In reviewing Adam Lankford's book, The Myth of Martyrdom (Lankford Reference Lankford2013c), first, I have a couple of reservations:
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1. Despite the commendable job done by the author, the data on suicide terrorists are necessarily limited.
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2. Referring to “terrorist organizations” as wanting “attention” and “publicity” is puzzling. Lankford does not provide a definition of “terrorism,” but the red thread running through published definitions refers to violence against non-combatants. This may be a deliberate policy not only on the part of “terrorist organizations,” but also of states. At least one Israeli leader argued in 1981 that mass killing of civilians is fully justified when it produces the right outcome (Asad Reference Asad2009).
Lankford's review in the book should lead us to consider psychopathology, or subjective personal deficiency, as probable factors in acts of self-sacrifice. He is right in regarding claims to normality in all suicide bombers as untenable, having statistics and logic on his side. This is reminiscent of claims about the absolute normality of all religious converts (Beit-Hallahmi Reference Beit-Hallahmi, Zablocki and Robbins2001). Sympathetic views of terrorists (suicidal or not) in the literature may reflect Western guilt over colonialism and exploitation, which ended only when the colonial subjects resorted to effective violence. Native violence was always regarded as criminal and depraved; the terminology of “terrorism” may be a recent version of that.
The suicidality hypothesis has much merit to it and could be applied in many other cases. Suicidal tendencies have been considered in “psychological autopsies” of seemingly accidental deaths, both military and civilian (Wrightsman Reference Wrightsman2001). There are situations in regular military organizations or in “terrorist” (i.e., non-governmental) organizations where individuals put themselves in circumstances that are directly or potentially suicidal, not only when somebody jumps on a grenade, but when individuals volunteer for high-risk missions. When soldiers (or “terrorist” rebels) are ordered into action, their motivation, beyond obedience and loyalty, raises few questions. When individuals volunteer for specific missions where chances of survival are low, questions should be raised. Self-selection in these cases may be related to long-standing depression or short-term hopelessness.
The African National Congress (ANC), now the ruling party in South Africa, was considered a terrorist organization by the United States government as late as 2008, replicating many other cases in the history of anti-colonial struggles. Its military wing, co-founded by Nelson Mandela, carried out some indiscriminate bombings, which mostly killed Africans, as well as guerilla attacks against government targets. Most of these latter operations could only be described as “suicidal.” ANC fighters who volunteered for them knew very well that chances of surviving were very low, while those involved in indiscriminate bombings almost always survived (Kalley et al. Reference Kalley, Schoeman and Andor1999). We could hypothesize that volunteers for guerilla operations were more likely to suffer from dejection and self-doubt.
We should recall that the preservation of life and limb is not the highest value in any human culture. All cultures admire self-sacrifice for a cause, just like self-control over one's bodily desires and weaknesses. We admire those who climb Mt. Everest, or run marathons in a victory of “spirit” over “flesh”; we admire even more those whose acts benefit the whole community or nation. Patriotic self-sacrifice is always praised, but most patriots don't want to die in war and most believers don't want to be martyrs. Motivation for any significant human act is over-determined, and the principle of over-determination applies to all significant altruistic acts. Behind the declared selfless reasons, much might be hidden (Batson Reference Batson2011).
The scope of Lankford's analysis is limited by sympathy, respect, and fear. At the end of the Précis article, he refers to examining the psychological state of “Buddhist monks who have set themselves on fire,” but confesses that “If we dig too deep, I'm almost afraid of what we might find” (sect. 8, para. 6), thus admitting concern about potential criticism. Moral sympathies should not interfere with psychological analysis. It is possible, and necessary, to disentangle moral judgment, political sympathy, and clinical diagnosis.
The psychoanalytic tradition has not let respect stand in the way of interpreting self-sacrifice as related to potential psychopathology. It has examined religious traditions that offer believers various forms of renunciation, from martyrdom to acts of charity which involve self-debasement and risk (Beit-Hallahmi Reference Beit-Hallahmi1996; Reference Beit-Hallahmi2010; Beit-Hallahmi & Argyle Reference Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle1997; Bradford Reference Bradford1990; Seelig & Rosof Reference Seelig and Rosof2001). Psychoanalysis has become famous for uncovering pathology behind every good deed and debunking altruism. It has described the acts of self-sacrificing individuals as tinged with masochism (Fenichel Reference Fenichel1945; Freud Reference Freud1946).
We must treat such speculations with caution; however, we are drawn to them when witnessing true self-sacrifice. We can observe nuns, who, because of religious ideals, take care of terminal patients in hospices or of the severely retarded, those who will never get better. This means not dramatic heroism and total renunciation, but a heroic way of life, day by day. This way of life expresses an ideal of self-sacrifice (“kissing the leper”) which we can only admire, while wondering about the complex motives behind it. There are medical workers who work in hospices or with incurable cases, of course, but they have not taken vows to avoid pleasures and shun any other commitments.
Some widely admired moral heroes were self-tortured, self-critical, depressed, and even suicidal. Both Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., dead by assassination, attempted suicide and displayed problematic behaviors (e.g., Adams Reference Adams2010). Janusz Korczak (the pen name of Henryk Goldszmit) was not only a brilliant writer, but earned a well-deserved reputation as a moral hero. He devoted his life to children, lived with them, never had a family of his own, and went with them to his death in the Holocaust, refusing to save his own life (Lifton Reference Lifton1997). His private writings reveal a deeply unhappy man oppressed by self-doubt and self-accusation.
Extraordinary acts stem from extraordinary motivations. A devaluation of the self, and of the world, often lead individuals to inaction. Sometimes these may result in attempts to transform the self or the world. Pathology is part of the equation which animates some we consider villains and others we consider heroes.
