In the continuing battles in the United States over contraception, abortion, and other socio-moral issues, conventional wisdom portrays religious advocates on one side and seculars, progressives, and feminists on the other. Indeed, those at the forefront of the pro-life movement have been the Catholic Church, evangelical Protestant churches, and a host of pro-family organizations; secular and progressive groups, among others, have promoted the pro-choice movement. In Sacred Work, Tom Davis, an ordained United Church of Christ minister, makes an important contribution to the study of politics and religion by focusing on the noteworthy work of mainline Protestant clergy and Jewish rabbis for women's rights, specifically reproductive rights. By tracing the religious dimension of The Planned Parenthood Federation of America over time, Davis makes a compelling case for the historical and contemporary intersections between Planned Parenthood and the clergy and rabbis who have worked within and through it.

A recurring theme throughout Davis' book is the role of clergy and rabbis in helping Planned Parenthood push the boundaries of social policy. Davis begins with the work of Margaret Sanger — whose mother had eighteen pregnancies, eleven children, and died at the age of 49 — to make birth control available in early twentieth century America. Sanger reached out to individual clergy and rabbis and sought opportunities to speak at religious gatherings. Progress for those embracing birth control came slowly. The clergy who did respond to Sanger's arguments did not do so because she was religious, but because they believed “she was far closer to biblical morality than were her religious opponents” (p. 45). Clergy and rabbis built public acceptance of birth control through three forms of advocacy: public statements asserting the morality of contraception, organizing a national network of clergy sympathizers, and clergy defense of doctors fired from Catholic hospitals (p. 48).

While sketching the historical contours of the Planned Parenthood-clergy relationship, Davis interjects several effective case studies. In 1958, contraceptive advocates won a key case when they convinced New York City to provide birth control for some women. Davis attributes their success to four factors: growing public acceptance of contraception; courageous doctors; Planned Parenthood's coalition strategy, which created a partnership with clergy to counteract the influence of the Catholic Church; and the political savvy of the clergy (pp. 85–86). With the injection of mainline Protestants and Jewish traditions into this debate, “the morality issue was neutralized” (p. 86). The New York City action led to the founding of the Clergymen's National Advisory Council and contraception gains in Baltimore between 1961 and 1965. Davis attributes these advances to close organizational ties between Planned Parenthood and clergy, and the use of “justice” language (p. 103). Subsequent contraception victories in Denver, St. Louis, and San Francisco suggest how well clergy and Planned Parenthood worked together, even as the 1968 papal encyclical Humanae Vitae and the rise of abortion as a contentious issue would bring an end to what Davis calls “the era of good feelings” in views toward contraception (p. 118).

In the post Roe v. Wade (1973) era, with abortion now legal, Planned Parenthood faced a dilemma. Even as groups such as the Religious Coalition and Catholics for a Free Choice came out strongly in favor of abortion rights, Planned Parenthood held back a bit. Davis links Planned Parenthood's caution to several factors, including boards directed by conservative business and professional interests, and the opposition — sometimes violent — to the legalization of abortion. Whatever the case, it is fascinating to find that in abortion as well as in contraception, it was clergy who at times led Planned Parenthood toward more liberal position issues on these controversial public issues. As an insider and former chair of the Planned Parenthood Clergy Advisory Board, Davis provides the reader with a front-row seat to the evolving history of clergy and rabbi coordination with Planned Parenthood and other reproductive rights efforts. The work is rich in history, nuance, and in suggesting how the political approach of these parties produced reproductive victories. Davis is at his best when writing about his experiences (and those of others close to him) in the politics of contraception and abortion.

At the same time, the book suffers from Davis' close affiliation to the cause. Davis writes that while he is “clearly not a disinterested party … this study is as objective as I can make it” (p. xv). Davis' partiality undermines the book's strengths in several ways. First, as the title suggests, Davis assumes that “sacred work” means providing reproductive choices, including abortion, to women; many religious adherents would dissent, suggesting the “sacred” rights of the fetus should be paramount. Second, the work does not sift out the two main issues of contraception and abortion. Many believers (outside of the Catholic Church) may agree with Davis on contraception rights but disagree with him on abortion. Third, Davis' use of subjective language — predominately “pro-choice” and “antiabortion” — undermines his case. Ultimately, Davis equates “justice” with reproductive rights. Whether securing contraception, abortion rights, or other prerogatives for women is “just” and “sacred” work will be determined not in the churches or in Planned Parenthood, but in the halls of public opinion.