Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton and Ivorian President Ouattara, January 17, 2012Footnote 1
Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Alassane Ouattara gave these remarks in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire
President Ouattara. Madam Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, first of all, on behalf of the Government and the people of Côte d'Ivoire, and also on my own behalf and on behalf of Mrs. Ouattara, which—who admires the Secretary of State, who would like and to wish you a warm welcome, like we say in Cote d'Ivoire, “Akwaaba.”
We're very happy to welcome you here in Cote d'Ivoire, more than 20 years after the visit of the high-ranking authority, Mr. George Shultz, who was Secretary of State. He came to Abidjan in January 1987. I would like to take the opportunity of her presence here to ask you to send our sincere acknowledgments to President Barack Obama for his personal commitments and his support during the grave post-electoral crisis which took place in our country.
And the same location, I also would like, Madam Secretary of State, to thank you for the efforts that your country have made for the promotion and the reinforcement of the democratic process in Cote d'Ivoire, in Africa, and in the world. I would like to take a few minutes to remind you that we have the will to give to our country credible and strong institutions. President Obama had said strong institutions is what our countries need. We have had our legislative elections on December 11th, and the constitutional council is examining requests. We hope that this will end in the following days to enable us to have the elections where necessary. So this is a token of the vitality of democracy in our country. I would like also to tell him that we have the firm will to build a rule of law with impartial justice and, of course, respectful of human rights.
Madam Secretary of State, as you probably know, important efforts have been made to consolidate peace and bring back security in our country. It hasn't been easy. The armed forces are being restructured in order to give to our country a republican army. We're also reinforcing our military relations and security relations in order to fight against cross-border crime, maritime piracy, drug tracking, proliferation of arms, and terrorism. We hope that we'll be able to reinforce the cooperation—the military cooperation—with the United States.
Madam Secretary of State, we had a very interesting meeting a few minutes ago on issues of economic cooperation and social and international cooperation. We, of course, ask for the support of the United States concerning our demand before the IMF and the World Bank in order to reach—to have our initiative HIPC. This will enable Cote d'Ivoire to renew sustainably with growth and also to reduce poverty, because the level of poverty, unfortunately, in our country reaches 50 percent of the population. In this regard, we are asking for first (inaudible) of (inaudible).
Madam Secretary of State, since you will chair over the MCC meeting while respecting the rules and procedures to support us so that we can, as soon as this year, have the MCC to enable us to have the necessary financial support as far as this facility is concerned.
We also talked about the cocoa sector— cocoa culture. The reform of the sector is about to end, and I've given you the information, according to which I've signed the decrees necessary for the organization of the new structure, which is called the Council of Cocoa and Coffee. The members of the board and the director general of the structure will be appointed this week, and we will do our utmost so that everything that is expected by the reform should be established immediately as possible before the end of this month.
I would like to reaffirm our commitment to fight against the worst forms of children labor. Efforts have been made by the Ivoirian Government, decrees have been taken to put into place an inter-ministerial council chaired over by the minister of work and solidarity. But mostly, we have established a monitoring council so that we can be sure that all the things that have been promised will be implemented. And the first lady, which have been helping children for a while now, particularly from poor families, have decided to be personally involved in this issue. So Mrs. Dominique Ouatarra will chair over this monitoring committee. So this is to show the interest and the attention that we'll bring to this issue to fight against the use of children in the cocoa sector.
Madam Secretary of State, I will continue on different issues that we've raised. There were numerous, but we have a total converging views as far as diplomatic international issues are concerned on the African continent and in the world. We consider that peace is necessary for Cote d'Ivoire, for the African continent, and the world. And we want to show our admiration for the work which has been done by the United States of America with yourself and under the authority of President Obama for a better world, a world of peace for each of the inhabitants of this planet.
So I would like to conclude by saying that today Cote d'Ivoire is in peace. We still have major challenges to face, but we count on the reinforcement of the cooperation between our two countries. Thank you for honoring us with your visit. And Madam Secretary of State, once again I would like to show my admiration. Thank you Mrs. Secretary of State. Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Mr. President, for the warm welcome extended to me and to my delegation from yourself and the ministers in your government. I am delighted to be here in Cote d'Ivoire at such a historic moment in this nation's history. I wish to express our admiration for the progress that your country is making—a steady and hopeful return to peace and security, reconciliation among all the people of the nation, as well as economic and social development. I am inspired by how quickly not only the government but the people have moved from the violence and conflict of last spring to successful legislative elections in December and to a commitment that is in the air to build a better future for all Ivoirians and particularly for the next generation.
This is an exciting time for Cote d'Ivoire as it is for West Africa as a whole. We have seen successful elections in Nigeria, the restoration of a civilian government in Niger, the establishment of the first elected government in Guinea. And yesterday I had the privilege of representing my country, as did President Ouattara, at the inauguration of President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf for her second term after another free and fair election. Securing these gains for democracy, prosperity, peace, and security for the people here as well as for your neighbors will take consistent hard work. And that is why I'm very pleased that Cote d'Ivoire is once again demonstrating leadership not only at home, but in the region. I thank the president for traveling to 10 of the 15 ECOWAS countries during his early months in office because West Africa has so much potential, and Cote d'Ivoire has to be at the center of realizing that potential.
Twenty-five years ago when my predecessor, former Secretary of State George Schultz visited, Cote d'Ivoire was the engine of economic growth in West Africa. We have no doubt, President Obama and myself, that Cote d'Ivoire can once again be the engine of economic growth for Ivoirians, but also for the region. In order to accomplish that, it's important to continue the democratic process that you have embarked upon to include all voices, even dissenting ones, in political dialogue, because democracy requires not just elections, but strong institutions, an independent, impartial judiciary, a free press as represented by these ladies and gentlemen here today. And the United States is supporting Cote d'Ivoire's efforts to build these institutions, to foster national reconciliation, to support a vibrant civil society, to ensure the full participation of all people no matter where they live or what their background and to include women in building a strong and vibrant future.
We discussed a broad range of issues today in our meetings, and the United States stands ready to support the agenda that the president has set forth. People need good jobs, particularly young people. Families need good schools to send their children to attend, everyone needs good healthcare, and I am very hopeful that the president's agenda will help revitalize this dynamic, very important country at a time when we all need to do more to set a positive vision for the future.
But Mr. President, let me repeat again what you heard from President Obama and myself when you were in Washington for the visit in the White House. The United States stands ready to be a partner and a friend to your country and to your people and to provide assistance and support as appropriate to help you achieve the goals that you have set forth for the future. Thank you, Mr. President. Thank you, sir.
Q. How do you judge the level of security in this country? Is the United States ready to support Cote d'Ivoire for lifting the arm embargo to enable this country to better equip its security forces? At the economic level, what are the results of your visit to Cote d'Ivoire? Will Cote d'Ivoire benefit from the support of Cote d'Ivoire to reach—to have the HIPC initiative, and also to participate in the MCC? Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. Well, every question you raised are ones that we discussed starting earlier this morning with the foreign minister, continuing with two meetings with the president and the cabinet. So let me take them in order.
