President Barack Obama delivered these remarks in Strasbourg, France

President Obama. Thank you so much. Good afternoon. Bon après-midi. And guten tag. It is a great honor for me to be here in Europe, to be here in Strasbourg. I want to make just a few acknowledgements. I want to thank the President of France, Nicolas Sarkozy, for being such a terrific friend. I want to thank his wife, Madam Sarkozy. They just hosted us at the palace and could not have been more gracious.

Strasbourg has been known throughout history as a city at the crossroads. Over thousands of years, you straddled many kingdoms and many cultures. Two rivers are joined here. Two religions have flourished in your churches. Three languages comprise an ancient oath that bears the city's name. You served as a center of industry and commerce, a seat of government and education, where Goethe studied and Pasteur taught and Gutenberg imagined his printing press.

So it's fitting because we find ourselves at a crossroads as well—all of us—for we've arrived at a moment where each nation and every citizen must choose at last how we respond to a world that has grown smaller and more connected than at any time in its existence.

We've known for a long time that the revolutions in communications and technology that took place in the 20th century would hold out enormous promise for the 21st century—the promise of broader prosperity and mobility; of new breakthroughs and discoveries that could help us lead richer and fuller lives. But the same forces that have brought us closer together have also given rise to new dangers that threaten to tear our world apart—dangers that cannot be contained by the nearest border or the furthest ocean.

Even with the Cold War now over, the spread of nuclear weapons or the theft of nuclear material could lead to the extermination of any city on the planet. And this weekend in Prague, I will lay out an agenda to seek the goal of a world without nuclear weapons.

We also know that the pollution from cars in Boston or from factories in Beijing are melting the ice caps in the Arctic, and that that will disrupt weather patterns everywhere. The terrorists who struck in London, in New York, plotted in distant caves and simple apartments much closer to your home. And the reckless speculation of bankers that has new fueled a global economic downturn that's inflicting pain on workers and families is happening everywhere all across the globe.

The economic crisis has proven the fact of our interdependence in the most visible way yet. Not more than a generation ago, it would have been difficult to imagine that the inability of somebody to pay for a house in Florida could contribute to the failure of the banking system in Iceland. Today what's difficult to imagine is that we did not act sooner to shape our future.

Now, there's plenty of blame to go around for what has happened, and the United States certainly shares its—shares blame for what has happened. But every nation bears responsibility for what lies ahead, especially now, for whether it's the recession or climate change, or terrorism, or drug trafficking, poverty, or the proliferation of nuclear weapons, we have learned that without a doubt there's no quarter of the globe that can wall itself off from the threats of the 21st century.

The one way forward—the only way forward—is through a common and persistent effort to combat fear and want wherever they exist. That is the challenge of our time—and we cannot fail to meet it, together.

Now, we take for granted the peace of a Europe that's united, but for centuries Strasbourg has been attacked and occupied and claimed by the warring nations of this continent. Now, today in this city, the presence of the European Parliament and the Council of Europe stand as symbols of a Europe that is united peaceful and free.

Now, we take this peace and prosperity for granted, but this destination was not easily reached, nor was it predestined. The buildings that are now living monuments to European unity were not drawn from simple blueprints. They were born out of the blood of the first half of the 20th century and the resolve of the second. Men and women had to have the imagination to see a better future, and the courage to reach for it. Europeans and Americans had to have the sense of common purpose to join one another, and the patience and the persistence to see a long twilight struggle through.

It was 61 years ago this April that a Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe helped to deliver hope to a continent that had been decimated by war. Amid the ashes and the rubble that surrounded so many cities like this one, America joined with you in an unprecedented effort that secured a lasting prosperity not just in Europe, but around the world—on both sides of the Atlantic.

One year later, exactly 60 years ago tomorrow, we ensured our shared security when 12 of our nations signed a treaty in Washington that spelled out a simple agreement: An attack on one would be viewed as an attack on all. Without firing a single shot, this Alliance would prevent the Iron Curtain from descending on the free nations of Western Europe. It would lead eventually to the crumbling of a wall in Berlin and the end of the Communist threat. Two decades later, with 28 member nations that stretched from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, NATO remains the strongest alliance that the world has ever known.

In recent years we've allowed our Alliance to drift. I know that there have been honest disagreements over policy, but we also know that there's something more that has crept into our relationship. In America, there's a failure to appreciate Europe's leading role in the world. Instead of celebrating your dynamic union and seeking to partner with you to meet common challenges, there have been times where America has shown arrogance and been dismissive, even derisive.

But in Europe, there is an anti-Americanism that is at once casual but can also be insidious. Instead of recognizing the good that America so often does in the world, there have been times where Europeans choose to blame America for much of what's bad.

On both sides of the Atlantic, these attitudes have become all too common. They are not wise. They do not represent the truth. They threaten to widen the divide across the Atlantic and leave us both more isolated. They fail to acknowledge the fundamental truth that America cannot confront the challenges of this century alone, but that Europe cannot confront them without America.

So I've come to Europe this week to renew our partnership, one in which America listens and learns from our friends and allies, but where our friends and allies bear their share of the burden. Together, we must forge common solutions to our common problems. So let me say this as clearly as I can: America is changing, but it cannot be America alone that changes. We are confronting the greatest economic crisis since World War II. The only way to confront this unprecedented crisis is through unprecedented coordination.

President Obama. I would like to be able to say that as a consequence of my work, that we drastically lessened the threat of not only terrorism but also nuclear terrorism. And we can't reduce the threat of a nuclear weapon going off unless those who possess the most nuclear weapons—the United States and Russia—take serious steps to actually reduce our stockpiles.

So we are going to—so we want to pursue that vigorously in the years ahead. And I had a excellent meeting with President Medvedev of Russia to get started that process of reducing our nuclear stockpiles, which will then give us greater moral authority to say to Iran, don't develop a nuclear weapon; to say to North Korea, don't proliferate nuclear weapons.

In my own country, what I think is very important is that we finally get a health care system that is reliable and cost-effective. That's something that—you know, that's a social safety net that exits in almost all of Europe that doesn't exist in the United States. You have millions of people who work hard every single day, but if they get sick they could potentially lose everything. And in a country as wealthy as ours, that's not acceptable to me.

So we are going to work hard to make sure that we have a health care system that won't be identical to what you have in Europe—each country has its own traditions and approaches—but that provides people quality, affordable, accessible health care.

And then, I would like to see us in the United States take the lead on a new approach to energy—because none of the developed countries are going to be able to sustain their growth if we don't start using energy differently, and the world cannot survive all countries using energy in the same ways that we use it.

I was meeting with the Indian Prime Minister yesterday after the summit—a very good and wise man, Prime Minister Singh—and he was talking about how Indian growth rates have gone up 9 percent every year. They need to grow at that pace in order to bring hundreds of millions of people in their country out of abject poverty, desperate poverty. They have to grow at a rapid pace.

Now, he actually is committed to working towards dealing with the climate change issue, but he made a very simple point, which is a point that I understood before the meeting and all of us should not forget—and that is that you cannot expect poor countries, or relatively poor countries, to be partners with us on climate change if we are not taking the lead, given that our carbon footprint is many times more than theirs per capita. I mean, each one of us in the developed world, I don't care how environmentally conscious you are, how green you are—I'm sure there are some green folks here—

Q. Yes!

President Obama. Yes! I don't care how green you are, you are—you have a much bigger carbon footprint than the average Indian, or the average person from China. And so we in developed countries then—it's critical for us to lead by example by becoming more energy efficient, and we also have to harness technology and shared scientific breakthroughs in order to find more sustainable energy patterns.

Now, I've got other things that I want to do, but that's a pretty long list. Let me go on to a few more questions.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I'm a student from Heidelberg, Germany, and—my mother tongue is German, but my French is not good enough, so I ask my question in English.

You mentioned in your speech that we are a lucky generation. We live in peace, we live in democracies and free states, and we really—we are very pleased to have this situation in Europe. But this is not the case all over the world, even not in Europe. Look to Belarus, for example; there's an autocratic regime.

And so my question concerns the many children all over the world that live in poverty, under human rights violation. They have hunger, they have no education, and other problems. So what is your strategy, Mr. President, to solve this problem?

President Obama. Well, it's an excellent question, and the—first of all, I think one of the things that we should be very proud of from the G20 summit yesterday was that we made a significant commitment to additional resources through the IMF and other mechanisms to provide assistance to emerging markets and poor countries that, as I said, are bearing the burden of a collapse in the financial system that they had nothing to do with.

The problem is so many of these countries had export-oriented markets, and when the economies contracted in our developing nations, it made them extremely vulnerable. You know, you have a country like Botswana, which is actually a well-managed country that has made enormous progress, but their main revenue generator is diamond sales, and they have literally seen the diamond market collapse—in part because they couldn't get trade financing, in part because the demand in developed countries has dropped off. So we started to make progress there. Our most important task right now is helping them get through this crisis.

Over the long term, though, we've got to have a strategy that recognizes that the interest of the developed world in feeding the hungry, in educating children, that that's not just charity; it's in our interest. There's not a direct correlation between poverty and violence and conflict and terrorism. But I can tell you that if children have no education whatsoever, if young men are standing idle each and every day, and feel completely detached and completely removed from the modern world, they are more likely, they are more susceptible to ideologies that appeal to violence and destruction.

If you have no health facilities whatsoever in countries in Africa, these days a pandemic can get on a plane and be in Strasbourg or New York City or Chicago overnight. So we better think about making sure that there are basic public health facilities and public health infrastructure in those countries, because we can't shield ourselves from these problems. So that means developed countries have to increase aid, but it also means that the countries who are receiving aid have to use it wisely.

My father was from Kenya. And when I traveled to Kenya—I had just been elected to the United States Senate—everybody was very excited and they greeted me as if I was already a head of state, and there were people waving and lining the streets. I went to speak at a university and I had to be honest, which was, America has an obligation to provide Kenya help on a whole range of issues, but if Kenya doesn't solve its own corruption problem, then Kenya will never grow. It will never be able to provide for its own.

And so there's nothing wrong with the developed nations insisting that we will increase our commitments, that we will design our aid programs more effectively, that we will open up our markets to trade from poor countries, but that we will also insist that there is good governance and rule of law, and other critical factors in order to make these countries work.

We spend so much time talking about democracy—and obviously we should be promoting democracy everywhere we can. But democracy, a well-functioning society that promotes liberty and equality and fraternity, a well-functioning society does not just depend on going to the ballot box. It also means that you're not going to be shaken down by police because the police aren't getting properly paid. It also means that if you want to start a business, you don't have to pay a bribe. I mean, there are a whole host of other factors that people need to—need to recognize in building a civil society that allows a country to be successful. And hopefully that will—that approach will be reflected not just in my administration's policies but in the policies that are pursued by international agencies around the world.

