find her demoralised, frustrated at juggling her home and work lives and struggling financially.
Despite her reservations, Cynthia perseveres, becoming a student nurse by round five of the study although she finds herself in a ‘vicious circle’ after borrowing money from a loan shark to survive (R5, p. 20). First impressions at round six suggest Cynthia's circumstances are deteriorating further due to the break-up of her second marriage, yet her studies appear to help appease the negative effects: ‘they don't just teach you nursing, they teach you assertiveness, psychology . . . I worked in A & E . . . and realised there are people a lot worse off than me. . .’ (R6, p. 12). By the final round, her positive outlook remains: ‘I think Tony Blair has done something for me – I don't care what people are saying’ (R7, p. 8).
By the final round, Cynthia has qualified as a nurse, and although only earning a few extra pounds more than a care assistant, she knows her salary will increase, and the financial benefits are already apparent: ‘For the first time in my life I have a little extra money coming in than coming out’ (R7, p. 8). Although, by the final round, Cynthia still suggests her neighbourhood can present a barrier to progressing as she did when first interviewed, again her stance has shifted: ‘It's managing to get out of the stereotype and do something for yourself’ (R7, p. 14). When asked if she compares herself or her area to others she states: ‘The Ward Manager is African – it doesn't matter who or where anymore – as long as you have the skill and merit to do the job’ (R7, p. 18). Yet like Oni [N048], Cynthia aims not to become complacent, although she has finished her training, and intends to progress further in her career.
Meeting the challenge of parenting in difficult circumstances: support and strategies
The final section directly focuses on respondents’ experiences of parenting, drawing some parallels in their narratives as well as linking in with the experiences of the respondents already described. The theme that all areas experience the same problems arises again as well as the conceptualisation of home as refuge. The respondents featured are also able to seek and accept help when things go wrong, allowing them to meet others in similar situations and those worse off than them; and express faith in the ‘system’.
H029 Zoe. ‘You find out how other mothers are coping with similar problems – you learn a lot.’ [(R1, p. 18). Mixed race British. Mid thirties at Round One]
Zoe seeks support from a local organisation after her young son is nearly taken by Social Services. After feeling unable to cope with his rapidly deteriorating behaviour, she consults a psychologist, attends parenting classes and reads parenting books. Learning other ways to relate to her son, she stops slapping him, which transforms their relationship. Attending parenting classes also challenges her preconceptions, helping to boost her self esteem after meeting parents from contrasting backgrounds: ‘when it comes to parenting you still have troubles regardless of your upbringing . . . Two couples who were really posh needed the help and they showed it. You do get a lot of people . . . that put down single parents . . . which is basically a load of rubbish . . . even when you're part of a well-educated . . . family, you still have problems with your children’ (R6, p. 10).
Zoe's neighbourhood seems to constantly present challenges, with gangs, people ‘shooting up’ on the stairwells and endemic neglect. When asked about outsiders’ perceptions of her area, she laughs, saying: ‘A dump. Wouldn't move here if you paid ‘em’ (R6, p. 4). Yet when talking about her neighbourhood, Zoe highlights the role of perception and attitude, and links it in with parenting, highlighting her new-found sense of control: ‘I think wherever you live, it's what you make of it . . . It depends on the way the children are being brought up and looked after, and what the parents are like towards the children’ (R6, p. 5). She also perceives the neighbourhood's problems as universal: ‘No matter where you go you've always got that yellow board [police appealing for information on a crime] up saying this has happened, that's happened’ (R7, p. 13). Zoe tell us that the council are trying hard to improve the area, even though it often seems as if no progress is being made. Although facing ongoing problems with anxiety and stress, Zoe at least feels better equipped to deal with her problems: ‘I can handle anything that's thrown at me’ (R6, p. 10); ‘I've got to get up and do what you gotta do’ (R7, p. 10).
N053 Julie. ‘What have I been around all my life? What sort of people have I been around?’ [White British. Mid thirties at Round One]
Similar to Zoe above, Julie comments that ‘every area is getting worse’ (R1, p. 6). She describes an escalating drug problem in similar generalising terms: ‘all the young children getting drugs. You can get this anywhere anyway’ (R6, p. 6). Julie's three children all have learning difficulties, but it is her eldest, teenage son who commands most of her attention and causes most concern with his autism. By round five of the study, Julie's son is finally diagnosed but Julie continues to be in conflict with social services (‘they come round, promise to help ya, walk out and you never see ‘em again’ (R7, p. 21). Julie describes feeling trapped, hating the area but having to stay because the local education authority is paying for her son to attend a specialist school. To compound her problems, she cannot rely on her family, living close by, for support: ‘If anything, they made me feel ten times worse . . . when I was feeling low . . . they were screaming at me, “Where have you been?”’ (R7, p. 19). Nevertheless, a diagnosis meant that Julie's name was added to relevant databases, and she starts attending courses, meeting ‘lovely people’ who are different from ‘area people’ (R7, p. 18). Such new experiences set in train a process of re-evaluation and change for Julie as she begins to question the neighbourhood and her place within it. ‘You realise it ain't as bad, you go out there and see things worse. Seeing parents where the children's got kidney failure, things like that’ (R7, p. 11). After visiting a more affluent area, Julie observes: ‘I was shocked. You're not hearing all the police sirens – I'm always hearing it here . . . in the [affluent area] you see kids riding their bikes with hats on . . . it was like walking into a different world’ (R7, pp. 16–17). It is then possible for Julie to entertain the idea of leaving the area after previously concluding that she would never leave.