First, the United States stands ready to assist in the security reform efforts that the president and the prime minister and the cabinet are undertaking. We know that there is a lot of work to be done to demilitarize, demobilize, and reintegrate those who were in militias and those who have an unfortunate history of even being child soldiers. So we are going to work with the president as Cote d'Ivoire sets forth its vision for what kind of army you want, what kind of police force you want, how to bring security to every part of the country, including the west, how to protect against any cross-border criminal activity from drug traffickers and others. So we are already assisting, but we look forward to assisting in even more ways as your government sets forth its vision for security reform.
Similarly with economic reform, we strongly support the steps that the president has already taken. President Obama moved quickly to reinstate Cote d'Ivoire into the African Growth and Opportunities Act, and we look forward to welcoming a delegation from Cote d'Ivoire to the United States for the AGOA meeting later this year. We want to work to support the kind of projects that the president and the cabinet have set forth on economic development and reconstruction. We strongly support the reforms that are being undertaken with respect to cocoa. And we look forward to the IMF providing HIPC status as soon as possible.
Similarly, regarding the MCC, the indicators for eligibility are very strict, but I have told the president and his colleagues that we will certainly work with the government toward meeting those indicators. It would be no surprise that it will take some time after the problems of the last 10 years and particularly the conflict of last year. But we are encouraged by the progress we already see taking place in Cote d'Ivoire, and we want to encourage more progress. So we will do what we can to support that.
Q. Mr. President, Madam Secretary, Brad Klapper from Associated Press. For both of you, beyond the promises of accountability, how important is it that people see justice meted out in Ivory Coast among not just the vanquished but the victors for crimes committed during last year's conflict? Is there a timeline for action?
And Madam Secretary, if I could, could I just ask you about Yemen as well? There are reports the election may be postponed and that al-Qaida has overrun a city south of Yemen, south of Sana'a. But what is the U.S. doing to help stabilize the country politically and security-wise?
President Ouattara. The question of justice is concern for all. I would like to reaffirm our will to continue for justice to be equitable and that all those that have committed crimes should be treated equally without—with no discrimination. I have told the Secretary of State that we have put into place a national investigation commission, which is doing an important work in the west of the country, as well as in the city of Abidjan, concerning all the crimes that have been committed during the post-electoral crisis.
So we're waiting with a great deal of patience the report of this commission, and the conclusions will be, of course, examined, adopted, and transferred to justice so that those that should be judged would be judged. And Cote d'Ivoire wants to be a country which respects the rule of law, so there's no doubt about this. Thank you.
Secretary Clinton. And we commend the Ivoirian Government for the steps they are taking to hold those who perpetrated human rights abuses accountable. We think that all Ivoirians need to see that the rule of law is working and that there is impartial justice, a transparent system to ensure that all atrocities are fully investigated, and that the perpetrators, regardless of which side they supported, are held to account. In this past year, we've committed about $44 million to help the country strengthen—excuse me—strengthen its justice sector and democratic governance, and we will continue to provide such support.
With respect to Yemen, as you are well aware, the instability in Yemen is of great concern, first and foremost, to the Yemeni people, but to the region and to the world. It remains a great challenge. There has been agreements with respect to the way forward that have not been fulfilled. We regret that the president has thus far failed to comply with his own commitments to leave the country and to permit elections to go forward, that could give the people a chance to be heard and be represented. We remain focused on the threat posed by al-Qaida in Yemen, and we continue to work with our partners there and elsewhere to ensure that al-Qaida does not gain a foothold in the Arabian Peninsula through actions that would undermine the stability of Yemen and the region.
Q. Hi. (Inaudible) from (inaudible) News. And Ivory Coast is on the road of recovery. IMF and World Bank are expecting the economy of the Ivory Coast role in (inaudible). I would like to know how the U.S. (inaudible) going to be part of this economic recovery. Are there already some American businesses (inaudible) in Ivory Coast (inaudible)?
Secretary Clinton. Well, Mr. President, this is a question you asked me and all of your colleagues asked me, and I am delighted that it is a matter of interest to the media, because we very much want to send a clear message to American businesses that Cote d'Ivoire is open for business, that there are investment opportunities, there are people looking for work who are ready to go to work, there are many ways that American businesses can invest with, trade with, and create opportunities right here. So I've discussed with the government how we can help open the eyes and open the doors of American businesses to what is possible here, and we will be working in partnership with the government to do so.
Statement from National Security Council Spokesman Tommy Vietor, January 17, 2012Footnote 2
The United States continues to be deeply disturbed by the recent interethnic clashes in Jonglei State in the Republic of South Sudan that are causing tremendous human suffering, displacement, and death. The long-running cycle of violence between certain tribes, particularly the Murle and Lou Nuer, has escalated to an alarming series of revenge attacks in recent weeks, and we urge all sides to refrain from further provocative or retaliatory acts.
We welcome the South Sudanese government's launch of an investigation into these attacks and its deployment of additional military and police forces to the region, and we support efforts by the UN and non-governmental organizations to provide urgently-needed humanitarian assistance to those who fled the fighting. We believe that it is important for the South Sudanese government to respond not only with immediate measures to stem the escalating cycle of attacks between these tribes, but also to address the root causes of violence between them. In particular, we urge the South Sudanese government to address the lack of security in these communities, and we urge the leaders of these communities to engage each other in a peaceful manner to come to a long-term resolution to the violence. We also note the mandate of the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) with respect to conflict prevention and civilian protection, and call upon the South Sudanese government and the UN to continue working closely together on this vitally important mission. We further call upon the UN to provide any additional support that is needed by UNMISS to carry out its responsibilities in South Sudan.
Remarks by Deputy United States Trade Representative Marantis, January 18, 2012Footnote 3
Ambassador Demetrios J. Marantis gave the following remarks in Mauritius
Ambassador Marantis. A beloved American writer, Mark Twain, once reported that “Mauritius was made first and then heaven; and heaven was copied after Mauritius.” That is a compliment to make any country proud. But with all due respect to Mr. Twain, those words tell only a part of the story of Mauritius today. Mauritius's heaven has also evolved into a vibrant, thriving, modernizing, and perhaps most importantly, diversifying, economy.
On behalf of President Obama and the U.S. Trade Representative, Ambassador Kirk, I am happy to be here today to celebrate with you how far Mauritius has already come and the steps you continue to take toward future economic growth and prosperity.
As a small island with limited resources and population, Mauritius faces many national and global challenges. But in so many instances, Mauritius has consistently overcome them. In fact, in 2012, the World Bank once again ranked Mauritius first among African economies, and twenty third worldwide, in terms of overall ease of doing business.
Your great achievements to date, and your future growth trajectory, can be attributed not only to your impressive track record on democracy, openness to foreign direct investment, economic diversification, and expansion of trade, but also to your vision and determination to fully use every resource and opportunity available. You are a positive role model for fueling economic growth and development through trade and investment, and I applaud your success.