Q. I just want to know what do you expect from the French and the European countries regarding the war on terror?

President Obama. Good. That's a good question. Look, I think that over the last seven, eight years, as I said in my speech, a lot of tensions have developed between the United States and Europe. And one of the legacies, I hope, from my administration is, is that we start bringing our historic alliance back together in a much more effective way.

Now, that doesn't mean that we're not going to have honest disagreements. All countries have disagreements between themselves. But I think that we can work much more effectively and cooperatively, and maintain that core trust that we have towards each other.

Nowhere have we seen more suspicion than around questions of war and peace and how we respond to terrorism. When 9/11 happened, Europe responded as a true friend would respond to the United States, saying, “We are all Americans.” All of us have a stake in ensuring that innocent people who were just going about their business, going to work, suddenly find themselves slaughtered—all of us have an interest in preventing that kind of vicious, evil act.

But after the initial NATO engagement in Afghanistan, we got sidetracked by Iraq, and we have not fully recovered that initial insight that we have a mutual interest in ensuring that organizations like al Qaeda cannot operate. And I think that it is important for Europe to understand that even though I'm now President and George Bush is no longer President, al Qaeda is still a threat, and that we cannot pretend somehow that because Barack Hussein Obama got elected as President, suddenly everything is going to be okay.

It is going to be a very difficult challenge. Al Qaeda is still bent on carrying out terrorist activity. It is—don't fool yourselves—because some people say, well, you know, if we changed our policies with respect to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, or if we were more respectful towards the Muslim world, suddenly these organizations would stop threatening us. That's just not the case.

It is true that we have to change our behavior in showing the Muslim world greater respect, and changing our language and changing our tone. It is true that we have to work very hard for Israeli-Palestinian peace. But what is also true is that these organizations are willing to kill innocent people because of a twisted, distorted ideology. And we, as democracies and as people who value human life, can't allow those organizations to operate.

So here's the bottom line. The United States has reviewed and redesigned its approach to Afghanistan. We believe that we cannot just win militarily. We have to win through development aid. We have to win through increasing the capacity of the Afghan government to provide basic services to its people and to uphold rule of law. We have to work with the Pakistani government so that they are more trusted by their population and have more control so that they can then go—help us go after these terrorists. We have to encourage diplomacy in the region.

So it can't just be a military strategy and we will be in partnership with Europe on the development side and on the diplomatic side. But there will be a military component to it, and Europe should not simply expect the United States to shoulder that burden alone. We should not because this is a joint problem and it requires joint effort.

One last point I will make. In dealing with terrorism, we can't lose sight of our values and who we are. That's why I closed Guantanamo. That's why I made very clear that we will not engage in certain interrogation practices. I don't believe that there is a contradiction between our security and our values. And when you start sacrificing your values, when you lose yourself, then over the long term that will make you less secure. When we saw what happened in Abu Ghraib, that wasn't good for our security—that was a recruitment tool for terrorism. Humiliating people is never a good strategy to battle terrorism.

So we are going to conduct our operations in a way that reflect our best selves and make sure that we are proud. And that, in turn, will allow the Europeans, I think, to feel good about our joint efforts, and also not to have excuses not to participate in those joint efforts.

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks in Strasbourg, France

President Obama. Thank you so much. I want to address my remarks directly to the delegation from Albania and Croatia and their leadership: Welcome to NATO. We are very excited about your participation. The Atlantic Alliance is 60 years old and it's a measure of our vitality that we are still welcoming new members.

I think it's important to point out that both Croatia and Albania have already done many significant things on behalf of the Alliance, including the 140 Albanians and 296 Croatian troops who have served in Afghanistan. And I think that indicates the degree to which they will be strong contributors to the Alliance.

To both countries, your large contributions, your proportionally large contributions to NATO's joint efforts, show what a priority you've made this, and we are grateful for it. And we are proud to have you as allies.

Congratulations, as well, on the progress that you've made in difficult reforms that have brought you to this point. Both countries have achieved an extraordinary amount, and continuing along this path will help you bring—will help you become even closer to Euro-Atlantic integration.

I'd also like to note that as we welcome Albania and Croatia to NATO, this will not be the last time that we have such a celebration, and I look forward to the day when we can welcome Macedonia to the Alliance. The door to membership will remain open for other countries that meet NATO's standards and can make a meaningful contribution to allied security.

Now, I would like to invite the Secretary General, as well as the Presidents of Albania and Croatia, to join me. We have the original treaty that has been archived in the United States, but we also have two duplicates that we would like to present to the Presidents of each country. So if you could join me at this table.

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks in Strasbourg, France

President Obama. Good afternoon. We have just finished—well, not just finished—because I know there's been a little bit of a delay—we have finished what I consider to be a very productive meeting. I want to thank President Sarkozy and Chancellor Merkel for hosting us here in Strasbourg and Kehl. I should add that not only were they gracious hosts, but the commitments that they made with respect to Afghanistan indicate the seriousness of purpose with which they are approaching the NATO challenge, and our mission in Afghanistan in particular.

I want to congratulate Prime Minister, and now Secretary General-to-be, Mr. Rasmussen. He is an outstanding public servant, somebody with an extraordinary reputation, and I have confidence that he's the right man to help lead NATO during a period in which we are moving from a vision first created in the 20th century to a vision that responds to 21st-century challenges.

I should point out that the election of Prime Minister Rasmussen was unanimous, but there was important efforts to make sure that everybody felt included. And I want to thank, in particular, Turkey for raising some concerns having to do with their security issues and their confidence that the new Secretary General would address them. So I congratulate all the parties concerned in arriving at a outstanding outcome.

The NATO was founded on the basis of a simple but solemn commitment: An attack on one is an attack on all. And from that foundation we forged the strongest Alliance in history, an Alliance that is stronger because it is made up of free nations.

We start from a simple premise: For years, our efforts in Afghanistan have lacked the resources needed to achieve our goals. And that's why the United States has recommitted itself to a clear and focused goal—to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent their return to either country in the future.

This effort cannot be America's alone. All of NATO understands that al Qaeda is a threat to all of us, and that this collective security effort must achieve its goals. And as a signal of that commitment, I am pleased that our NATO allies pledged their strong and unanimous support for our new strategy. Keep in mind it was only just a week ago that we announced this new approach. But already with Secretary Clinton's work at The Hague and with the success at today's summit we've started to match real resources to achieve our goals.

We're leaving Strasbourg and Kehl with concrete commitments on NATO support. Our allies and partners have already agreed to provide approximately 5,000 troops and trainers to advance our new strategy, as well as increased civilian assistance. To support critical elections for August 20th, NATO will fully resource our election support force to maximize security. And our allies have committed additional funds to an Afghan elections trust fund that will provide the necessary resources for free and fair elections.

To accelerate and enhance our training of Afghan security forces, a new NATO mission, a new NATO training mission, will focus on high-level support for Afghan army, and training and mentoring for the Afghan police. And many of our allies and partners have also pledged support for a new trust fund to sustain Afghan national armies going forward.

And to strengthen Afghan institutions and advance opportunity for the Afghan people, we are working with our NATO allies and partners to achieve substantial increases in non-military assistance and to provide the kind of doctors, engineers, educators and agricultural specialists that are needed to make a difference on the ground.

Now, we'll need more resources and a sustained effort to achieve our ultimate goals. But these commitments of troops, trainers and civilians represent a strong down payment on the future of our mission in Afghanistan and on the future of NATO. These are the new missions that NATO must take on in the 21st century, and these are the new capabilities that we need to succeed.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I'm wondering if you can say that you got what you asked for here and also in London, because you didn't ask for everything you wanted—and what I mean by that is you didn't get a lot more combat troops here, and you didn't get direct government stimulus there.

President Obama. Well, first of all, I don't want to circle back and have a whole new press conference about the G20 summit, since I answered some pretty extensive questions there. A week before the summit, two weeks before the summit, on multiple occasions, I indicated that the notion somehow that we were seeking to dictate to other countries their budgets and their approach to government spending was simply not accurate. What we said was that all of us have to take important steps to deal with economic growth.

We in the United States have taken appropriate actions to fill the huge hole in demand that had occurred as a consequence of the financial crisis. We saw that other countries at the G20, like China and Japan and Great Britain and France and Germany, had all similarly taken stimulus steps. And the most important thing in terms of stimulus that we wanted to see at the G20 was a commitment that as we monitor what takes place, we assure that if what's been done is not adequate, then we reconvene to make sure that we're taking steps that are adequate to create jobs and regrow the economy.

With respect to what we wanted here in NATO, the first thing we wanted was consensus and unity around a refocused approach to Afghanistan. And because of careful consultation with our allies prior to releasing the results of our strategic review, we came here expecting consensus and we're gratified to receive that consensus. You had NATO putting its stamp of approval on what I believe is a well-thought-out, hard-headed strategy and approach to Afghanistan, but also the need to deal with the interaction between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

This was not a pledging conference and yet we already received the kinds of commitments that historically you don't see at a conference like this. And I think if you will talk to prior participants, they would tell you that what was pledged here today was significant.

Let me just review: We fully resourced the elections—3,000 from allies and partners; 300 new paramilitary trainers and mentors for NATO training missions in Afghanistan; 70 NATO-embedded training teams to support expansion of Afghan—the Afghan National Army; $100 million down payment on the Afghan National Army trust fund; and civilian assistance of half a billion dollars.

That was at a summit that was designed to discuss strategy as opposed to attract pledges. And I think it's an indication of the fact that this Alliance is committed to achieving the focused goals that we've set out in Afghanistan. I think that you're not going to see a division between allies in terms of how we approach the situation. I think our allies are encouraged by not only the consultation that we conducted prior to releasing our strategy, but also our commitment to continually reviewing the strategy to ensure that it works.

And what we anticipate is not only that we will see additional resources brought to bear on the strategy, but that also we will have established a baseline of honesty and clarity about our purpose so that it will be much more difficult for each of us in NATO to try to avoid or shirk the serious responsibilities that are involved in accomplishing our mission. Okay?

Peter Maer, CBS.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. I've got a two-parter on this policy. I'm wondering if at any time in the course of the meeting or before, you asked for a commitment from NATO for combat troops in a war stance like the ones already there and the thousands of others that you're ordering.

And since you keep referring to this and you have referred to it as an Afghanistan and Pakistan policy, and you said recently that you don't envision sending—you don't envision NATO troops being sent to Pakistan—what is the message to Pakistan and the terrorists who are hiding out there?

President Obama. Well, as I said, this was not a pledging conference. All the NATO allies have troops on the ground who are in harm's way. Our ISAF partners have troops on the ground in harm's way. They are making significant commitments despite having participated in what has turned out to be a very lengthy operation.