An unexpected consequence of having children with learning difficulties has been their lack of integration in the neighbourhood. Despite being isolated and depressed, Julie reflects: ‘I've seen friend's kids thieving, taking drugs and I think I'd rather have [my son's] problems. I've managed to protect him . . . he gets nervous around groups of boys’ (R6, p. 9). Throughout the study Julie increasingly talks about how her views have evolved, and speculates on the extent to which she has changed. She recalls that at one stage she had stated she was ‘alright’ when she had ‘no way out of it, I had no choice’ (R7, p. 29). Despite her difficulties finding help for her son, she still maintains her faith, stating: ‘I think the system's trying’ (R7, p. 16); ‘the council are actually trying’ (R7, p. 14). After suffering years of low confidence due to staying at home, having literacy problems, and living somewhere where ‘everyone criticises each other’ (R7, p. 27), Julie's increasing awareness has allowed her to make more informed choices about the direction in which her life takes. For Julie, her biggest achievement is realising that she is more intelligent than she previously thought, and that there are opportunities for her to pursue to better her life.
Discussion and methodological reflection
This study has attempted to make a specific contribution to the resilience field by examining in detail people's own accounts of overcoming and/or managing adversity over a considerable period of time. The accounts featured show, through lived experience, the kind of conditions and circumstances individuals and families have to negotiate: high crime/endemic drug use, rapid population change, multiculturalism but also racism, overcrowding, family breakdown, area regeneration and trying to manage on a low income. Given this backdrop, what core strategies can be identified from participants' accounts?
First, the ability to set boundaries, articulate needs and desires and to have goals is conveyed strongly, for example trying to be a role model or building a career in a structured way. Boundary setting may also guard against a particular outcome or fate, for example protecting children from drugs or expecting better opportunities for children. These respondents may have encountered adversity but they have been able to define their terms and become increasingly clear about their expectations and beliefs. Second, some interviewees have explicitly differentiated themselves from others when defining their own identities, for example differentiating themselves from the long-term residents perceived to be lacking motivation, or setting themselves apart from the local community due to their changing outlook and attitudes. These findings link to established psychological theory on social comparisons which postulates that humans have a drive to evaluate themselves against others by comparing their own opinions and abilities (Festinger, Reference Festinger1954). Social comparisons can be made upward or downward (Suls et al., Reference Suls, Martin and Wheeler2002), but, to foster resilient processes, the comparison made must be the latter. This may manifest itself in the sense above – judging other's characteristics in negative terms − but also the act of comparing oneself against those whose troubles are more serious.
Sense of ownership of a community seems an important catalyst for action, even when conflicting emotions may make individuals feel alien and disenfranchised within it. The ability and confidence to connect with others also seems vital. Participants often adopt strategies for survival, such as viewing their area as no more problematic than others, seeing their home as a sanctuary from the outside world, seeing cultural differences as a source of strength and not becoming complacent. Despite set backs and adversity, the respondents featured here by and large seem to perceive their circumstances in positive terms. This may be through the ability to put situations into a wider context via a heightened awareness. New experiences for these women are generally perceived as an opportunity to change their outlook in some way, in addition to having faith in the ‘system’. Above all, these women are articulate and communicate reflectively and reflexively about their surroundings and circumstances. In many cases a ‘cognitive transformation’ appears to have occurred, as individuals recognise that coping with adversity has led to new opportunities, and that initially challenging circumstances have in fact promoted some form of personal growth (Tebes et al., Reference Tebes, Irish, Puglisi Vasquez and Perkins2004).
Of course, it is difficult to ascertain the direction of causality, and it would be a challenge to measure the levels of ‘innate’ resilience that individuals possess. Nevertheless, these respondents have shown resilient behaviour.
