When it comes to the religious experiences of Latinos, most people automatically associate being Latino with being Catholic. While this may have been partially true in decades past, recent polls suggest that nearly half of all Latinos now identify as something other than Catholic, with Protestant and nonreligious identification experiencing the most growth. As Mark Mulder, Aida Ramos, and Gerardo Martí convincingly demonstrate, though, these individuals are more than just “not Catholic.” Up to 35% of Latinos are now actively affiliated with Protestant churches, one of the single largest sources of religious growth in the United States (U.S.). To put these numbers into perspective, by 2015 “Latino Protestants in the United States outnumbered Episcopalians by a factor of three to one,” and by 2030, “half of all Latinos in America will be Protestant” (2). With Latinos being among the fastest growing racial and ethnic groups in the U.S., the study of Latino Protestants will only increase in importance. Latino Protestants in America is on the cutting edge of this trend, and offers one of the first social scientific introductions to the topic. Full of rich analyses and careful to emphasize the complexity and nuances of these religious groups, this book belongs on the shelf of anyone interested in understanding the shifting demographics of American religion and the future of U.S. religion and politics.

The original data for the book are drawn from the extensive, multi-year Latino Protestant Congregations Project (LPC). The LPC combines participant observation, interviews, and other qualitative data from churches across the U.S., including those in traditional and newer Latino communities. The overall project is centered on three primary areas: “liturgy and worship,” “ethnic and racial identity,” and “community and civic engagement” (152). Already this project has produced fascinating cases, such as Protestant churches that obfuscate their religious identity by including Catholic elements to their worship in order to attract members (96), churches that have made the decision to remove the word “Hispanic” from their name (70), and how many Latino Protestant churches become socially and politically engaged through the marginalization experienced by their members, who are ethnic minorities in the U.S. and religious minorities in their social groups (131). Because Latino Protestants in America is a first introduction to the topic, readers who are deeply engaged in the topic of Latino religions may find themselves desiring more of the depth that this project provides beyond the book's text. However, the authors note that data collection will continue at least through 2018, so one can look forward to additional forthcoming research from the LPC.

The book closely follows the outline of the project, with three chapters situating Latino Protestants in the historical and contemporary context, followed by a chapter on each of the three main topics, and concluding with a well-designed chapter devoted to avenues for further research. Most chapters include cases from the LPC and a mixture of quantitative survey data from the Pew Research Center or other major sources of data on Latino religions. The penultimate chapter on Latino Protestants' political and social engagement may be of most interest to researchers of politics and religion, broaching familiar topics like partisan identification, civic skill development, and public opinion on social and economic issues. The chapter also includes a section on Latino faith-based organizations, a topic which warrants still more attention and scholarly research. Ultimately, the chapter makes the sage assertion that, in order to understand the role of religion in Latino politics, “context matters … theology matters … scale matters as well” (132). That is to say, scholars must do more to understand what goes on inside church doors, to understand the unique belief systems of different Latino groups, and to understand that Latino political forces include local congregations, highly visible religio-political figures, and everything in between.

Though more indirectly, other sections of the book remain relevant to the changing religious and political landscape of Latinos in the U.S. For example, Mulder, Ramos, and Martí frequently remind readers that Latino Protestants are far from homogeneous; thus, attempts to bring them into political coalitions will require new strategies and forms of outreach. The fact that Latino Protestants (who, though more Republican than Latino Catholics, are still overwhelmingly Democratic) are entering historically conservative Pentecostal, evangelical, and traditional mainline churches also means that the Religious Right could have a new source of either allies or dissent. And conversion to Protestantism, an act which may be considered politically relevant in its own right, is also wrapped up into experiences of immigration, incorporation, and involvement in the community — all of which have significant consequences for political attitudes and behavior. These and other trends (the context, theology, and scale described above) are discussed at length and open up new ways to understand religious groups that have been too long underrepresented in the literature.

Of course, with a group as diverse as Latino Protestants, the book naturally overlooks certain topics that could further nuance the research. For instance, most of the congregations studied were founded as “Latino churches,” although about one in six Latino Protestants worship in a “non-Latino church” (93). As the authors note, more could be done to explore the tensions and opportunities that rise from the “shared” congregation. Furthermore, while Protestant-Catholic relations are described in some detail, how Protestants relate to other Latinos and non-Latino religious groups is not covered. Lastly, divisions within Latino Protestantism, such as relationships between Pentecostals and traditional evangelicals, could receive additional consideration.

In the end, it is difficult to disagree with the authors' claim that “the rise of Latino Protestantism will be one of the most important trends in U.S. religion in the coming decades” (3). Given this trend, Latino Protestants in America is a necessary addition to the literature and is likely to become a go-to reference for scholars of religion, race and ethnicity, and politics. Carefully constructed, attentive to diverse experiences, and readily accessible, this book is both a call to acknowledge the scholarly importance of Latino Protestants and a first step in the direction toward answering that call.