I am also here today to celebrate the bilateral trade and investment relationship between the United States and Mauritius. We have come a long way together. And our bilateral trade ties serve as a microcosm of the success of U.S. trade and investment policies toward Africa. Our trade relationship rests on four pillars: our Trade and Investment Framework Agreement, or TIFA, ongoing negotiations to conclude a Bilateral Investment Treaty, Mauritius's use of trade preferences provided under the African Growth and Opportunity Act, known as AGOA, and trade capacity building assistance.
First, Mauritius has made full use of the opportunities under our U.S.-Mauritius TIFA to further liberalize and expand trade and investment. As a result of work under the TIFA, our trade and investment relationship is growing, and Mauritius is doing particularly well. The TIFA has significantly enhanced cooperation between Mauritius and U.S. trade agencies on topics such as AGOA, trade promotion, export diversification, sanitary and phytosanitary issues, services trade, trade-related infrastructure, and intellectual property rights. And the TIFA has been the major vehicle for identifying and coordinating delivery of trade capacity building and technical assistance.
Second, in 2009, our countries agreed to negotiate a Bilateral Investment Treaty, or BIT, reflecting your interest in exploring every avenue for deeper engagement. The U.S.-Mauritius BIT will help to reinforce Mauritius's trade and economic reform efforts and improve Mauritius's already favorable investment climate by providing high standards of investment protection. Our BIT talks also signal to investors your strong commitment to providing a welcoming, attractive and stable environment for foreign investment. We look forward to accelerating the pace of these negotiations and bringing them to a successful conclusion as soon as possible.
Third, Mauritius serves as a model for other sub-Saharan African countries in its use of the generous trade opportunities that the United States provides to African countries under AGOA. Mauritius is one of the most successful users of AGOA, resulting in part from the close and positive collaboration between the United States and Mauritius on AGOA implementation. Mauritius's AGOA exports to the United States grew by 16 percent during 2010, in part due to a rise in apparel, toys, jewelry, eyeglasses, and value-added agricultural exports.
AGOA trade has also resulted in significant increased investment, not only in Mauritius, but also across the region by Mauritian investors who are making major AGOA-related investments throughout sub-Saharan Africa.
A key opportunity for AGOA beneficiary countries is the ability to export a broad range of goods duty-free to the United States. Yet the ability to diversify exports in order to take full advantage of opportunities offered by AGOA remains a key challenge for many AGOA beneficiaries. Mauritius is one of a handful of AGOA beneficiary countries that has developed and implemented its AGOA strategy, exporting a diverse range of value-added, competitive products to the United States. I am looking forward to seeing another great example of your diversification into value-added exports—eyeglasses production—when I visit Plastinax Austral later today.
Fourth, Mauritius has also made effective use of U.S. trade capacity building assistance. USAID-funded regional trade hubs in Kenya and Botswana have helped Mauritian firms participate in a variety of U.S. trade shows, resulting in millions of dollars in new trade deals with U.S. companies. The success of our trade capacity building work—not just in Mauritius but throughout sub-Saharan Africa—underpinned President Obama's decision last summer to launch the African Competitiveness and Trade Expansion initiative, which will provide $120 million in trade capacity building assistance over four years to help African nations to realize AGOA's full potential.
We know what we are doing today. But what about tomorrow? How can Mauritius's vision and work for future economic growth help to lead the way forward for development in the region more broadly, and how can the United States help to make this vision a reality?
AGOA is a key part of the United States' effort to continue to drive economic growth and development in Africa. Since its launch in 2000, AGOA has provided opportunities for real people and businesses, and has contributed to the growth and development of African economies—as exemplified by Mauritius—through expanded and diversified trade. In fact, in 2010, non-oil imports under AGOA totaled $4 billion, up 18 percent from 2009, and included value-added products such as apparel, footwear, processed agricultural products, and manufactured goods.
But AGOA can do so much more. That's why the Obama Administration is working with Congress to extend to 2015 one of AGOA's most important provisions related to the use of third-country fabric. That provision, which expires this September, allows countries like Mauritius to use fabrics produced in third countries to make apparel that is eligible for duty-free entry into the U.S. market.
Looking further, as AGOA is set to expire in 2015, the Obama Administration is actively engaging AGOA beneficiaries, Congress, and stakeholders to determine what approach to take as we consider its seamless renewal.
We are asking questions such as, how can we increase AGOA utilization across more countries and more products? While some AGOA beneficiaries, including Mauritius, are exporting a diverse range of products under AGOA, many other AGOA countries have yet to take full advantage of AGOA's market access. So, how can we replicate Mauritius' successes on this front? And what can other sub-Saharan countries learn from its successes?
We are also asking how we can help African countries become more competitive so they can transition from being recipients of trade preferences, to negotiating two-way trade agreements that reflect Africa's growing presence in the global trading system.
And how do we achieve such a transition in light of uneven economic development across the countries of sub-Saharan Africa? These questions, and their answers, are critical for U.S.-Africa trade policy, for AGOA, and for the future of the U.S.-Africa trade and investment relationship.
Beyond AGOA, the United States recognizes the importance of advancing African regional integration, which is critical to address the problem of small, fragmented markets that limit the volume of production, reduce foreign direct investment and importer interest, and raise the costs of importing and exporting across borders.
The United States hopes that it can help support the integration process underway throughout the Continent, and we are doing so in some unique and innovative ways.
For instance, we have TIFA arrangements in place with Africa's key regional economic communities, including Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and the East African Community (EAC), where we explore how the United States can best assist ongoing regional integration efforts.
With the EAC, we are currently taking our work to a new level and are exploring a new trade and investment initiative with which will involve a potential regional investment treaty, new trade enhancing agreements, and stronger private sector dialogue. Even though Mauritius is not a member of the EAC, I would urge you to follow closely these ongoing talks because they represent a possible model for future engagement with Africa's other regional economic communities.
The United States also strongly supports the efforts of COMESA, the EAC, the Southern African Development Community to create a common market through the tripartite Free Trade Agreement by 2014. We also support the recently announced effort to create a Continental FTA. Such landmark agreements will ease the flow of goods and people across borders, and will foster a dynamic environment for economic growth across the entire region. The United States will continue to explore ways to assist you in these efforts, and I urge you to continue to make progress on this bold endeavor.
Whether in the region, in the World Trade Organization, or bilaterally, Mauritius has been a true leader. You lead with your ideas. You lead with your vision. You lead with your ambition. And you lead with the concrete results you have achieved. It's no wonder that just over a century ago, Mauritius caught the eye of Mark Twain. And it's no wonder that today, Mauritius also beguiles investors, innovators, and entrepreneurs who want to make this heavenly paradise home.