So what of the study respondents not featured here, who are finding life difficult and cannot, for whatever reason, adopt the strategies or outlooks outlined above? Often there is a tangible explanation for why they cannot move forward. The most socially excluded families we interviewed encountered a combination of factors: chronic health problems coupled with a language barrier, years of domestic violence coupled with a relationship break-up, experiencing ongoing problems with disenfranchised children coupled with institutional racism. A high prevalence of chronic, severe or postnatal depression and domestic violence amongst respondents meant that for some, the ability to seek opportunity, develop fulfilling relationships and build self-esteem and a more positive self-narrative is unlikely. Social comparisons may also have a role to play, as respondents may possess a tendency to compare themselves unfavourably with others in more fortunate circumstances. A combination of socio-economic inequality and negative social comparisons has been shown to impact unfavourably on individuals in other qualitative studies (Davidson et al., Reference Davidson, Kitzinger and Hunt2006) following theories postulated on the role of psychosocial processes (Wilkinson, Reference Wilkinson1996, Reference Wilkinson1999).
In policy terms, recent years have heralded a focus on tackling social inequalities and exclusion via area-based programmes by the UK Labour government. This has brought attention to the reasons behind exclusion (poor schooling, inadequate health services, unemployment, low incomes and so on) as a prelude to tackling them with initiatives such as Sure Start (giving support and advice to parents of the under five's) and New Deal (helping people back into work). Whilst many interviewees found support to varying degrees with these programmes and often had positive experiences, perhaps a more ‘salutogenic’ approach (Schoon, Reference Schoon2006) is needed where the focus is not on tackling established problems but on supporting the developmental processes that lead to positive outcomes. Arguably, initiatives such as Sure Start do this by intervening in the formative years but its role is still one of trying to ameliorate established problems with its presence in deprived areas. For parents, community-run schemes can be just as valuable, as attested by Zoe, yet by the study's end the organisation through which she had received help had closed down, illustrating the precariousness of ‘grass roots’ groups. Supporting people to deal with their circumstances is no substitute for policies which address macro-structural influences or the problems that people face such as overcrowding, racism or high levels of crime (Taylor et al., Reference Taylor, Seaton and Rodriguez2002).
In many ways, the findings presented lend support to results of existing reviews on resilience, normally based on quantitative work often characterised by the arbitrary selection of outcome variables (Harrop et al., Reference Harrop, Addis, Elliott and Williams2007). Nevertheless, a number of reflections on the use of qualitative methods should be highlighted. First, the nature of the interviewer/interviewee interaction is such that participants may be engaging in a ‘positive presentation’ of the self, in other words, projecting a more favourable outlook than is the case. Second, the bias of positive selection would apply to the sample as a whole: well adjusted, relatively stable families are more likely to participate and continue within the study, whilst those in less favourable situations are never recruited or drop out (although this may be less of an issue when the aim is to study resilient processes in depth). An in-depth qualitative analysis also necessitates concentrating on a small sub-sample that can by no means be said to be representative, although the participation of minority ethnic families addresses a neglected aspect of this research area (McDermott and Graham, Reference McDermott and Graham2005; Wallace, Reference Wallace1999). Third, as primary care givers are usually women, and this is reflected in the study recruitment, male perspectives are absent from analysis. Fourth, respondents were never directly asked about ‘resilience’ per se, and a qualitative study doing so may yield very different accounts. Fifth, the data collected would again most probably differ if focus groups or more in-depth, explorative interviews had been utilised. Lastly, the richest data arose from participants who spontaneously spoke about themselves and their lives when less articulate individuals pass under the radar yet have equally valuable and valid accounts.
Conclusion
Research into resilience has burgeoned in recent decades, shaped in the main by a quantitative ‘top−down’ perspective with a reliance on pre-selected outcome variables. Whilst significant contributions and advancements have been made, it is argued that there is still a ‘lack of empirical evidence on processes and mechanisms underlying protection, resilience and adaptation’ (Harrop et al., Reference Harrop, Addis, Elliott and Williams2007: 98). The data presented here intend to lend some insight into resilient processes by illustrating the ways in which people reflect on and frame the difficulties and challenges they face. Social comparison and cognitive transformation theories are tentatively used as a means of giving some theoretical basis to these rich data (Festinger, Reference Festinger1954; Tebes et al., Reference Tebes, Irish, Puglisi Vasquez and Perkins2004). The potential for the use of other qualitative approaches and for qualitative work to complement and enrich quantitative findings is immense (Ungar, Reference Ungar2003) in addition to comparative qualitative work mapping out the fortunes of the resilient and vulnerable − a perspective only touched upon here. Lastly, greater attention needs to be paid to the potential role of resilience research in influencing future social policy where the aim for all adults to be in the labour market may neglect individual circumstances as well as the vital role parents play as caregivers and role models.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the study respondents for their time and insight, as well as Anne Power (Principle Investigator) and Helen Willmot (Research Fellow). Thanks also to two anonymous referees, and Tania Burchardt for comments on various drafts. The research was funded by the ESRC. The views expressed are those of the author and not necessarily those of the ESRC.