And so the whole point of the strategy was to get beyond this notion that somehow there is one kind of troop and one kind of way of accomplishing our mission in Afghanistan. The trainers that we're sending in are not—are no less important than those who are in the south in direct combat with the Taliban—because if we can't achieve these other goals, then we will put more and more of a burden—an unsustainable burden—on those troops that are conducting direct combat operations.

So the answer is, number one, all these allies have combat troops on the ground. Number two, part of our strategy is to make sure that we've got a much more comprehensive approach.

With respect to Pakistan, we want to bring all of our diplomatic and development skills to bear on strengthening Pakistan in part because they have to have the capacity to take on al Qaeda within their borders, but also because to the extent that we strengthen Pakistan's ability to deliver goods and services and a better life for its people, then the less the contagion of extremism in that country or in the region is likely to spread.

And I informed our allies here today that we are going to, despite difficult budget circumstances, put more money into aid to Pakistan, conditioned on some concrete results in dealing with the terrorist threat. And we are going to be pushing our allies to participate, for example, in the donors forum for Pakistan that's going to be taking place.

Q. And the message to the terrorists?

President Obama. We are going to keep on going until we get this job done. And they should be clear that we are unified, we are strong; they will not wear us down. We are going to complete our mission so that our people are safe.

Okay. Major.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President, and good afternoon. I'd like to ask you about a law that's recently been passed in Afghanistan that affects the 10 percent of the Shia population there. A summary of it says it negates the need for sexual consent between married couples, tacitly approves child marriage, and restricts a woman's right to leave the home. The United Nations Development Fund for Women says this legalizes the rape of a wife by her husband. I'd like your assessment of this law, number one. Number two, will you condition future troop movements of the U.S. to Afghanistan on the basis of this law being retracted or rewritten? And if not, sir, what about the character of this law ought to motivate U.S. forces to fight and possibly die in Afghanistan?

President Obama. Well, first of all, this was actually a topic of conversation among all the allies. And in our communication—communiqué, you will see that we specifically state that part of this comprehensive approach is encouraging the respect of human rights. I think this law is abhorrent. Certainly the views of the administration have been, and will be, communicated to the Karzai government. And we think that it is very important for us to be sensitive to local culture, but we also think that there are certain basic principles that all nations should uphold, and respect for women and respect for their freedom and integrity is an important principle.

Now, I just want to remind people, though, why our troops are fighting, because I think the notion that you laid out, Major, was that our troops might be less motivated. Our troops are highly motivated to protect the United States, just as troops from NATO are highly motivated to protect their own individual countries and NATO allies collectively. So we want to do everything we can to encourage and promote rule of law, human rights, the education of women and girls in Afghanistan, economic development, infrastructure development, but I also want people to understand that the first reason we are there is to root out al Qaeda so that they cannot attack members of the Alliance.

Now, I don't—those two things aren't contradictory, I think they're complementary. And that's what's reflected in the communiqué.

Q. But do you object to the law—

President Obama. We have stated very clearly that we object to this law. But I want everybody to understand that our focus is to defeat al Qaeda and ensure that they do not have safe havens from which they can launch attacks against the Alliance.

Ed Luce, from the Financial Times. Where's Ed—there he is.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. In the context of all the multilateral activity that's been going on this week—the G20, here at NATO—and your evident enthusiasm for multilateral frameworks, to work through multilateral frameworks, could I ask you whether you subscribe, as many of your predecessors have, to the school of American exceptionalism that sees America as uniquely qualified to lead the world, or do you have a slightly different philosophy? And if so, would you be able to elaborate on it?

President Obama. I believe in American exceptionalism, just as I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism and the Greeks believe in Greek exceptionalism. I'm enormously proud of my country and its role and history in the world. If you think about the site of this summit and what it means, I don't think America should be embarrassed to see evidence of the sacrifices of our troops, the enormous amount of resources that were put into Europe postwar, and our leadership in crafting an Alliance that ultimately led to the unification of Europe. We should take great pride in that.

And if you think of our current situation, the United States remains the largest economy in the world. We have unmatched military capability. And I think that we have a core set of values that are enshrined in our Constitution, in our body of law, in our democratic practices, in our belief in free speech and equality, that, though imperfect, are exceptional.

Now, the fact that I am very proud of my country and I think that we've got a whole lot to offer the world does not lessen my interest in recognizing the value and wonderful qualities of other countries, or recognizing that we're not always going to be right, or that other people may have good ideas, or that in order for us to work collectively, all parties have to compromise and that includes us.

And so I see no contradiction between believing that America has a continued extraordinary role in leading the world towards peace and prosperity and recognizing that that leadership is incumbent, depends on, our ability to create partnerships because we create partnerships because we can't solve these problems alone.

Tom, McClatchy.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Of the 3,000 troops that NATO committed to send to Afghanistan, I wanted to ask you, is that a net increase, or will some of them be replacements? And more importantly, how open-ended is that commitment? Will they stay past the election in August and into 2010 alongside U.S. troops?

President Obama. You know, the—keep in mind that this is not a ceiling for what we're achieving. Again, I just want to emphasize this was not a pledge conference. So what I prefer to do is to have Bob Gates or Mike Mullen or General McKiernan or others talk to you in detail about troop rotations, how various NATO contributions will be integrated into the various operations that are going to be taking place. But if you ask people who have been around these NATO summits, they will tell you that it is highly unusual to see the kinds of commitments that we saw today this early and this much unanimity, in terms of what our strategy, should be.

Everybody understands it's going to be hard. And part of why I think our strategy was received favorably was because we did not try to paper over the difficulties. And I think every leader who participated in the summit understands that these commitments place a strain on our populations at a time when we're already going through very difficult times.

We got jobs reports yesterday back home that 663,000 people have lost their jobs just last month. States are struggling. Families are struggling. Military families are going through all the strains and stresses of deployments, and although we're dealing with that issue successfully, thanks to some good planning by Secretary Gates and our drawdown in Iraq, this is still a strain both on our budgets and on our troops, who are performing brilliantly. And that's not unique to the United States, that's true for all the NATO allies.

But what I'm deeply encouraged by is I don't see any lessening of will to ensure that terrorist organizations cannot operate with impunity and continue to threaten devastating attacks on the United States, NATO members, and that I think is—that promises success over the long term.

Q. Mr. President, I am Vladimir Lame from Albania from Tirana Observer. Thanks for the approval of Albanian candidate to be member of NATO. But do you think this will bring peace and stability in Balkans, first of all? And the new American President will support Kosovo for membership in U.N. and for other countries to recognize this new state?

President Obama. Well, first of all, we are very proud of Albania and Croatia. And they made extraordinary efforts at reform in order to see this day come about, and so we're grateful for them.

With respect to the Balkans, I think that because of NATO actions, because of European assistance, because of a lot of hard work by the peoples themselves, we have seen a stabilizing of the situation. But some of those gains are fragile. And I am very concerned about the impact that the economic downturn may have on the ability of these various countries to stay focused on achieving peace and resolving differences through negotiations.

That's not unique to the Balkans. That's, I think, true around the world. One of the points that was made during the G20 summit is that what starts as a financial crisis can move to a broader economic crisis, a social crisis, and eventually a political crisis. And so we have to monitor that very carefully. We want to play a constructive role in that process. The first constructive role we can play is to help fix this economy. Obviously we have a big role to play in doing that, and I was very pleased to see what happened with the G20.

But we have a specific role in emerging markets in developing countries. And many of these Balkan states we need to make sure that their economies are stabilized during this crisis period. I think that will help in the broader issues of political reconciliation.

Okay. Thank you, everybody. Appreciate it. Thank you.

President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Konstandinos Karamanlis delivered these remarks in Strasbourg, France

President Obama. I am so pleased to have the opportunity to meet with the President [sic] and reaffirm once again the extraordinary friendship between Greece and the United States.

We had the opportunity to celebrate Greek Independence Day in the White House. And it was a reminder for all of us that not only is the United States inspired by Greece, not only were our Founding Fathers inspired by the values of ancient Greece, but that Greek independence was also inspired by the United States. It gives you a sense of the fact that we have shared values, a shared belief in democracy and liberty; that we have struggled and fought for that democracy and liberty as fellow members of NATO. Now in the 21st century, we continue to fight on behalf of those issues shoulder to shoulder.

So I'm very grateful to the Greek community in the United States for being such a wonderful bridge to Greece. Our relationship is strong, but I'm confident that in the years to come, on a whole host of issues—from dealing with the economic crisis to dealing with terrorism to dealing with energy—that the United States and Greece will be critical partners in all these international efforts.

So I'm very proud to call the President [sic] my friend and that the friendship between our two countries is very strong.

Prime Minister Karamanlis. Well, it is known that we have a very strong relationship between Greece and the United States (inaudible) by those in the modern world which remain the core values—rule of law, democracy, freedom. And we share a very strong bilateral relationship and also close cooperation within the framework of the Alliance.

As, President, you already mentioned, the Greek diaspora is a very strong link between the two countries (inaudible), and of course we are looking forward to work closely with you to address all the problems our societies face.

President Obama. Wonderful. Okay, thank you, everybody.

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks in Ankara, Turkey

President Obama. Mr. Speaker, Madam Deputy Speaker, distinguished members, I am honored to speak in this chamber, and I am committed to renewing the alliance between our nations and the friendship between our people.

This is my first trip overseas as President of the United States. I've been to the G20 summit in London, and the NATO summit in Strasbourg, and the European Union summit in Prague. Some people have asked me if I chose to continue my travels to Ankara and Istanbul to send a message to the world. And my answer is simple: Evet—yes. Turkey is a critical ally. Turkey is an important part of Europe. And Turkey and the United States must stand together—and work together—to overcome the challenges of our time.

This morning I had the great privilege of visiting the tomb of your extraordinary founder of your republic. And I was deeply impressed by this beautiful memorial to a man who did so much to shape the course of history. But it is also clear that the greatest monument to Ataturk's life is not something that can be cast in stone and marble. His greatest legacy is Turkey's strong, vibrant, secular democracy, and that is the work that this assembly carries on today.

This future was not easily assured, it was not guaranteed. At the end of World War I, Turkey could have succumbed to the foreign powers that were trying to claim its territory, or sought to restore an ancient empire. But Turkey chose a different future. You freed yourself from foreign control, and you founded a republic that commands the respect of the United States and the wider world.

And there is a simple truth to this story: Turkey's democracy is your own achievement. It was not forced upon you by any outside power, nor did it come without struggle and sacrifice. Turkey draws strength from both the successes of the past, and from the efforts of each generation of Turks that makes new progress for your people.

Now, my country's democracy has its own story. The general who led America in revolution and governed as our first President was, as many of you know, George Washington. And like you, we built a grand monument to honor our founding father—a towering obelisk that stands in the heart of the capital city that bears Washington's name. I can see the Washington Monument from the window of the White House every day.