In reviewing Adam Lankford's book, The Myth of Martyrdom (Lankford Reference Lankford2013c), first, I have a couple of reservations:
1. Despite the commendable job done by the author, the data on suicide terrorists are necessarily limited.
2. Referring to “terrorist organizations” as wanting “attention” and “publicity” is puzzling. Lankford does not provide a definition of “terrorism,” but the red thread running through published definitions refers to violence against non-combatants. This may be a deliberate policy not only on the part of “terrorist organizations,” but also of states. At least one Israeli leader argued in 1981 that mass killing of civilians is fully justified when it produces the right outcome (Asad Reference Asad2009).
Lankford's review in the book should lead us to consider psychopathology, or subjective personal deficiency, as probable factors in acts of self-sacrifice. He is right in regarding claims to normality in all suicide bombers as untenable, having statistics and logic on his side. This is reminiscent of claims about the absolute normality of all religious converts (Beit-Hallahmi Reference Beit-Hallahmi, Zablocki and Robbins2001). Sympathetic views of terrorists (suicidal or not) in the literature may reflect Western guilt over colonialism and exploitation, which ended only when the colonial subjects resorted to effective violence. Native violence was always regarded as criminal and depraved; the terminology of “terrorism” may be a recent version of that.
The suicidality hypothesis has much merit to it and could be applied in many other cases. Suicidal tendencies have been considered in “psychological autopsies” of seemingly accidental deaths, both military and civilian (Wrightsman Reference Wrightsman2001). There are situations in regular military organizations or in “terrorist” (i.e., non-governmental) organizations where individuals put themselves in circumstances that are directly or potentially suicidal, not only when somebody jumps on a grenade, but when individuals volunteer for high-risk missions. When soldiers (or “terrorist” rebels) are ordered into action, their motivation, beyond obedience and loyalty, raises few questions. When individuals volunteer for specific missions where chances of survival are low, questions should be raised. Self-selection in these cases may be related to long-standing depression or short-term hopelessness.
The African National Congress (ANC), now the ruling party in South Africa, was considered a terrorist organization by the United States government as late as 2008, replicating many other cases in the history of anti-colonial struggles. Its military wing, co-founded by Nelson Mandela, carried out some indiscriminate bombings, which mostly killed Africans, as well as guerilla attacks against government targets. Most of these latter operations could only be described as “suicidal.” ANC fighters who volunteered for them knew very well that chances of surviving were very low, while those involved in indiscriminate bombings almost always survived (Kalley et al. Reference Kalley, Schoeman and Andor1999). We could hypothesize that volunteers for guerilla operations were more likely to suffer from dejection and self-doubt.
We should recall that the preservation of life and limb is not the highest value in any human culture. All cultures admire self-sacrifice for a cause, just like self-control over one's bodily desires and weaknesses. We admire those who climb Mt. Everest, or run marathons in a victory of “spirit” over “flesh”; we admire even more those whose acts benefit the whole community or nation. Patriotic self-sacrifice is always praised, but most patriots don't want to die in war and most believers don't want to be martyrs. Motivation for any significant human act is over-determined, and the principle of over-determination applies to all significant altruistic acts. Behind the declared selfless reasons, much might be hidden (Batson Reference Batson2011).
The scope of Lankford's analysis is limited by sympathy, respect, and fear. At the end of the Précis article, he refers to examining the psychological state of “Buddhist monks who have set themselves on fire,” but confesses that “If we dig too deep, I'm almost afraid of what we might find” (sect. 8, para. 6), thus admitting concern about potential criticism. Moral sympathies should not interfere with psychological analysis. It is possible, and necessary, to disentangle moral judgment, political sympathy, and clinical diagnosis.
The psychoanalytic tradition has not let respect stand in the way of interpreting self-sacrifice as related to potential psychopathology. It has examined religious traditions that offer believers various forms of renunciation, from martyrdom to acts of charity which involve self-debasement and risk (Beit-Hallahmi Reference Beit-Hallahmi1996; Reference Beit-Hallahmi2010; Beit-Hallahmi & Argyle Reference Beit-Hallahmi and Argyle1997; Bradford Reference Bradford1990; Seelig & Rosof Reference Seelig and Rosof2001). Psychoanalysis has become famous for uncovering pathology behind every good deed and debunking altruism. It has described the acts of self-sacrificing individuals as tinged with masochism (Fenichel Reference Fenichel1945; Freud Reference Freud1946).
We must treat such speculations with caution; however, we are drawn to them when witnessing true self-sacrifice. We can observe nuns, who, because of religious ideals, take care of terminal patients in hospices or of the severely retarded, those who will never get better. This means not dramatic heroism and total renunciation, but a heroic way of life, day by day. This way of life expresses an ideal of self-sacrifice (“kissing the leper”) which we can only admire, while wondering about the complex motives behind it. There are medical workers who work in hospices or with incurable cases, of course, but they have not taken vows to avoid pleasures and shun any other commitments.
Some widely admired moral heroes were self-tortured, self-critical, depressed, and even suicidal. Both Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., dead by assassination, attempted suicide and displayed problematic behaviors (e.g., Adams Reference Adams2010). Janusz Korczak (the pen name of Henryk Goldszmit) was not only a brilliant writer, but earned a well-deserved reputation as a moral hero. He devoted his life to children, lived with them, never had a family of his own, and went with them to his death in the Holocaust, refusing to save his own life (Lifton Reference Lifton1997). His private writings reveal a deeply unhappy man oppressed by self-doubt and self-accusation.
Extraordinary acts stem from extraordinary motivations. A devaluation of the self, and of the world, often lead individuals to inaction. Sometimes these may result in attempts to transform the self or the world. Pathology is part of the equation which animates some we consider villains and others we consider heroes.