Remarks by USAID Administrator Shah, January 18, 2012Footnote 4
Dr. Rajiv Shah gave the following remarks at the University of Delaware-Wilmington
Introductory Remarks Omitted
Administrator Shah. By harnessing the same ingenuity and productiveness you have applied for centuries here in America, we can help deliver transformational results across Africa at a time when the African continent is poised for incredible progress.
Across Africa, robust growth rates, a new commitment to health and agriculture and significant advances in science and technology are creating new opportunities in development. At least a dozen nations in Africa have expanded by more than 6 percent a year for at least six years.
Ethiopia alone will grow by 7.5 percent this year-and is poised to become one of the top plants and flower export countries in the world, in part because of investments we made to support the country's tradable sector and improvements to its phytosanitary standards.
Trade between Africa and the rest of the world has increased by 200 percent over the last decade. And in 2010, foreign direct investment was more than $55 billion-five times what it was a decade earlier.
But reality is that though opportunities for American investment in Africa are strong, we have been far surpassed by China. In the last decade, China's trade and investment in Africa grew by 1,000 percent-and its growth outpaced that of the U.S. by over 100 percent last year.
President Obama and Secretary Clinton are committed to making Africa a priority-from ensuring children across Africa have access to basic vaccines to expanding opportunities for American investment with African businesses.
In 2012, President Obama requested $7.8 billion for Africa—an increase of 10 percent over the last year and an increase of 400 percent over the last decade. We've filled a 40 percent gap in senior positions for Africa. Moving senior Foreign Service Officers out of posts in Europe and Latin American to focus on where our development needs are greatest. And last month, we held a conference for South Sudan to discuss opportunities for collaboration and investment in the new nation.
The conference also represented some very concrete steps we are taking to foster a more attractive environment for private investment in South Sudan—including designing a credit guarantee through our Development Credit Authority to mobilize $7 million in private financing for agriculture lending from Equity Bank and Finance Sudan.
To harness these opportunities—and help nations like Sudan achieve long-term, sustainable development—we have work more effectively and efficiently than ever before. This has been the focus and goal behind our aggressive development reform effort we call USAID Forward: to bring a greater focus on partnerships, innovation and—above all—meaningful results.
A cornerstone of this effort is forming new, high impact public-private partnerships—working and investing together to build new markets, unlock opportunity and improve global economic potential.
For years, USAID has focused on private sector development—leading the world in forming innovative, high-impact public-private partnerships. In fact, the OECD recently recognized USAID as the best amongst our peers when it comes to private sector engagement. Not talking about forming partnerships for partnerships' sake. Not talking about Corporate Social Responsibility or charity work. But, talking about helping support the work of markets that can deliver profits and create jobs and deliver economic opportunity for women, minorities and the poor.
Earlier today, I visited Dupont's agricultural research facility, where cutting-edge agricultural research is opening new frontiers in the fight against hunger and malnutrition. We're harnessing the power of this research through a partnership with the Gates Foundation and Pioneer Hi-Bred—a Dupont subsidiary and the second largest seed company in the world— to develop nitrogen use efficient maize. Like most multi-national agricultural companies, Dupont has the ability to transform maize at high efficiency—nearly 100 times the public sector. By partnering together, we are able to reach more smallholder famers—helping them dramatically improve yields with less fertilizer.
And we're working with Proctor and Gamble—one of Delaware's largest employers—to increase access to safe water by developing and raising awareness about innovative, low-cost solutions for point-of-use water treatment.
By scaling up our work with people living with HIV/AIDS in Africa, we've helped 1 million people across Ethiopia, Malawi, Nigeria and Tanzania access clean water.
But we have to do more than deliver results that can make a difference today. Our focus must always be to work ourselves out of a business, replacing our efforts with those of responsible institutions, vibrant private sectors and thriving civil societies.
That's why we've launched a major effort—the most significant in our history—to move 30 percent of our funding toward African governments local private sector and entrepreneurs, and local civil society organizations. The key to long-term, sustainable development is the development of local capacity.
In Ethiopia, we have supported a frontline community health program that has helped transform the nation's global health outlook. Not only do the frontline workers provide lifesaving care, empowered with easy-to-use point-of-care technologies. But they also serve as the community's source of up-to-date intrusion on nutrition, water, sanitation and health training. Even more impressive, roughly 30,000 health workers across the entire country track data uniformly, using the same charters, record manuals and databases. Today, thanks in part to this Ethiopian program, the under-five mortality rate has fallen by almost 30 percent.
Ultimately, that is exactly what effective development is all about—empowering communities and countries to chart their own future. These efforts are especially pressing today.
As many of you know, the worst drought in 60 years has put more than 13.3 million people, especially women and children, at severe risk—greater than the populations of New York City and Los Angeles combined.
Thanks to the leadership of President Obama and Secretary Clinton, we responded immediately to the crisis, becoming the largest provider of humanitarian and development assistance in the region. This response has significantly helped mitigate the worst of the crisis.
In Ethiopia, admissions of severely malnourished children to therapeutic feeding programs countrywide decreased for the fifth consecutive month. And malnutrition cases that did surface had an 83 percent cure rate—eight points higher than the international average. We're even seeing a reduction of famine conditions in Somalia—where three of the six famine zones have been downgraded. And we are doing everything we can to ensure that insecurity in the region doesn't reverse hard won gains.
Although the crisis continues to devastate families across the region, these early results are thanks to dedicated efforts to invest in the full range of responses to hunger—from providing immediate life-saving aid, to battling desperate malnutrition, to helping transform agriculture sectors so that countries can feed themselves over the long-term.
In Kenya, we are partnering with Swiss-Re—an industry leader in risk management solutions—to pilot an index-based livestock insurance program for pastoralists. This past October—at the height of the drought—insurance payments were made to over 600 pastoralists who had purchased coverage for their animals earlier in the year.
In Ethiopia, 7.5 million people have been able to withstand the worst effects of the drought without the need for humanitarian assistance thanks to government safety net programs we help support.
And across the Horn, we're aggressively pursuing public health interventions, like immunizations and therapeutic feeding. We've learned from previous famines that the leading killer isn't hunger; it's preventable disease. To date, we have vaccinated over 1.5 million children in the Horn against polio and measles to help protect these children both now and in the future. We have even provided them with the newest vaccines against diseases that cause pneumonia and diarrhea—thanks to the leadership and commitment of the Obama Administration.
And through Feed the Future—our major Presidential development initiative on food security—we're driving the kind of investments in agricultural development that will ensure countries escape devastating cycle of famine and food aid. All told, Feed the Future will help countries sustainably develop their agricultural infrastructure, diversify their economies and ultimately lift 18 million people out of hunger and poverty—more than 7 million of whom are children.
To raise awareness about the crisis—and the potential for long-term solutions through Feed the Future—we launched a public awareness campaign called F-W-D or Forward. FWD stands for famine, war and drought—but it also stands for our call to action.
This conference—and your presence here today—represents a remarkable transformation that has occurred in the development community over the past few decades.