It took decades to build. There were frequent delays. Over time, more and more people contributed to help make this monument the inspiring structure that still stands tall today. Among those who came to our aid were friends from all across the world who offered their own tributes to Washington and the country he helped to found.

And one of those tributes came from Istanbul. Ottoman Sultan Abdulmecid sent a marble plaque that helped to build the Washington Monument. Inscribed in the plaque was a poem that began with a few simple words: “So as to strengthen the friendship between the two countries.” Over 150 years have passed since those words were carved into marble. Our nations have changed in many ways. But our friendship is strong, and our alliance endures.

It is a friendship that flourished in the years after World War II, when President Truman committed our nation to the defense of Turkey's freedom and sovereignty, and Turkey committed itself into the NATO Alliance. Turkish troops have served by our side from Korea to Kosovo to Kabul. Together, we withstood the great test of the Cold War. Trade between our nations has steadily advanced. So has cooperation in science and research.

The ties among our people have deepened, as well, and more and more Americans of Turkish origin live and work and succeed within our borders. And as a basketball fan, I've even noticed that Hedo Turkoglu and Mehmet Okur have got some pretty good basketball games.

The United States and Turkey have not always agreed on every issue, and that's to be expected—no two nations do. But we have stood together through many challenges over the last 60 years. And because of the strength of our alliance and the endurance of our friendship, both America and Turkey are stronger and the world is more secure.

Now, our two democracies are confronted by an unprecedented set of challenges: An economic crisis that recognizes no borders; extremism that leads to the killing of innocent men and women and children; strains on our energy supply and a changing climate; the proliferation of the world's deadliest weapons; and the persistence of tragic conflict.

These are the great tests of our young century. And the choices that we make in the coming years will determine whether the future will be shaped by fear or by freedom; by poverty or by prosperity; by strife or by a just, secure and lasting peace.

This much is certain: No one nation can confront these challenges alone, and all nations have a stake in overcoming them. That is why we must listen to one another, and seek common ground. That is why we must build on our mutual interests, and rise above our differences. We are stronger when we act together. That is the message that I've carried with me throughout this trip to Europe. That is the message that I delivered when I had the privilege of meeting with your President and with your Prime Minister. That will be the approach of the United States of America going forward.

Already, America and Turkey are working with the G20 on an unprecedented response to an unprecedented economic crisis. Now, this past week, we came together to ensure that the world's largest economies take strong and coordinated action to stimulate growth and restore the flow of credit; to reject the pressures of protectionism, and to extend a hand to developing countries and the people hit hardest by this downturn; and to dramatically reform our regulatory system so that the world never faces a crisis like this again.

As we go forward, the United States and Turkey can pursue many opportunities to serve prosperity for our people. The President and I this morning talked about expanding the ties of commerce and trade. There's enormous opportunity when it comes to energy to create jobs. And we can increase new sources to not only free ourselves from dependence of other energies—other countries' energy sources, but also to combat climate change. We should build on our Clean Technology Fund to leverage efficiency and renewable energy investments in Turkey. And to power markets in Turkey and Europe, the United States will continue to support your central role as an East-West corridor for oil and natural gas.

This economic cooperation only reinforces the common security that Europe and the United States share with Turkey as a NATO ally, and the common values that we share as democracies. So in meeting the challenges of the 21st century, we must seek the strength of a Europe that is truly united, peaceful and free.

So let me be clear: The United States strongly supports Turkey's bid to become a member of the European Union. We speak not as members of the EU, but as close friends of both Turkey and Europe. Turkey has been a resolute ally and a responsible partner in transatlantic and European institutions. Turkey is bound to Europe by more than the bridges over the Bosphorous. Centuries of shared history, culture, and commerce bring you together. Europe gains by the diversity of ethnicity, tradition and faith—it is not diminished by it. And Turkish membership would broaden and strengthen Europe's foundation once more.

Now, of course, Turkey has its own responsibilities. And you've made important progress towards membership. But I also know that Turkey has pursued difficult political reforms not simply because it's good for EU membership, but because it's right for Turkey.

In the last several years, you've abolished state security courts, you've expanded the right to counsel. You've reformed the penal code and strengthened laws that govern the freedom of the press and assembly. You've lifted bans on teaching and broadcasting Kurdish, and the world noted with respect the important signal sent through a new state Kurdish television station.

These achievements have created new laws that must be implemented, and a momentum that should be sustained. For democracies cannot be static—they must move forward. Freedom of religion and expression lead to a strong and vibrant civil society that only strengthens the state, which is why steps like reopening Halki Seminary will send such an important signal inside Turkey and beyond. An enduring commitment to the rule of law is the only way to achieve the security that comes from justice for all people. Robust minority rights let societies benefit from the full measure of contributions from all citizens.

I say this as the President of a country that not very long ago made it hard for somebody who looks like me to vote, much less be President of the United States. But it is precisely that capacity to change that enriches our countries. Every challenge that we face is more easily met if we tend to our own democratic foundation. This work is never over. That's why, in the United States, we recently ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. That's why we prohibited—without exception or equivocation—the use of torture. All of us have to change. And sometimes change is hard.

Another issue that confronts all democracies as they move to the future is how we deal with the past. The United States is still working through some of our own darker periods in our history. Facing the Washington Monument that I spoke of is a memorial of Abraham Lincoln, the man who freed those who were enslaved even after Washington led our Revolution. Our country still struggles with the legacies of slavery and segregation, the past treatment of Native Americans.

Human endeavor is by its nature imperfect. History is often tragic, but unresolved, it can be a heavy weight. Each country must work through its past. And reckoning with the past can help us seize a better future. I know there [are] strong views in this chamber about the terrible events of 1915. And while there's been a good deal of commentary about my views, it's really about how the Turkish and Armenian people deal with the past. And the best way forward for the Turkish and Armenian people is a process that works through the past in a way that is honest, open and constructive.

We've already seen historic and courageous steps taken by Turkish and Armenian leaders. These contacts hold out the promise of a new day. An open border would return the Turkish and Armenian people to a peaceful and prosperous coexistence that would serve both of your nations. So I want you to know that the United States strongly supports the full normalization of relations between Turkey and Armenia. It is a cause worth working towards.

It speaks to Turkey's leadership that you are poised to be the only country in the region to have normal and peaceful relations with all the South Caucasus nations. And to advance that peace, you can play a constructive role in helping to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which has continued for far too long.

Advancing peace also includes the disputes that persist in the Eastern Mediterranean. And here there's a cause for hope. The two Cypriot leaders have an opportunity through their commitment to negotiations under the United Nations Good Offices Mission. The United States is willing to offer all the help sought by the parties as they work towards a just and lasting settlement that reunifies Cyprus into a bizonal and bicommunal federation.

These efforts speak to one part of the critical region that surrounds Turkey. And when we consider the challenges before us, on issue after issue, we share common goals.

In the Middle East, we share the goal of a lasting peace between Israel and its neighbors. Let me be clear: The United States strongly supports the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. That is a goal shared by Palestinians, Israelis, and people of goodwill around the world. That is a goal that the parties agreed to in the road map and at Annapolis. That is a goal that I will actively pursue as President of the United States.

We know the road ahead will be difficult. Both Israelis and Palestinians must take steps that are necessary to build confidence and trust. Both Israelis and Palestinians, both must live up to the commitments they have made. Both must overcome longstanding passions and the politics of the moment to make progress towards a secure and lasting peace.

The United States and Turkey can help the Palestinians and Israelis make this journey. Like the United States, Turkey has been a friend and partner in Israel's quest for security. And like the United States, you seek a future of opportunity and statehood for the Palestinians. So now, working together, we must not give into pessimism and mistrust. We must pursue every opportunity for progress, as you've done by supporting negotiations between Syria and Israel. We must extend a hand to those Palestinians who are in need, while helping them strengthen their own institutions. We must reject the use of terror, and recognize that Israel's security concerns are legitimate.

The peace of the region will also be advanced if Iran forgoes any nuclear weapons ambitions. Now, as I made clear in Prague yesterday, no one is served by the spread of nuclear weapons, least of all Turkey. You live in a difficult region and a nuclear arm race would not serve the security of this nation well. This part of the world has known enough violence. It has known enough hatred. It does not need a race for an ever-more powerful tool of destruction.

Now, I have made it clear to the people and leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran that the United States seeks engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect. We want Iran to play its rightful role in the community of nations. Iran is a great civilization. We want them to engage in the economic and political integration that brings prosperity and security. But Iran's leaders must choose whether they will try to build a weapon or build a better future for their people.

So both Turkey and the United States support a secure and united Iraq that does not serve as a safe haven for terrorists. I know there were differences about whether to go to war. There were differences within my own country, as well. But now we must come together as we end this war responsibly, because the future of Iraq is inseparable from the future of the broader region. As I've already announced, and many of you are aware, the United States will remove our combat brigades by the end of next August, while working with the Iraqi government as they take responsibility for security. And we will work with Iraq, Turkey, and all Iraq's neighbors, to forge a new dialogue that reconciles differences and advances our common security.

Make no mistake, though: Iraq, Turkey, and the United States face a common threat from terrorism. That includes the al Qaeda terrorists who have sought to drive Iraqis apart and destroy their country. That includes the PKK. There is no excuse for terror against any nation. As President, and as a NATO ally, I pledge that you will have our support against the terrorist activities of the PKK or anyone else. These efforts will be strengthened by the continued work to build ties of cooperation between Turkey, the Iraqi government, and Iraq's Kurdish leaders, and by your continued efforts to promote education and opportunity and democracy for the Kurdish population here inside Turkey.

Finally, we share the common goal of denying al Qaeda a safe haven in Pakistan or Afghanistan. The world has come too far to let this region backslide, and to let al Qaeda terrorists plot further attacks. That's why we are committed to a more focused effort to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda. That is why we are increasing our efforts to train Afghans to sustain their own security, and to reconcile former adversaries. That's why we are increasing our support for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan, so that we stand on the side not only of security, but also of opportunity and the promise of a better life.

Turkey has been a true partner. Your troops were among the first in the International Security Assistance Force. You have sacrificed much in this endeavor. Now we must achieve our goals together. I appreciate that you've offered to help us train and support Afghan security forces, and expand opportunity across the region. Together, we can rise to meet this challenge like we have so many before.

I know there have been difficulties these last few years. I know that the trust that binds the United States and Turkey has been strained, and I know that strain is shared in many places where the Muslim faith is practiced. So let me say this as clearly as I can: The United States is not, and will never be, at war with Islam. In fact, our partnership with the Muslim world is critical not just in rolling back the violent ideologies that people of all faiths reject, but also to strengthen opportunity for all its people.

