Reconceiving the Second Sex is the 12th volume in the larger Fertility, Reproduction and Sexuality series. Striving to break ground in anthropology, it presents a novel collection of writings related to men's experiences with reproduction and parenthood. The editors note that in the past 25 years, there have been 150 volumes relating to women's health and reproduction but only three with men as the focus, suggesting that men have become the ‘second sex’ in studies of reproduction. The central goals of the volume are to challenge the assumption that men are disconnected from reproduction, and to demonstrate that the marginalization of men in studies of reproduction is an academic oversight. The volume examines connections between masculinity, sexuality and reproduction across ethnographic locations and topics, and in doing so, Gutmann posits that, ‘The inclusion of men in studies of reproduction reflects, in part, scholarship catching up with reality’ (p. 35).

The volume is logically organized into four sections, each with three to four chapters elaborating on specific topics. The first section puts forward theories of masculinity and sexuality, challenging evolutionary assumptions of male promiscuity (Gutmann), introducing concepts such as ‘sperm competition’ and ‘hegemonic masculinity’ (Moore), and outlining men's biological and social influence on the reproductive health of women and children (Dudgeon & Inhorn). The three sections following focus on topics within specific themes: men in reproductive, contraceptive and family planning roles; men's experience with infertility and associated stigmatization; and, varying experiences of childbirth and fatherhood in relation to masculinity. A multitude of methodologies across ethnographic settings is utilized, creating an especially interesting progression. This includes an analysis of a mock marketing campaign of the ‘male pill’ in Time Magazine (Oaks), an ethnographic exploration of the perplexing issue of high abortion rates coupled with high contraception use in Vietnam (Hahn), drawing parallels between militarism, sperm count and manliness through interviews conducted in fertility clinics in Israel (Goldberg), and an examination of the intersections between politics, identity, fatherhood and loneliness for homosexual men in Denmark (Mosegaard).

Overall, there is a well-balanced mix of ethnography and theory that engages the reader throughout the volume. The chapters are truly anthropological, focusing not only on the experiences of men, but on the interactions among men, women, health care professionals, community elders, political forces and social norms that influence reproductive practices. At times, the goal of focusing on men's experiences seems to be diverted by a concentration on the effects of men's beliefs and behaviours on women's reproduction. For example, in Yen's analysis of the Shan reproduction myth in China, findings are concluded by stating, ‘In summary, the reproductive politics of Shan village in Southwest China show how male dominance may be deleterious to women's reproductive health’ (p. 197). Throughout the volume, there are infrequent occasions in which this type of analysis causes a disconnect from the central theme. However, these disruptions may be unavoidable, as the inclusion of men's influences on women is necessary to illuminate holistically the various effects that men have on reproduction.

Ultimately, Reconceiving the Second Sex is successful in challenging assumptions and stereotypes surrounding men's involvement in reproduction and demonstrating that the topic of men and reproduction has been neglected by social scientific study thus far. The volume presents interesting and novel information, leaving the reader with an understanding of the field at present, and validating the topic as a source of viable future research. Reconceiving the Second Sex represents an important initial text on a subject deserving of further attention in the social sciences.