Thirty years ago, the official development community was almost exclusively composed of international organizations and government agencies like US AID. They drove the agenda, they drove the resources and in many cases, they drove the effort on the ground themselves.
Today, we live in a very different world. That community has dramatically expanded, because it now includes all of you: innovators at universities and labs working on solutions to some of the toughest challenges in the development world; banks and multinational companies unlocking private capital and investing in the developing world—and seeing a dramatic return on their investment; and, members of our nation's faith-based community, spurred to action by the moral imperative of our work.
As members of this community, you understand that our security and prosperity are tied to the stability, growth and freedom of developing nations.
I want to show you a map that really puts this into perspective—where you can literally see the dramatic impact and meaning of global development. You may recognize it—this is a map of the Korean Peninsula at night. Here, in the top-left, Pyongyang is the only spot of light in a country beset by a darkness that hides many things. It hides the world's fourth largest standing army; it hides the world's third-largest chemical weapons stockpile. But the darkness also hides the millions who have died in famine over the past fifty years; the millions who suffer today from chronic hunger; the millions of children, over 50 percent of whom are malnourished.
Now look at the bright lights below—at South Korea. Today, South Korea is a major market for American goods and services—ahead of countries like France and Australia. And they are foreign assistance donors—having recently hosted the Fourth High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness.
But it is not just the stark contrast of the Korean Peninsula that tells an important story about our world today. This is Face-book's map of the world—essentially showing global broadband connectivity. You can already see the success they're having in Kigali and Johannesburg building regional high-tech hubs. But what's key to our work is not the connectivity this map already shows. It is the empty regions that stretch across much of Africa—across Sudan and the DRC, Angola and the Horn.
To see more South Koreas in this world, we have to set this entire map alight. I encourage you to keep seeking innovative partnerships that help complete this map.
Because China can write big checks and build long roads, but they still don't offer countries what our development community and private companies can together: investments that lift up small businesses, helping them grow into competitive industries and open new markets for global trade; investments that actually improve the quality of critical services—like health care or education—empowering even the most vulnerable populations; and, investments that nurture innovation, hope and opportunity throughout the world. Thank you.
Remarks by Ambassador Lyman, January 25, 2012Footnote 5
Special Envoy for Sudan Princeton Lyman gave the following remarks in Washington, DC
Ambassador Lyman. Thank you very much. Thank you all for coming and being on the line. I wanted to just bring everybody up to date on a number of issues that we're following very closely related to Sudan and South Sudan. So let me discuss them briefly and then happy to take your questions about them.
One of the issues that we are extremely concerned about is the situation in the states of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. These are states in the Republic of Sudan; that is, the North. But a conflict has been raging there since last May, arising from issues never fully resolved in the civil war because people in those states, particularly in the Nuba Mountains, fought with the South. And though they remained in the North, their issues were to be resolved in a process called popular consultations. Those did not get finished and a conflict broke out. A very serious armed conflict broke out last year.
Now, what we are very concerned about right now is that there are predictions of a major humanitarian crisis in those areas, particularly Southern Kordofan. You know there's this predictive mechanism called FEWS NET, the Famine Early Warning System Network. They—if you go on their website, you'll see they have produced two maps, one the situation now— excuse me—and one predicting for March. By March, they feel that a large number of people, a quarter of a million or more, will be—will reach what they call emergency status, which is one short of famine. And this is very alarming to us.
We have strongly urged the Government of Sudan to allow international humanitarian aid—that is, World Food Program, UNICEF, et cetera—to come in, in all parts, across lines of whoever's holding territory. They have refused to do so. They don't want international involvement in this area, which they think is an internal matter and a conflict area. But we have been saying and saying to our African partners that we just can't—the world can't stand by and watch famine take place in an area, and know nothings being done.
So we've been working very hard, leading up the Africa Union meeting at the end of this month, to urge the Government of Sudan to open up international access and to do so soon. We're under a lot of pressure if that doesn't happen to look at other alternatives, but they all contain serious risks in doing so. So our preferred alternative—very far first alternative—is for the Government of Sudan to do this. The UN has made proposals to the government, but they haven't been accepted yet.
The second issue that I would like to touch on is a—ongoing negotiation and dispute between Sudan and South Sudan over the distribution of oil revenues and financing. You'll recall that after the secession of the South, 70 percent of the oil was in the South but all the infrastructure for exporting it—pipelines, et cetera—are in the North. So the two countries really are dependent on each other in the oil sector. It was also understood that when the North, now the Republic of Sudan, lost that much revenue there would be a transitional financial arrangement in which the South would ease that transition.
They've been negotiating and arguing over this for some time. The negotiations reached a very serious point in the last few weeks when the Republic of Sudan, in the North, began to divert Southern oil from the pipeline and to block ships with Southern oil from leaving the port, claiming this is a way to collect transit fees that they claim the South wasn't paying. And they imposed a fee of $32 a barrel, which is quite high, for that.
After negotiations, which are still going underway, failed to reach an agreement, South Sudan said, okay, we're going to shut off the oil, we're going to start closing the wells, and we'll suffer until we build a new pipeline through Kenya but we just can't take this anymore; they're stealing our oil.
It is a very bad situation, and both sides could get hurt very, very badly. The African Union High-Level Implementation Panel—this is the panel headed by Thabo Mbeki and former president of Burundi Pierre Buyoya and Nigerian former head of state General Abubakar—has been running negotiations on this in Addis. They're working very hard. They're very close to a proposal which should be able to reconcile the different interests and come up with a solution.
We're very concerned that this negotiation succeed and before too much damage is done to the oil sector and the infrastructure, that the South feels that they can stop shutting off the production and go back to full production. So this is a quite urgent matter on which we are working very hard.
The third area I want to touch on is the situation in Jonglei. That's a state in South Sudan. You'll recall about two weeks ago there was a major conflict between two ethnic groups, the Lou Nuer and the Murle. There have been attacks back and forth between these groups over cattle, kidnapping of women and children, et cetera. And in this latest incident, 6,000 or so young Nuer marched on the Murle to regain the cattle, to regain the people who were kidnapped, and we feared a major massacre.
Fortunately, with the help of UNMIS, et cetera, the Murle were warned in the town of Pibor. Most of them left, and after some skirmishing and some people getting killed, perhaps several hundred, the young Nuer have started to go back. But now the Murle are undertaking revenge attacks.
In the meanwhile, the people who fled Pibor are displaced people in various towns, and we think more are in the bush. So the UN, USAID, humanitarian NGOs are all working to try and reach these people and get them humanitarian assistance.
This is a situation that demonstrates the tensions and traditional and otherwise that exist in South Sudan that have sort of— were set aside in the campaign for independence and the successful independence July 9th but now, coming to the surface, demonstrate how much the Government of South Sudan must do to improve both its security sector capabilities, but also its outreach to these communities and conflict resolution and development programs here and elsewhere in South Sudan.
So I wanted to touch on all three of those, because they are all very serious situations on which we have been working very heavily here and in the field and in our diplomacy, both in Europe, the Arab world, Africa, et cetera. So let me stop there and open it up. Happy to take your questions.