I also want to be clear that America's relationship with the Muslim community, the Muslim world, cannot, and will not, just be based upon opposition to terrorism. We seek broader engagement based on mutual interest and mutual respect. We will listen carefully, we will bridge misunderstandings, and we will seek common ground. We will be respectful, even when we do not agree. We will convey our deep appreciation for the Islamic faith, which has done so much over the centuries to shape the world—including in my own country. The United States has been enriched by Muslim Americans. Many other Americans have Muslims in their families or have lived in a Muslim-majority country—I know, because I am one of them.

Above all, above all we will demonstrate through actions our commitment to a better future. I want to help more children get the education that they need to succeed. We want to promote health care in places where people are vulnerable. We want to expand the trade and investment that can bring prosperity for all people. In the months ahead, I will present specific programs to advance these goals. Our focus will be on what we can do, in partnership with people across the Muslim world, to advance our common hopes and our common dreams. And when people look back on this time, let it be said of America that we extended the hand of friendship to all people.

There's an old Turkish proverb: “You cannot put out fire with flames.” America knows this. Turkey knows this. There's some who must be met by force, they will not compromise. But force alone cannot solve our problems, and it is no alternative to extremism. The future must belong to those who create, not those who destroy. That is the future we must work for, and we must work for it together.

I know there are those who like to debate Turkey's future. They see your country at the crossroads of continents, and touched by the currents of history. They know that this has been a place where civilizations meet, and different peoples come together. They wonder whether you will be pulled in one direction or another.

But I believe here is what they don't understand: Turkey's greatness lies in your ability to be at the center of things. This is not where East and West divide—this is where they come together. In the beauty of your culture. In the richness of your history. In the strength of your democracy. In your hopes for tomorrow.

I am honored to stand here with you—to look forward to the future that we must reach for together—and to reaffirm America's commitment to our strong and enduring friendship. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you.

President Barack Obama and President Abdullah Gul delivered these remarks in Ankara, Turkey

President Gul. We are very pleased to host the President of the United States, Mr. Barack Obama, in Turkey. It would not be wrong to say that our discussions began in Strasbourg, and the discussions that we began in Strasbourg, we continued with them today, both during our meeting and then over lunch. And it was very beneficial.

At the outset of my remarks, I would like to say that we heard that there's been an earthquake in Italy—we just heard. And I would like to express my condolences to the people who lost their lives. We share the sorrow of the Italian people.

We are very appreciative of the fact that Mr. Obama, having been elected President, made Turkey one of his stops in his first overseas visit, and we have been very happy with that—the Turkish people have been very happy with that.

We have had opportunity to review the strategic dimension of our relations. Most of our relations seem to be on a military and political dimension, but we are also determined to move forward on the economic dimension of our relations. On the area of technology, we'll continue to support development of economic and technology cooperation. These are areas which we place importance on.

In we look at Turkish-American issues, we see that the United States is very much interested, and must be interested, in important issues around the world as a superpower, and Turkey is an important country in her region, and Turkey is very much interested in many subjects. So if we were to make two separate lists of the issues that our countries are interested in, we would see that they are very much alike. And so I'm very pleased to say that Turkey and the United States have great understanding for each other and they work in cooperation with each other.

Of course, fighting against terrorism is one of the most important issues for both of the countries, and the cooperation that we've had so far will be further developed, and in many geographies, from Afghanistan to the Caucuses to the Balkans to the Middle East, we are working together and we are determined to continue to work together. And the President has also shown great interest to Turkey's relations with the European Union. We appreciate that very much. We thank him very much for his words in that regard.

I think that this visit has been very beneficial. I'd like to welcome the President once again and wish him success.

Please.

President Obama. Well, thank you very much. And, President Gul, you could not be a better host, and we are grateful to you and your team, as well as all the people of Turkey for the extraordinary hospitality that you've extended to us.

As you mentioned, we just heard the news of the earthquake in Italy, and we want to send out condolences to the families there and hope that we are able to get rescue teams in and that we can minimize the damage as much as possible moving forward.

I have now spent a week traveling through Europe. And I've been asked, are you trying to make a statement by ending this weeklong trip in Turkey? And the answer is, yes, I am trying to make a statement. I'm trying to make a statement about the importance of Turkey not just to the United States but to the world. This is a country that has been often said lies at the crossroads between East and West. It's a country that possesses an extraordinarily rich heritage, but also represents a blend of those ancient traditions with a modern nation state that respects democracy, respects rule of law and is striving towards a modern economy.

It is a member of NATO and it is also a majority Muslim nation, unique in that position, and so, as a consequence, has insights into a whole host of regional and strategic challenges that we may face. And I've been extraordinarily impressed with President Gul and the quality of his leadership, as well as Prime Minister Erdogan, and so, as a consequence, I'm excited about the prospects of us working together.

As the President noted, we had a wide-ranging conversation. We thanked Turkey for its outstanding work in Afghanistan, and we discussed our strategic review. We have a similar perspective in terms of how to move forward, and Turkey's contributions to ISAF and the overarching effort is going to be critical.

We discussed the progress that's been made in Iraq and how we can continue to build on that progress as the U.S. begins to draw down its troops.

We talked about Middle East peace and how that can be achieved. And we discussed the need—a shared view for us to reduce the threat of nuclear proliferation not just in the region, but around the world. And as President Gul noted, we also talked about business and commerce, because all too often the U.S.-Turkish relationship has been characterized just by military issues and yet there's enormous possibilities for us to grow the economy and to make sure that trade between our countries and commerce and the lines of communication between our two countries continually strengthen, because we think that that's going to be good for Turkey, but it's also going to be good for the United States.

So we also discussed the issue of terrorism more broadly. And I reiterated my support to make sure that we are supporting Turkey in dealing with terrorist threats that may—they may experience.

So, overall it was an extremely productive meeting, and it gives me confidence that, moving forward, not only are we going to be able to improve our bilateral relations, but as we work together we're going to be able to I think shape a set of strategies that can bridge the divide between the Muslim world and the West that can make us more prosperous and more secure.

And so I'm proud that the United States is a partner with Turkey, and we want to build on that partnership in the years to come.

President Gul. Thank you.

President Obama. Okay. We were going to call on one—

President Gul. One and one, yes. Sorry.

President Obama. Do you want me to start, or you?

President Gul. You can start, yes.

President Obama. Christy Parsons, Chicago Tribune—hometown newspaper.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. As a U.S. senator you stood with the Armenian-American community in calling for Turkey's acknowledgement of the Armenian genocide and you also supported the passage of the Armenian genocide resolution. You said, as President you would recognize the genocide. And my question for you is, have you changed your view, and did you ask President Gul to recognize the genocide by name?

President Obama. Well, my views are on the record and I have not changed views. What I have been very encouraged by is news that under President Gul's leadership, you are seeing a series of negotiations, a process, in place between Armenia and Turkey to resolve a whole host of longstanding issues, including this one.

I want to be as encouraging as possible around those negotiations which are moving forward and could bear fruit very quickly very soon. And so as a consequence, what I want to do is not focus on my views right now but focus on the views of the Turkish and the Armenian people. If they can move forward and deal with a difficult and tragic history, then I think the entire world should encourage them.

And so what I told the President was I want to be as constructive as possible in moving these issues forward quickly. And my sense is, is that they are moving quickly. I don't want to, as the President of the United States, preempt any possible arrangements or announcements that might be made in the near future. I just want to say that we are going to be a partner in working through these issues in such a way that the most important parties, the Turks and the Armenians, are finally coming to terms in a constructive way.

Q. So if I understand you correctly, your view hasn't changed, but you'll put in abeyance the issue of whether to use that word in the future?

President Obama. What I'd like to do is to encourage President Gul to move forward with what have been some very fruitful negotiations. And I'm not interested in the United States in any way tilting these negotiations one way or another while they are having useful discussions.

Q. Thank you.

President Gul. Let me also share my views on this subject. This is an issue under great discussion. But it is not a legal or political issue, it's a historical issue. What is being discussed is a situation that was experienced in 1915 under the conditions of World War I, when the Ottoman Empire was battling on four fronts. And unfortunately, some citizens of the empire then were provoked by some other countries and there were many internal clashes and many people lost their lives. And we share the sorrow of all those who lost their lives, but we have to remember that the Muslim population also suffered greatly at the same time.

And at the time from the Balkans, from the Caucasus, there were millions of Muslim Turks who were displaced, who were having to come to travel to Turkey, and there were many losses as they traveled. So the losses there took place during the chaotic times of the situation then.

But when the Turkish republic—the modern republic was established, the Turkish republic did not create this into big issue in order not to create greater hatred or hostility in future generations. But unfortunately, these issues politically, especially by the diaspora, have been brought to the agenda as a way to perhaps cling to their identity.

And our view to that has been that we should let the historians, the experts on the subject, sit down and talk about this issue. We are ready to face the realities, the facts. It cannot be the politicians and the legal experts who can make decisions here as to what happened when, under what conditions, and who lost more lives, and who is right and who is wrong. It is not a parliamentarian, a politician, who can make a decision on this without knowing the circumstances to the situation.

So that's why we suggested that a joint history commission be established and that we would agree to the results or the conclusions of this commission. And Turkey opened—made its archives available for that purpose.

And we invited everyone, including the Armenians, and we took one more step forward and we said that if another country, for example, the United States or France, if they are very much interested in this issue, then they, too, could be a part of this joint commission and we would be ready to listen to the conclusions of that commission.

We, as Turkey, we would like to have good relations with all the countries in our region. Our relations with Armenia, unfortunately, did not exist so much, although there are some Armenian citizens in Turkey now—there are more than 70,000 Armenians who work—live in Turkey, who send money back to their families and there are some cultural activities. But we didn't have other relations. And our goal in order to normalize these relations, as Mr. President has just said, we initiated some discussions to normalize relations and we would like to see a good resolution of these discussions.

No doubt there's a new situation in the Caucasus. We saw how potential events could flare up in the Caucuses last year. So it's important that in this process we work together to try to resolve the issues in the Caucasus. We should work to resolve issues between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and all the conflict in the region so that the area becomes fertile ground for greater cooperation.

And we have a lot of work, with the best of intentions, in that regard, and I do believe that when we reach a conclusion we will have resolved many issues.

Q. A question to both Presidents, both leaders. Mr. Obama, during the Bush presidency there were some difficulties in Turkish-American relations, and certain steps were taken to resolve those difficulties. We are in the third month of your presidency and there is a high expectation in the Turkish public opinion, as well, about Turkish-American relations. So what will be changes in your outlook on Turkish-American relations as opposed to the previous administration?

Another question to both Presidents. You said that you discussed fighting against terrorism. There's, again, a lot of expectation in the Turkish public opinion regarding the elimination of the PKK. What sort of concrete steps will we see in that regard?

President Obama. As I mentioned at the outset, I think despite some of the problems that we saw, beginning in 2003, that you have seen steady improvement between U.S.-Turkish relations. I don't think they ever deteriorated so far that we ceased to be friends and allies. And what I hope to do is to build on what is already a strong foundation. As I indicated earlier, commercial ties can be improved. That's an area where I think the President and I share a vision.

