This book is in a class of its own. It is scholarly, comprehensive, wide in scope, and deals with recent Philippine elections (2016). The Philippines was the first country in Asia to hold democratic elections; electoral participation is highest in Southeast Asia, according to the Kofi Annan Foundation (2017). But observers may be bewildered by what happens on the ground during one of these elections.
Electoral dynamics in the Philippines is rich in data that paint an ironic picture of the country's democracy, or how its institutions work, using the 2016 national elections as a case study. The editors use a framework built upon two interrelated concepts — patronage and clientelism (pp. 5, 11–13) — with which to view electoral dynamics in the Philippines. Patronage is a ‘material resource, disbursed for particularistic benefit’ (pp. 4–5), while clientelism ‘describes a personalistic relationship of power’ (p. 5). These concepts are demonstrated in give-and-take relations (or reciprocity), alliances, social networks, and changing parties, among others, embedded in the cultural values that bond politicians and voters together. Theories about patron–client relations in political science owe their seminal origins and development to Carl Lande, Kit Machado, and David Wurfel, the authors argue.
Those familiar with Philippine Studies may be surprised that pioneering Filipino anthropologists or psychologists are rarely mentioned. Yet, patron–client relations as a tool of analysis was ‘developed largely by anthropologists’, maintains James C. Scott (‘The erosion of patron-client bonds and social change in rural Southeast Asia’, 1972). The works of Mary Racelis Hollnsteiner (Dynamics of power in a Philippine municipality, 1963), Frank Lynch (Four readings on Philippine values, 1970), and Virgilio Enriquez (Kapwa, Sikolohiyang Pilipino, 1978) do not figure in this book. These studies have explored the deeper meanings of relationships and values such as compadrazgo (baptismal kinship), pakikisama (smooth interpersonal relations), pakikipagkapwa (getting along), hiya (shame) and utang na loob (feelings of indebtedness) that animate patron–clientism in the Philippines, just as these relations and values underpin victory or failure in politics.
In patron–client ties, people follow a predictable behavioural pattern on unequal terms. Politicians provide ‘goods/services’ (money, jobs, etc.) while voters reciprocate by ‘delivering votes’ for politicians considered as trapo (traditional politician), kurakot (corrupt), newbie, straight, etc. Followers believe, or feel, that they are beholden to certain politicians who have given them past favours. Simple as this theory may seem, it has been applied as a powerful explanation of electoral dynamics in the Philippines, as elsewhere. The weak political party system (the party-list included), which Comelec Chairman Sixto Brillantes called a ‘joke’, aggravates the already messy elections. Rampant vote buying, electoral cheating, and violence or intimidation make it even worse.
Electoral dynamics provides detailed, in-depth data that hew in to the patron-client constructs permeating the 2016 Philippine elections. Ronald Holmes analyses the national setting and explains why Rodrigo Roa Duterte, former mayor of Davao City, won the presidency and broke tradition in Philippine electoral history. He is the first candidate from the south (Mindanao) ever to be elected president. The political machinery does not explain Duterte's ascent to Malacanang, compared to the ethnic support he received from Cebuanos in Cebu and Mindanao. His victory relies nonetheless on expected patronage for largesse among local leaders who risk their support.
One may counter-theorise, however, that Duterte's win was due to people's reaction to successive failures of the national government to alleviate poverty and institute meaningful reforms, amid the continuing domination of the Manila elite in Philippine political life. Their votes represented ‘protest votes’ which usually go to underdogs.
Chapters 3 and beyond devote space to three regions — Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao — to varying lengths and degrees. Indeed the 15 chapters are unevenly distributed in their coverage of the regions. There is more material on the most developed region (Luzon) and this gradually decreases as one goes further south. Luzon chalks up the lion's share of eight chapters (142 pp.), the Visayas has four (72 pp.), while Mindanao has three (51 pp.).
While the book's findings undoubtedly validate the patron–client premise, its introduction says little about the issue of political dynasties (pp. 16, 19) despite the extensive case studies showing that it co-exists with, even enhances, patron–clientelism. According to Teresa and Eduardo Tadem (‘Political dynasties in the Philippines: Persistent patterns, perennial problems’, 2018), 70 per cent of the 15th Philippine Congress belong to the leading political dynasties, confirming Sheila Coronel et al.'s The Rulemakers (2007). A hefty majority have ‘political families that monopolize political power across generations and treat the public elective office almost as their personal property’, the Tadems add. Dynastic families rise and accumulate wealth, thereby affecting the ability of their members to ‘buy loyalty’ and become patrons once elected. They constitute the core of the local machines from which flow resources that fuel grassroots patronage and clientelism.
Political dynasties figure in nearly all the case studies (except chapters 6, 10, 13, 16). They are also mentioned obliquely in relation to Duterte (p. 16), when term limits are pointed out as promoting dynastic perpetuation. However defined, this dynasty is exemplary: Duterte is president, two of his children are mayor and vice-mayor, and another is a congressman (Paolo, who is not a vice-mayor as the book says) — all holding positions simultaneously.
Of the studies presented, chapters 5 (Laguna), 7 (Makati) and 17 (Lanao) deserve special mention. Here, dynasties are depicted in negative and positive ways. The Ejercitos lost their grip on power in Laguna (also San Juan and nationally) as ex-president Erap Estrada's popularity was eclipsed. The same thing happened with the Binays in Makati: Jojo (the patriarch) lost his presidential bid despite his early lead during the campaign. Both dynasties are tainted by allegations of corruption, internal family feuds or mistakes. In the end, voters wise up.
But wealth alone is insufficient. In Lanao del Sur, Acram Latiph inserts family as the Fourth G: Gold, Goons, Guns, and Genealogy. Among the Meranao, respectability is accorded to families with noble status (in a sultanate or datuship). It determines one's position in a government. Clan politics and violence still dominate in the province, though overshadowed by the 2009 Maguindanao massacre. But this happens, Latiph opines, because of the way the national government treats the Muslim periphery.
The shortcomings of Electoral dynamics are minor or negligible, and do not detract from the merits of the book. It will provoke further exploration of other variables defining electoral dynamics in the Philippines. Overall, it also has the makings of an excellent textbook.