Q. On the issue of Blue Nile and Southern Kordofan and the potential famine or food emergency, I'm wondering what you can tell us about the contingency planning, should Sudan continue to refuse access to aid groups. I understand that there has been some discussion of unilateral aid operations. Is that true? How is that possible without Sudanese Government approval? And how advanced are those—is that planning?
Ambassador Lyman. Well, we—right. We have said to the government in Khartoum for some time that we are feeling a lot of pressure if there's no international access to look at ways in which assistance would be carried across the border without their approval. But we know there are a lot of risks to that. We know the government would be opposed to it. We have to look at the possibility of it, but we've made no decision to do that because it has a lot of complications.
But at the same time, we're very worried about what happens if they don't allow international assistance, so we continue to press heavily for international accepted assistance by the government even as we look with a good deal of apprehension at what alternatives might be possible.
Q. And under that alternative plan, would that be something the U.S. is considering doing on its own, or is it something that the U.S. and neighbors are talking about?
Ambassador Lyman. We haven't reached that point yet, and so we're not at a point where we could get into any details as to what is possible or not. But we do know that other countries are concerned, not necessarily engaged in the same kind of planning but very concerned about this humanitarian situation.
Q. And just a final one on this, on this line. Is the AU meeting and whether or not the AU takes it up as a formal subject—is that a sort of a hard or soft deadline here, because you have only until March?
Ambassador Lyman. It's a very important date because if you want to do something by March, considering positioning of food, et cetera, it takes quite a while, several weeks, the humanitarian agencies say. So if the meeting doesn't resolve this by the end of January, we're going to be in a serious situation.
Q. Ambassador Lyman, Rosalind Jordan of Al Jazeera English. Talk a little more about the political considerations around Khartoum's refusal so far to allow outside interference. Why would it be to Khartoum's benefit to not have outsiders intervening in this near-famine situation?
Ambassador Lyman. Well, of course, I can't speak for the government, but the arguments that they have advanced to us on this are several. First of all, they say they've learned the lessons of Darfur; you let the international community in and the next thing you know, you've got a UN peacekeeping operation, you're charged with human rights violations, there's a peace process, and then, like Naivasha and the CPA, you lose part of your territory. So they say we've learned that lesson, we're not going to do it again. That's one line of argument.
The second is that they think the food will go to supporters of the SPLM and their North—the people they're fighting, and therefore will prolong the conflict. So those two are the main reasons that they advance. They also deny that the situation is that serious, but we just have these predictions that are based on a lot of data.
Q. And what are some of the environmental factors that may have led to this near-famine situation?
Ambassador Lyman. Two things in particular. The nature of the conflict—the Sudanese armed forces has done a great deal of bombing, and the bombing has hit the civilian population and has prevented them from planting this last year. It also forced many of them to live in caves rather than be able to tend their farms, et cetera. So they lost the planting season.
And second, because international access hasn't been allowed, all the stocks that were there from the World Food Program, UNICEF, et cetera, are exhausted. So those two factors are the main ones.
There's about 50,000 refugees in South Sudan and Ethiopia already from these two areas, but we see in these predictions a quarter of a million people or more who might be affected. This could be a major, major calamity. And for Africa, it seems to me this is something that shouldn't be tolerated.
Q. And does the U.S. have an assessment of whether this potential plan from the AU, from the Mbeki group, let's call it, could actually work if some sort of resolution is reached between now and next Tuesday?
Ambassador Lyman. I only have the general outlines of the proposal. They're being presented today to the parties. But my information is that this proposal will address the basic concerns of the North and South; that is, how to assure that there's enough oil for the refinery in the North, which is a major concern of theirs, and a prospect of this transitional assistance while recognizing that the South has a legitimate claim about all this diverted oil and that has to be costed, and that the fees for transit are—that there's a mutual basis for determining those.
I haven't seen the details of the proposal. We think it's going to address all these things, and we hope once it's on the table that both sides will refrain from these kind of unilateral steps.
Let me just say one more thing on the humanitarian issue, because I've told you what I think are the arguments from Sudan, but let me tell you the arguments we have advanced on the other side. We think it would look very bad for the Government of Sudan to deny international assistance when the world is watching and a major famine could take place. We don't think this is in the interest of the Government of Sudan, it's not in their interest in world opinion, it's not in the interest of them as a protector of their own citizens. These are all their own citizens.
Second, we think that—and this goes beyond the immediate humanitarian situation—ultimately there has to be a political solution here. They have fought in the Nuba Mountains before during the civil war. It never ended. So it—there has to be eventually a political solution. Making the humanitarian gesture now may create an atmosphere for that, but the most important is for the government to recognize they have this responsibility and the world will respond positively if they say yes, we have this responsibility, we'll bring in agencies that we can trust—World Food Program and UNICEF, and monitor—and have it monitored and do the right thing.
Q. I've got another one. On the oil, on South Sudan's decision to stop the oil production, in your view, how long can this go on? Number one, do you have any position on whether or not this was a wise bargaining move? Was this the right thing for them to do? Did they have any other option? And number two, how long can this go on before you start having very serious issues with the infrastructure and that it sort of really affects the viability of their finances?
Ambassador Lyman. I've heard mixed reaction—responses to that question. There is some feeling that in just three and a half days after they shut down the wells, you will get into a situation which will be very costly and time-consuming to restore production. I've heard different assessments of the impact on the pipeline and the environmental damage, some predicting very serious damage and costs. Others are saying less so. I don't have a firm feeling, but there is a general feeling that it's going to be very costly.
Is it a good tactic? I was just in South Africa, as you know, Andy, and I was reminded that Nelson Mandela also often had to take the country to the brink but never crossed it, even in the most tense times. I think the Government of South Sudan was outraged and angry and took the situation to the brink, but I'm afraid in this they may be crossing over and costing themselves in the long run when they have so many development needs.
So I think I can understand the anger, I can understand the response, but I'm very worried that they go over the brink here and then have to pay a price that will hurt the people of South Sudan for a long period of time.
Q. Well, both in this case with the oil fees and with the fighting between traditional groups, does this suggest that perhaps the new government isn't quite capable of dealing with these very serious fundamental issues? And if it's not fully capable, what can the U.S. do to support them to prevent things from going over the edge?
Ambassador Lyman. I think the Government of South Sudan is faced with a number of challenges and still has a relatively thin layer of trained civil servants, professionalized military command and control systems, et cetera. And the country was so devastated by the civil war that there is just basic, basic development needs all throughout the country.
So I think the challenges are very great, and they must be able to dedicate their efforts, time, and resources to those demands. And that's why getting a resolution of this issue and not losing their main source of revenue for the next couple years is vital if they're going to be able to tackle this. And they're going to need a lot of help. They're going to need a lot of help to do this.