I think when it comes to our cooperation on terrorism, I've been very clear that PKK is on our terrorist watch list. As a NATO ally of Turkey's, we are very comfortable with providing them the assistance they need to reduce the threat. We have seen that cooperation bear fruit over the last several months, over the last year. You've seen a lessening of the attacks that have been taking place. We'll continue to provide that support, and President Gul and I discussed how we can provide additional support on that front. But we have been very clear that terrorism is not acceptable in any circumstances.

I think that where—where there's the most promise of building stronger U.S.-Turkish relations is in the recognition that Turkey and the United States can build a model partnership in which a predominantly Christian nation and a predominantly Muslim nation, a Western nation and a nation that straddles two continents—that we can create a modern international community that is respectful, that is secure, that is prosperous; that there are not tensions, inevitable tensions, between cultures, which I think is extraordinarily important.

That's something that's very important to me. And I've said before that one of the great strengths of the United States is—although as I mentioned, we have a very large Christian population, we do not consider ourselves a Christian nation or a Jewish nation or a Muslim nation; we consider ourselves a nation of citizens who are bound by ideals and a set of values.

I think Turkey was—modern Turkey was founded with a similar set of principles, and yet what we're seeing is in both countries that promise of a secular country that is respectful of religious freedom, respectful of rule of law, respectful of freedom, upholding these values and being willing to stand up for them in the international stage. If we are joined together in delivering that message, East and West, to—to the world, then I think that we can have an extraordinary impact. And I'm very much looking forward to that partnership in the days to come.

Okay.

President Gul. Okay. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Jonas Gahr Stoere delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon, everyone. Before I get started with my statement about the bilateral meeting we just concluded and the important conference held here today, I just want to express our deep concern about the earthquake in Italy. And we extend our deepest sympathies to the victims, and our prayers and thoughts are with those who have lost loved ones, those who may still be trapped, and to the rescue workers and the people of Italy who are dealing with this tragedy.

I want to thank Foreign Minister Stoere for being here today. The United States and Norway enjoy a long and close friendship and a very important collaboration based not only on shared values but on common bonds of family and culture, represented by millions of Americans of Norwegian heritage.

We just concluded a very productive discussion that covered a long list of issues important to both Norway and the United States, and I reiterated to the foreign minister just how much the Obama Administration values our partnership with Norway. Together, we're looking for ways to address common challenges such as the impact of climate change and a number of regional issues, from Afghanistan to the Middle East to Sri Lanka.

The United States appreciates Norway's leadership in the Arctic Council, and it's the current chair of that council. And we certainly are grateful for the minister's contribution to the success of today's joint session of the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting and the Arctic Council. As Arctic members, as one of the five countries—Norway being another, Russia, Denmark, and Canada—whose landmasses all converge on the Arctic, it's important that we work together to ensure that any development in the Arctic takes into account the region's fragile ecological balance. In the months ahead as we move closer to December's UN climate change conference in Copenhagen, we will work closely with one another to ensure that that conference creates a viable framework for addressing the threat of climate change.

Few countries have contributed to the cause of global peace and resolving conflicts around the world more than Norway has, and we deeply appreciate Norway's many contributions as a NATO ally to the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, including leadership of a Provincial Reconstruction Team. And we look for Norway to continue not only to provide support but good guidance and advice based on their firsthand experience.

We also appreciate Norway's longstanding contributions to the Middle East peace process, including its work as co-chair of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee which coordinates international assistance to the Palestinian people. And we discussed Norway's untiring efforts to end the bloodshed in Sri Lanka.

With increasing attention on the global financial crisis, we deeply value Norway's cooperation in addressing this crisis, including its recent offer to contribute over $4 billion to the International Monetary Fund.

The United States and Norway share a commitment to promoting global peace and development. We discussed some very specific ways, including an important and innovative partnership on behalf of maternal and child health, something that I have worked on for many decades.

So, Mr. Minister, thank you. Thank you for representing a country that punches way above its weight. Thank you for the cooperative relationship that you in your current position have demonstrated time and time again just in the last ten weeks that we have been in office. And I look forward to working closely with you in the future.

Foreign Minister Stoere. Thank you so much for those words, Madame Secretary. They reflect our conversation, and thank you for the nice words to Norway. Let me say how much I appreciate working with you as Secretary, taking forward this very special bilateral relationship for Norway. We know all people with Norwegian background in this country, and we meet them frequently and we hear from them.

Since you took office, as you said, we have met in a Middle East context, we have met in a NATO context, we have met in an Afghanistan context, and today we met in an Arctic/Antarctic context. What more do we need to illustrate that there is a globalized world with common challenges? You met with my prime minister last week on climate issues, so there we have yet another dimension.

I simply want to say that for Norway the transatlantic relationship, the NATO membership, and the relationship with the U.S. is an anchor in our security policy. Being here reiterating the foundations of that relationship is important to me, it's important to my government, and leaving a meeting with you with all those follow-up points which are exciting, quite daunting so many of them, knowing what world we live in. But I feel tremendously inspired, especially when we come and our minds meet on these issues related to global health, human rights, opportunity for women and children to survive and live and flourish and take advantage of their potential. This is our responsibility. And since there is so much we can do about it which is there ready to implement and push forward, I look forward to our relationship as colleagues, and I am very happy for the reception you have given me here today.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, Minister.

Mr. Wood. We have time for two questions, the first one from Kirit Radia of ABC News.

Q. Madame Secretary, yesterday the Security Council failed to condemn North Korea for its launch, and U.S. efforts appear increasingly unlikely to get a strong international response that you're looking for. What can the U.S. do bilaterally and internationally to punish North Korea?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me say that the United States is joined by many countries in denouncing the actions of North Korea. It was, in our view, a clear violation of Security Council Resolution 1718. It's a provocative act that has grave implications. North Korea ignored its international obligations, rejected the unequivocal calls for restraint, and further isolated itself from the community of nations.

We are actively involved in consultation with partners at the United Nations, members of the Security Council. I have spoken with all of the foreign ministers of the countries that participate in the Six-Party Talks, some more than once. And we know that working out the exact language is not easily done overnight, but we remain convinced that coming out with a strong position in the United Nations is the first and important step that we intend to take.

North Korea has to know that any efforts to obtain the objectives it set forth as desiring in the Six-Party Talks are put at jeopardy. But we're going to take this one step at a time, and right now our representative to the United Nations is involved in nonstop discussions, as are myself and other members of this government, and we're not going to prejudge the outcome.

Q. You've obviously (inaudible) through a very broad agenda. Madame Secretary, can you see an area of foreign policy where Norway actually could—a country like Norway could make a difference?

Secretary Clinton. Oh, my goodness. How much time do you have? I think Norway has made such a difference for so long. I just think back to the Oslo process, which put into motion years of actions that led to peace agreements with Jordan, which led to other measures that kept people alive and created positive outcomes on the ground in the Middle East. I think of the extraordinary breadth of Norwegian involvement in conflicts across the world.

Norway brings to each foreign policy challenge credibility as a nation that can be an independent and productive partner. Norway's role in development assistance is among the very best in the world. And the more that Norway has learned about development, the more the others of us learn because they're often on the front lines. We're discussing some of the specific development projects that Norway has pioneered. In my efforts to look hard at our own development programs, I look to Norway among a very small number of countries that have not just commitment but proven results.

On nonproliferation and disarmament, its strong NATO commitment to the Afghanistan effort, just I think that anyone who looks around the world and tries to identify countries that have a proven track record in making a difference in global problems on a bilateral basis, a regional basis, a transnational one. The work that Norway has led on the Arctic is critically important for our future, its leadership on climate change—there is a long list that I won't embarrass the minister by going on any longer—because that would be contrary to the Norwegian modesty that we know so well.

So, but let me just conclude by underlying the very high regard that I personally, that the Obama Administration, and our country have for the role that Norway plays.

Mr. Wood. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks in Istanbul, Turkey

Q. In one of your interviews you said you want us to be a member of the European Union. But after that, Nicolas Sarkozy said, it's not yours, it's European Union decision. Now I want to ask you that what's your opinion, and why Nicolas Sarkozy said that? Is that because he's more likely to support the so-called Armenian genocide?

President Obama. You know, the—I don't think—well, first of all, it's true, I'm not a member of—the United States is not a member of the European Union, so it's not our decision to make. But that doesn't prevent me from having an opinion. I mean, I notice the Europeans have had a lot of opinions about U.S. policy for a long time, right? They haven't been shy about giving us suggestions about what we should be doing, so I don't think there's anything wrong with us reciprocating. That's what friends do—we try to be honest about what we think is the right approach.

I think it is the right approach to have Turkey join the European Union. I think if Turkey can be a member of NATO and send its troops to help protect and support its allies, and its young men are put in harm's way, well, I don't know why you should also not be able to sell apricots to Europe, or have more freedom in terms of travel.

So I think it's the right thing to do. I also think it would send a strong signal that Europe is not monolithic but is diverse and that that is a source of strength instead of weakness. So that's my opinion.

Now, President Sarkozy is a good friend and a good ally. As I said, friends are going to sometimes disagree on this. I haven't had a lengthy conversation with him about his position on this issue. My hope is, is that as time goes on and as trust builds, that this is ultimately something that occurs.

I don't get a sense that his opposition is related to the Armenian issue. I don't think that's it. I think it's a more fundamental issue of whether he's confident about Turkey's ability to integrate fully. But you'll probably have to ask him directly. So maybe when he comes here he'll have a town hall meeting like this one.

Okay, the gentleman right there. Yes, go ahead. Here's a microphone.

Q. First, I will ask about the Bush and you differences at the core, because some say just the face has changed and that—but core is the same still. They will have a fight with the Middle East and they will have a fight with Iran.

And my second question is more in part to this. You will let the Kurdish state in northern Iraq? You will let—you'll allow this?

President Obama. Okay, the—

Q. Thank you.

President Obama. Yes. Well, let me answer—I'll answer the Kurdish question first. You know, we are very clear about our position on Turkish territorial integrity. Turkey is an ally of ours and part of what NATO allies do is to protect the territorial integrity of their allies. And so we are—we would be opposed to anything that would start cutting off parts of Turkey, and we have been very supportive in efforts to reduce terrorist activity by the PKK.

Now, I also think that it's important that the Kurdish minority inside of Turkey is free to advance in the society and that they have equal opportunity, that they have free political expression, that they are not suppressed in terms of opportunity. And I think that the President and Prime Minister are committed to that, but I want to continually encourage allowing—whether it's religious minorities or ethnic minorities—to be full parts of the society. And that, I think, is very, very important.

The first question, if I understood you correctly, is the suggestion that even though I present a different face from Bush, that the policies are the same and so there's really not much difference.