Q. How is the U.S. prepared particularly to help them develop a revenue stream, since I would imagine that things such as property taxes that we have here in the U.S. aren't as readily accessible for government operations?
Ambassador Lyman. Right now, oil provides 98 percent of the budget of South Sudan. And the other alternatives are still very, very underdeveloped. Most of the people live in the rural area. They're poor. It's not a commercialized agricultural sector. Even though there's potential there, they import most of their food. So there isn't really a solid tax base that can even begin at this point to compensate for the loss of oil revenue.
Now, we are helping, along with others, to develop agriculture. We had a big conference here called the South Sudan Engagement Conference, where we encouraged private sector investment. There was a lot of interest in it. I think over the longer term, they must diversify away from oil, but that's going to take several years at best.
Q. I'm just wondering if you could tell us a little bit about your—the tenor of your conversation with Khartoum these days. I mean, we have another report this morning that aircraft, presumably Sudanese aircraft, have bombed a refugee camp in South Sudan. This seems to be recurring practice. How are you reacting to that, and what's your message to them? And are they—what are they telling you?
Ambassador Lyman. Well, we are concerned about this. This is the second bombing of a refugee camp in South Sudan. It violates all the rules regarding refugees. And we have raised that, raised that in the UN Security Council as well as with the government in Khartoum. Their reaction has been mixed on the first incident. I haven't seen their reaction to this incident yesterday. But they went through a number of explanations on the last one, which—some of which were not credible, et cetera.
This is, again, as we've said to the government in Khartoum, an example of why this war is bad for everybody. And bombing South Sudan is only going to aggravate the situation. The Republic of Sudan claims that South Sudan is feeding this rebellion, and if that were stopped, the rebellion would end. That's just not accurate. Even if there were assistance from the South, that isn't what's at the heart of this conflict.
So we've raised this very much with Khartoum. They haven't appreciated our doing so, but we have. And we have continued to discuss with the Government of Sudan the importance of resolving the issues in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile, that that these are getting in the way of our normalization process, and we'll continue to have that dialogue.
Q. You mentioned that you raised it at the Security Council. Do you think that this is something that—what would you want the Security Council to do, should these attacks continue? And does that risk complicating the bilateral issues? I mean, if you bring it into the Security Council, won't that complicate the Sudan–South Sudan track?
Ambassador Lyman. Well, it can if the Government of Sudan sees it that way. One of the points that we have tried to convey is that we're not doing these things just to be antagonistic to the Republic of Sudan. These are ways in which the two countries can be at peace, and that includes the Republic of Sudan. Having a war in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile, still conflict in Darfur, trouble in the east—this isn't providing a future for the people of the Republic of Sudan.
So when we raise these issues, et cetera, they see it often as antagonistic. We see it as, look, this is the pathway to the future of a peaceful Republic of Sudan. And sometimes we're like ships crossing in the night, but that's really the tenor of what we're trying to say.
Q. Given all of these problems that you've just discussed, are you concerned that the—sort of the victory that was the July independence declaration and all of the work that went into that is in danger of being unraveled, that the Sudan project is, in both cases, South and North, is really at risk of going right back off the rails now?
Ambassador Lyman. I don't think either Sudan or South Sudan wants or intends to go back to full-scale war. I really—I'm almost totally convinced of that. That doesn't mean that they have a good relationship at all and that there aren't a lot of friction points on the border, over Abyei, over oil. And the relationship is bad. So there is a danger that things could get out of control, that incidents could lead to greater conflict. That's why these issues are so terribly important, not only in and of themselves but to prevent exactly what you're talking about. But I think both sides recognize that going back to full-scale war would be disastrous. So I think we still have to look upon that successful independence of the South as a great achievement and be thankful for it.
Remarks by Secretary of State Clinton, February 23, 2012Footnote 6
Secretary Hillary Clinton gave the following remarks in London
Secretary Clinton. (In progress) parliament and electing a president and speaker. Now that it has agreed to these tasks, we must help them accomplish those. The Transitional Federal Government was always meant to be just that: transitional. And it is past time for that transition to occur and for Somalia to have a stable government.
The outcome out last week's meeting of Somali leaders in Garowe is an encouraging signal that more progress will be forthcoming soon. And I am pleased to see representatives from so many Somali political groups here today in a sign of their dedication to this effort. But time is of the essence, and I want to be clear: The international community will not support an extension of the TFG's mandate beyond the date set in the roadmap, August 20th.
Now, yes, the goals we expect to achieve under this timeline are ambitious, but the people of Somalia have waited many years. They have heard many promises, they have seen many deadlines come and go, and it is time—past time— to buckle down and do the work that will bring stability to Somalia for the first time in many people's lives. The position of the United States is straightforward: Attempts to obstruct progress and maintain the broken status quo will not be tolerated. We will encourage the international community to impose further sanctions, including travel bans and asset freezes on people inside and outside the TFG who seek to undermine Somalia's peace and security or to delay or even prevent the political transition.
As we proceed with political action, we must also keep advancing security, and there has been progress this past year. The AU mission in Somalia and the Somali National Security Forces are now in control of all of Mogadishu and are expanding their control beyond the capital. And a few weeks ago, the United States announced that the famine that killed tens of thousands of Somalis and displaced tens of thousands more has ended— though food security remains a serious concern. Now we must keep the pressure on al-Shabaab so that its grip on Somalia continues to weaken. The UN Security Council's vote on Wednesday to increase AMISOM's troop ceiling by nearly half and expand its mandate significantly is an excellent step.
More and more Somalis are seeing the threat that al-Shabaab poses to Somalia's peace and security, as well as to the peace and security of Somalia's neighbors. Especially in south-central Somalia, it has turned an already bad situation into a nightmare. It has dragged fathers and sons from their homes, forced them to fight in a hopeless, bloody conflict. It has forced young girls to marry foreign fighters. And when extreme food shortages struck last summer, al-Shabbab mercilessly helped turn those food shortages into a famine by blocking humanitarian assistance and letting children starve.
With its recent announcement that it has joined the al-Qaida terror network, al-Shabaab has proven, yet again, it is not on the side of Somalis but on the side of chaos, destruction, and suffering. It has also proven something else as well. It is weakening. Al-Shabaab and al-Qaida have turned to each other because both are embattled and isolated, especially now as the democratic revolutions, underway in many countries, are showing young people who might once have been attracted to extremist groups that a more constructive path is open to them. That is the future; Al-Shabaab and al-Qaida are the past.
Now all those who have not yet joined this effort to unify Somalia, who are sitting on the sidelines or actively obstructing progress, have a choice to make. They can support this movement and join their fellow Somalis in moving past the divisions and struggles for power that have held their nation back or they can be left behind. For our part, the United States will engage with all Somalis who denounce al-Shabaab's leadership and the violence it espouses and who embrace the political roadmap and the fundamental rights and freedoms that all Somalis deserve. But we adamantly oppose negotiating with al-Shabaab.