And, you know, I think this will be tested in time because as I said before, moving the ship of state is a slow process. States are like big tankers, they're not like speedboats. You can't just whip them around and go in a new direction. Instead you've got to slowly move it and then eventually you end up in a very different place.

So let me just give you a few examples. When it comes to Iraq, I opposed the war in Iraq. I thought it was a bad idea. Now that we're there, I have a responsibility to make sure that as we bring troops out, that we do so in a careful enough way that we don't see a complete collapse into violence. So some people might say, wait, I thought you were opposed to the war, why don't you just get them all out right away? Well, just because I was opposed at the outset it doesn't mean that I don't have now responsibilities to make sure that we do things in a responsible fashion.

When it comes to climate change, George Bush didn't believe in climate change. I do believe in climate change, I think it's important. That doesn't mean that suddenly the day I'm elected I can say, okay, we're going to turn off all the lights and everybody is going to stop driving. Right? All I can do is to start moving policies that over time are going to obtain different results.

And then it is true, though, that there are some areas where I agree with many of my friends in the United States who are on the opposite political party. For example, I agree that al Qaeda is an enormous threat not just to the United States but to the world. I have no sympathy and I have no patience for people who would go around blowing up innocent people for a political cause. I don't believe in that.

So, yes, I think that it is just and right for the United States and NATO allies and other allies from around the world to do what we can to eliminate the threat of al Qaeda. Now, I think it's important that we don't just do that militarily. I think it's important that we provide educational opportunities for young people in Pakistan and Afghanistan so that they see a different path. And so my policies will be somewhat different, but I don't make any apologies for continuing the effort to prevent bombs going off or planes going into buildings that would kill innocents. I don't think any society can justify that.

And so, as I said, four years from now or eight years from now, you can look back and you can see maybe what he did wasn't that different, and hopefully you'll come to the conclusion that what I did made progress.

Yes, this young lady right here.

Q. First of all, welcome to our country, Turkey. I would like to continue in Turkish if it's possible.

President Obama. Yes, let me—wait, wait, wait. See, I've got my—

Q. Thank you very much.

President Obama. Hold on.

Q. My first question is that in the event that Turkey becomes an EU member, what—how will that—how is that—

President Obama. Okay, try again.

Q. In the event that Turkey becomes a member of the EU, how will that affect U.S. foreign policy and the alliance of civilizations? And my second question is a little more personal. We watched your election with my American friends. Before you were elected, my friends who said that they were ashamed of being Americans, after you were elected said that they were proud to be Americans. This is a very sudden and big change. What do you think the reason is for this change?

President Obama. You know, the United States friendship with Turkey doesn't depend on their EU membership. So even if Turkey continued not to be a member of the EU, the United States in our bilateral relations and in our relations as a NATO ally can really strengthen progress. And I had long discussions with the President and the Prime Minister about a range of areas where we can improve relations, including business and commerce and trade.

We probably can increase trade between our two countries significantly, but we haven't really focused on it. Traditionally the focus in Turkish-American relations has been around the military and I think for us to broaden that relationship and those exchanges could be very important.

You know, in terms of my election, I think that what people felt good about was it affirmed the sense that America is still a land of opportunity. I was not born into wealth. I wasn't born into fame. I come from a racial minority. My name is very unusual for the United States. And so I think people saw my election as proof, as testimony, that although we are imperfect, our society has continued to improve; that racial discrimination has been reduced; that educational opportunity for all people is something that is still available. And I also think that people were encouraged that somebody like me who has a background of living overseas, who has Muslims in his family—you know, that I might be able to help to build bridges with other parts of the world.

You know, the American people are a very hopeful people. We're an optimistic people by nature. We believe that anything is possible if we put our minds to it. And that is one of the qualities of America that I think the world appreciates. You know, sometimes people may think that we are—we aren't realistic enough about how the world works and we think that we can just remake the world without regard to history, because we're still a relatively new nation. Compared to Turkey and how old this civilization is, America is still very new.

And so it's true that I think we believe that things can happen very fast and that transformations in politics or in economics or in science and technology can make our lives better overnight.

So sometimes we need more patience. But I also think the world needs to have a sense—(drop in audio feed). That's a good thing and that we don't have to always be stuck with old arguments. I mean, one thing that is interesting about Europe as I travel around is, you know, you hear disputes between countries that date back to a hundred years, a thousand years—people are still mad about things that happened a very long time ago.

And so one thing America may have to offer is an insistence on looking forward and not always looking backwards.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Ivailo Kalfin delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning. I've had the great pleasure of getting to know the minister over the last few weeks at the various meetings we have attended together. And now we have this opportunity to have an in-depth discussion about the issues that are of great concern to Bulgaria and the United States, not only between our two countries, but regionally and globally. So, thank you for being here.

Minister Kalfin. Thank you very much, Madame Secretary. It's my pleasure to be here and to reconfirm the interest of Bulgaria for what we have been doing for the last years to base our relationship on a very long-term strategic basis and again discussing broad bilateral issues. We are allies in a number of international operations. We are sharing very same values in terms of promoting democracy, human rights protection. And I would like to continue this excellent tradition we have in the past to start a very new era (inaudible) cooperation with the new Administration. Thank you very much for hosting me and for being able to do that.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Marcos Kyprianou delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, I am very happy to welcome the minister here today. He and I had a chance to meet during the EU-U.S. summit in Prague. And we obviously have a lot to discuss and a number of matters of interest, but we're pleased to have such an opportunity so early in our Administration.

Welcome.

Foreign Minister Kyprianou. Thank you very much, and I'd like to—I feel very privileged to have the opportunity to meet twice with you within a fortnight, and I would say moving into a phase of even closer and better cooperation between our countries.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you. Thank you, sir. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Maxime Verhagen delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning, everyone. I cannot tell you how happy I am to welcome a colleague and a new friend to the State Department. It is always wonderful working with our Dutch allies on a range of issues. And as many of you know, the foreign minister scheduled and pulled off the meeting we had in The Hague about Afghanistan in just a record period of time. Minister Verhagen is someone who takes so seriously the range of issues that not only concern our two countries, but indeed our concerns about the world.

We have just discussed a wide range of issues and set up a process that will continue going forward so that we can get in depth on a number of important matters. I told the minister that unfortunately, I have to leave to attend to my first Cabinet meeting, which was scheduled long after we had set this time aside for our meeting. But we were able to touch on everything from piracy to the situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and last but not least, the commemoration of the 400th anniversary of Henry Hudson's voyage to the New World, which has particular interest to me as a New Yorker.

I want to just quickly mention a few of the matters that we discussed. Obviously, piracy is a concern to both our countries and indeed to the world. And I want to thank the Netherlands for the work they have done to fight piracy off the coast of Somalia, including their recent successful mission over the weekend to free 20 Yemenis, whose fishing vessel was hijacked by the pirates. Dutch ships and aircraft have been instrumental in the interdiction of pirates and the prevention of capture for ransom of several ships.

We look forward to continued cooperation. And we're going to work together to seek more effective ways to hold these pirate criminals accountable for their actions, which threaten not only the lives of merchant seamen and the vessels on which they sail, but the security of critical maritime routes.

To this end, we will work on clarifying the legal authorities that exist. There will be, at our request, a meeting of the international piracy contact group in New York City in early May, in addition to the meeting that will be held shortly in Brussels. We're going to have to determine the best way to bring pirates to justice after they're captured. And there will have to be additional discussion about this at NATO as well.

I appreciate very much the foreign minister's extraordinary work in highlighting the necessity for us to be effective in our efforts in Afghanistan that came out of the conference in The Hague. You know, the Dutch contributions in Uruzgan province have been instrumental and a real model in showing how we can bring stability and security to the people of Afghanistan. Dutch soldiers and civilians have done excellent work. In fact, the Dutch “3D” approach—defense, diplomacy, and development—pursued simultaneously, which may sound familiar to some of us, is a model for our own efforts and the future efforts in Afghanistan. There's a lot of work for us to do there, and the minister will be meeting with Ambassador Holbrooke as well to go into greater depth.

I also want to thank the Dutch Government for their leadership in the G-20 process. The successful London Summit was enhanced by the prime minister and the foreign minister's strong support for open markets and opposition to protectionism. We know that the Dutch economy has been hard hit by this global downturn. With the world's seventh largest international financial sector, the Netherlands is a major participant in the global economy. And we continue to seek the Dutch perspective on how to set the economy back on the right track, and welcome your advice on how to proceed.

And finally, let me acknowledge the foreign minister's leadership with regard to the situation in the Middle East. He has demonstrated steadfast support for a lasting and comprehensive peace, and has long maintained that in order to be accepted by the international community as a true partner in peace, Hamas must take responsibility for its actions, renounce violence, and accept Israel's right to exist. This is a point on which we are in total agreement and on which we cannot waiver. The United States is grateful for the Dutch Government's leadership within the European Union on establishing a robust dialogue with the Israeli Government, while insisting that the parties and the process and the region rededicate themselves to prior commitments.

The historic relationship between the United States and the Netherlands is going to be especially celebrated this year because of the 400th anniversary of the legendary voyage of Henry Hudson. He set sail from Amsterdam and landed five months later in New Amsterdam. The people in both cities have begun their celebrations. It's not only about the past, however, but it is about the future.

To further that partnership and in honor of this Quadricentennial, the Dutch Government has announced a new Fulbright scholarship for research into the historic relationship between Holland and the United States. Our two governments will fund this research jointly. We are confident that the discoveries it will yield will point the way forward toward future collaborations.

The foreign minister just presented to our government a really stunning display of the original documents as to the purchase of New Amsterdam. And it certainly taught me something, because I didn't know exactly what was involved, but a lot of skins were involved. And I think if one were to take the value of those skins and forward them into the present and look at the present value, it wouldn't necessarily cover all of the costs, but it would come closer than what I'd heard before. And I was very proud to give to the foreign minister a copy of the letter George Washington personally wrote appointing John Quincy Adams as the first ambassador to the United Netherlands. So our friendship goes back many hundreds of years. And we welcome you here today, Mr. Minister.

Foreign Minister Verhagen. Thank you, Madame Secretary. Ladies and gentlemen, indeed, the United States and The Netherlands stands united by value, such as open-mindedness, freedom, tolerance, and democracy. And we started sharing these values, indeed, 400 years ago when the first Dutch American pioneers settled New Amsterdam. And as Secretary Clinton has said, I have presented to her a replica of the oldest letter in Dutch proscribing the islands of Manhattan and the first map by a Dutch conqueror of what later became New York. And now 400 years later based on these values, the United States and The Netherlands and other European countries will, according to my view, remain the driving force for a safer and better world. And Secretary Clinton and I addressed a number of issues around the world where the United States and the European Union and The Netherlands are working together.