Now the international community has a responsibility to provide effective help, and when I say international community, I include the people of Somalia, whether they live within Somalia in refugee camps outside the country, or as members of the large and thriving diaspora here in the UK or the U.S., Canada, Italy, Kenya, and elsewhere. Our success depends in no small measure on their participation, because after all, they are the ones with the most at stake.
I want to briefly mention three specific issues: First, we must cut al-Shabaab's remaining financial lifelines. One of the reasons that they apparently agreed to join with al-Qaida is because they think they will obtain more funding from sources that unfortunately still continue to fund al-Qaida. We welcome the Security Council's decision to impose an international ban on imports of charcoal from Somalia and urge the international community to begin implementing it immediately. The illicit charcoal trade provides funds to al-Shabaab while also causing environmental harm and threatening food security.
Second, we must seize this opportunity to strengthen development, particularly in areas recently liberated from al-Shabaab. Somalis need to see concrete improvements in their lives. For our part, the United States will work with Somali authorities and communities to create jobs, provide health and education services, build capacity, and support peace building and conflict resolution. And today I am announcing the United States is providing an additional $64 million in humanitarian assistance to the Horn of Africa countries, bringing our emergency assistance since 2011 up to more than 934 million, including more than 211 million for lifesaving programs in Somalia.
Third, we must continue to fight piracy, which is still rampant off Somalia's shores. The United States supports programs that strengthen the Somali judicial system so it can tackle piracy from onshore. We are considering development projects in coastal communities to create alternatives to piracy for young men. And we support additional international coordination, for example, to the regional anti-piracy prosecutions intelligence coordination center, soon to be launched in the Seychelles. We welcome the increased willingness of many of Somalia's neighbors to incarcerate pirates. And as the UN helps build judicial and prison capacity in Somalia, it is imperative that more nations step forward to jail and prosecute pirates who have been caught seizing commercial vessels that are flagged, owned, and crewed by citizens of their countries. And we welcome the UK's initiative to create an international task force to discourage the payment of ransoms to pirates and other groups to eliminate the profit motive and prevent the illicit flow of money and its corrosive effects.
As the security and political situation improves, the U.S. will look for ways to increase our involvement in Somalia, including considering a more permanent diplomatic presence. We will continue to deliver support of all kinds and to help build a broad and durable partnership with both the Somali Government and people.
For decades, the world focused on what we could prevent from happening in Somalia—conflict, famine, terrorism. Now, we are focused on what we can build. I think the opportunity is real, and now we have to work with the TFG as it transitions out of power to build a durable peace for the Somalia people and to support a government that delivers services and offers democracy and prosperity, uniting Somalia after so many years of division and chaos.
Thank you.
Remarks by President Obama and Ghanaian President Mills, March 8, 2012Footnote 7
President Barack Obama and President John Atta Mills gave the following remarks at the White House
President Obama. Well, it is a great pleasure to welcome President Mills and his delegation from Ghana. This gives me the opportunity to return the extraordinary hospitality that they showed not only me, but also Michelle and Sasha and Malia when we had the opportunity to visit last year.
There are sometimes—there's sometimes a tendency to focus on the challenges that exist in Africa—and rightfully so. But I think it's important for us to also focus on the good news that's coming out of Africa, and I think Ghana continues to be a good-news story.
This is a country that has established a strong tradition of democracy, and President Mills and I were comparing notes— we're both up for reelection—but what we agreed to is the fact that regardless of who wins and who loses, our countries' commitment to making sure that the people have a voice and determine who it is that represents them in their government is what gives both our countries such strength.
And Ghana has proven, I think, to be a model for Africa in terms of its democratic practices. And I very much appreciate the efforts that President Mills has taken not only to ensure fair and free elections, but also to root out corruption, increase transparency, make sure that government is working for the people of Ghana and not just for the few. So we're very appreciative of those efforts.
In addition, Ghana has become a wonderful success story economically on the continent. In part because of the initiatives of President Mills, you've seen high growth rates over the last several years. Food productivity and food security is up. There's been strong foreign investment. That trade and investment benefits folks back home here in the United States as well.
In fact, the President's government recently is collaborating with a number of American businesses to build infrastructure inside of Ghana, which will create thousands of jobs here in the United States. And the trade that we engage in creates jobs for tens of thousands of people back in Ghana.
So that's a good-news story. And what we've also been able to do is collaborate with the Ghanaian government through the Millennium Challenge Corporation— they are a grant recipient—and it has helped to improve a wide range of infrastructure and institutions inside of Ghana. Our Feed the Future program —we've been able to help increase productivity there, and the Partnership for Growth— that is also another mechanism where we're collaborating, for example, on power generation and credit to small businesses and medium-size businesses inside of Ghana.
Ghana has also been a leader, a responsible actor on the international stage, working in the region to help stabilize and reduce conflict there. They've been strong partners with us in the United Nations on a whole range of international issues. And as important, President Mills has consistently spoken out on behalf of human rights and making sure that everyone is treated fairly and not discriminated against inside of his country.
So I am very proud of the friendship and the partnership between Ghana and the United States. I am confident that it will continue well into the future, beyond the tenures of these two Presidents. And I'm looking forward to having an opportunity to visit Ghana once again sometime in the future.
But in the meantime, Mr. President, welcome to the United States, welcome to your delegation, and we wish you all the best.
President Mills. Thank you, Mr. President, for this very warm reception. My delegation and I are really honored to be here with the press to say a big thank-you to you, Mr. President, for the honor done us by singling us out for your first visit to Africa—it's really inspired us.
And I'm also here to also thank you for the help that we have been enjoying and for the high level of cooperation and collaboration that exists between our two countries. We share the same values of democracy. We have come to accept that democracy is the only way.
And democracy goes with development. And if you come to Africa, our people are yearning for only one thing—improvement in their daily lives. And there can be no development without peace, which means that we should do the things which will ensure that there is peace and that there's no room for conflict.
The United States has been a model, and I'm happy that we are cooperating with one another on all kinds of fronts and they are yielding results. And I was telling Mr. President that when one of the roads was commissioned, and it was built with money provided by the MCC under our first compact, you should have seen the joy on the faces of the Ghanaians because there had been a radical transformation in their lives. I mean that is what governance is all about—to see people happy because they now have what they did not have.
So I assured the President that we have elections this year, but we are going to ensure that there is peace before, during, after the election, because when there is no peace, it's not the elitists who will suffer, it's the ordinary people who have elected us into office.
So we have a big challenge, and we know that some of our friends in Africa are looking up to us, and we dare not fail them. I have no doubt at all that we have embarked on a useful journey, and we'll get to the very end. I told you that both of us are facing elections, but our ships will be able to sail safely to their final destination, I want to assure you.
So thanks a lot for the wonderful reception. We will go back with happy memories. And of course, this will also reassure our people that the kind of cooperation we started—from our first President—is growing from strength to strength.
President Obama. Thank you, Mr. President.
President Mills. Thank you, Mr. President.
President Obama. Thank you, every-body.