Afghanistan, as the Secretary has said, the Netherlands, and the United States are brothers in arms in the most troubled provinces. And we welcome the renewed emphasis on diplomacy and development alongside defense because according to our view, this is the best way further reduce the threat of extremists who once found a free haven in Afghanistan and who planned attacks on peaceful citizens all over the world. And the U.S. and the Netherlands share the opinion that the Afghan authorities should be stimulated to gradually take over—to gradually take on more responsibility for security. Afghanization is the way ahead. And in this respect, training of the Afghan army and Afghan police is of great significance.

We warmly welcome the outstretched hand of the United States towards other countries, towards, for example, also Iran and we hope the Iranian authorities realize the significance of this gesture. Iran has much to gain, but time is essential. No reaction to the outstretched hands would be an answer in itself.

The Netherlands and the United States are also participating in, for example, NATO force protecting ships and humanitarian aid shipments in the Indian Ocean. And as the Secretary said, we discussed also the problems of piracy and how to deal with pirates who are arrested, thanks to activities of our vessels. And we agree that pirates need to be held responsible for their deeds within the framework of international law. And the U.S. and the Netherlands will send a clear message that piracy is unacceptable, and that pirates will be held accountable. In the European Union mission, Atlanta has this possibility. So we now need to look to other partners like NATO to make sure also in other situations, this possibility can be used as well. And Secretary Clinton has already explained that we also can discuss this within the framework of NATO, because it is essential that those who are guilty of piracy will be also prosecuted and not set free.

Finally, we discussed human rights, because respect of human rights is increasingly under pressure. They are central in the Dutch foreign policy. And we are very pleased by the renewed U.S. engagement in human rights, and we look forward to promoting human rights worldwide in a strong partnership with the United States. As the host country of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, we appreciate also the more positive approach of the United States to the Court, especially with regard to Darfur. And we hope, of course, to see that the United States will work more closely together with this court in the near future. Thank you very much indeed.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, sir.

Mr. Wood. We have time for just two questions. The first one will be from Arshad Mohammed with Reuters.

Q. Secretary Clinton, over the weekend, Iranian President Ahmadinejad spoke of the importance of Ms. Saberi getting full access to the legal process. His comments were echoed this morning by a senior Iranian judicial official who again talked about a just, speedy appeal for her. Do you sense in this any inkling that the Iranian authorities may be looking for a way to either reduce her sentence or perhaps free her entirely?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Arshad, we believe she should be freed immediately, that the charges against her are baseless, and that she has been subjected to a process that has been nontransparent, unpredictable, arbitrary, and we hope that actions will be taken as soon as possible by the authorities in Iran, including the judiciary, to bring about the speedy release of Ms. Saberi and her return home.

So we obviously are closely monitoring the situation and working with the Swiss, who are our protectorate representative in the country, and hoping that these remarks lead to actions.

Mr. Wood. The second question will be from Dutch public television—

Q. Madame Secretary, the last couple of days, two NATO member-states apprehended pirates but then had to let them go. Doesn't that send the wrong signal to these pirates? And in what respect do you think the Netherlands can play a role in finding a solution?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we do. Both the minister and I discussed that it sends the wrong signal. And there is a need to coordinate better the reactions of all of the nations and organizations involved in policing the coastline off of Somalia. The minister and I agreed that we will take this matter to NATO. If the Dutch navy had been operating under the EU, they could have turned over the pirates for trial. NATO has not provided that authority. So we need to coordinate this, we need to move very quickly to do so, and we're going to work together in a leadership role to try to get this resolved. And I'm sure the minister would want to add something to that.

Foreign Minister Verhagen. No, it's obvious that the problem of piracy will not be solved if we don't take care also of the prosecution matter. And as a matter of fact, a few months ago, we actually got six pirates handed over from a Danish ship who arrested them when they were attacking a ship under the Dutch flag or (inaudible) flag. So therefore, we could prosecute them because they were attacking a Dutch vessel, and on the same time, it was within the framework of the European Union mission.

So it's indeed rather cynical that when military action towards those pirates is within the framework of the NATO mission, we couldn't deal with this in this framework. And that's exactly the reason why we discussed and we decided also to discuss this together within the framework of NATO.

Mr. Wood. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much. Thank you.

Foreign Minister Verhagen. Thank you.

On Armenian Remembrance Day

Ninety four years ago, one of the great atrocities of the 20th century began. Each year, we pause to remember the 1.5 million Armenians who were subsequently massacred or marched to their death in the final days of the Ottoman Empire. The Meds Yeghern must live on in our memories, just as it lives on in the hearts of the Armenian people.

History, unresolved, can be a heavy weight. Just as the terrible events of 1915 remind us of the dark prospect of man's inhumanity to man, reckoning with the past holds out the powerful promise of reconciliation. I have consistently stated my own view of what occurred in 1915, and my view of that history has not changed. My interest remains the achievement of a full, frank and just acknowledgment of the facts.

The best way to advance that goal right now is for the Armenian and Turkish people to address the facts of the past as a part of their efforts to move forward. I strongly support efforts by the Turkish and Armenian people to work through this painful history in a way that is honest, open, and constructive. To that end, there has been courageous and important dialogue among Armenians and Turks, and within Turkey itself. I also strongly support the efforts by Turkey and Armenia to normalize their bilateral relations. Under Swiss auspices, the two governments have agreed on a framework and roadmap for normalization. I commend this progress, and urge them to fulfill its promise.

Together, Armenia and Turkey can forge a relationship that is peaceful, productive and prosperous. And together, the Armenian and Turkish people will be stronger as they acknowledge their common history and recognize their common humanity.

Nothing can bring back those who were lost in the Meds Yeghern. But the contributions that Armenians have made over the last ninety-four years stand as a testament to the talent, dynamism and resilience of the Armenian people, and as the ultimate rebuke to those who tried to destroy them. The United States of America is a far richer country because of the many Americans of Armenian descent who have contributed to our society, many of whom immigrated to this country in the aftermath of 1915. Today, I stand with them and with Armenians everywhere with a sense of friendship, solidarity, and deep respect.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Elmar Mammadyarov delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, this afternoon, we have a great privilege of welcoming to the State Department the minister for foreign affairs of Azerbaijan. We have a very close relationship on many important issues. Today, we're going to discuss how we can expand and deepen that relationship. I'm delighted that the minister could come so early in the Obama Administration so that we could begin these discussions.

As you know, Azerbaijan has a very strategic location that is one that is important not only to their country, but really, regionally and globally. And so they're in a position to take increasing responsibility and leadership on these important matters.

Welcome, Mr. Minister.

Foreign Minister Mammadyarov. Thank you very much, Madame Secretary. I just want to add a few words. It's a great pleasure to be back in Washington and back to State Department. I'm appreciative for this invitation. And I am absolutely sure that this meeting will move forward the strategic partnership which exists between Azerbaijan and United States. And I am ready to discuss all the issues of mutual interest; in our mind, it's global or it's regional or it's bilateral.

Secretary Clinton. Excellent.

Foreign Minister Mammadyarov. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Minister. Thank you all.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Edward Nalbandian delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good morning, and it's a great pleasure to welcome the foreign minister here today. The relationship between the United States and Armenia is a very lasting and durable one. The Obama Administration is committed to broadening it, deepening it, working with Armenia to assist them in their continued development and aspirations. And it's a great pleasure to welcome the minister. And I look forward to our talks, sir.

Foreign Minister Nalbandian. Thank you, Madame Secretary. Thank you very much for your warm welcome. Our meeting is a good opportunity to move forward our bilateral agenda and to discuss a wide range of issues. We are determined to strengthen, to deepen, to enhance our friendly partnership with the United States. This is the main message of my visit to Washington. And I would like to use this opportunity to express our thanks to the Administration of the United States, to Madame Secretary, and to the State Department for all constant efforts to help to support the normalization process with Turkey and settlement—peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. It's an honor to assist. Thank you, Mr. Minister.

Foreign Minister Nalbandian. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Franco Frattini delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, this is a special treat to have the Italian foreign minister here today. We have so many common concerns. We're working on a lot of important issues together. I've had the great pleasure of having seen Franco for—numerous times since I've been Secretary of State, so I feel like he's a very old friend.

Foreign Minister Frattini. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. We'll have some important matters to discuss this afternoon, and I think that we'll make some additional progress. And particularly we're going to speak about some of the ideas we have to assist Italy in recovering the earthquake.

Foreign Minister Frattini. Thank you. Thank you very much, Hillary. It's a special pleasure to be here once again and, first of all, to thank you and the Government of the United States on behalf of Italy for the solidarity shown to the victims of the tragic earthquake in Abruzzo. Thank you very much, Hillary. Thanks to you, thanks to America for this.

We will have opportunity to talk about issues of common interest, ranging from Afghanistan, to Pakistan, to [the] Middle East. I have to say there is an excellent and very fruitful cooperation between Italy, Europe and the United States. Thanks a lot.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

Foreign Minister Frattini. Thank you. Bye.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Sergey Lavrov delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good afternoon. Welcome to the Benjamin Franklin Room here in the State Department. Foreign Minister Lavrov and I have just concluded another very constructive meeting. It built on the discussions we started several months ago in Geneva and obviously was very much part of the work that both of our presidents assigned to their respective governments coming out of the London summit.

We had serious and open exchanges about areas of common concerns and are looking forward to Moscow in July when President Obama and President Medvedev will meet. We're making progress on our agendas and there are a number of important issues for the United States and Russia to discuss. In fact, our negotiators met again this week to discuss a replacement for the START treaty in order to meet our shared commitment to the responsible management of our nuclear arsenals. Our negotiators are hard at work. We're also proceeding with other initiatives to help store—or to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and to safeguard fissile materials. The foreign minister and I discussed how we can, through our own efforts together, set a standard and an example to improve the security of nuclear facilities and prevent the proliferation of nuclear materiel around the world.

We exchanged views on a range of important issues, from Afghanistan, North Korea, the Middle East, Iran, so many other areas where we have common interests and common concerns, even on areas where our views may diverge. We both want to achieve stability and security in Georgia. We are both committed to the NATO-Russia Council to open up another important channel of dialogue. And we are very focused on making sure that the United States and Russia have a very vigorous ongoing dialogue among our two governments. Now Russia has just assumed the presidency of the United Nations Security Council and will be leading some important efforts there. We look forward to working with you on piracy and other matters.

Our bilateral agenda is expanding to include the financial crisis, our changing climate, and the Arctic. These are areas where we think it is in our interest to cooperate and it is in the interest of the world that the United States and Russia do so.

I'm very grateful to Foreign Minister Lavrov for coming here today to the State Department. I will be accompanying him to the White House after lunch for him to spend some time with the President. And we're very committed and looking forward to our ongoing relationship.

So again, Minister Lavrov, welcome.

Foreign Minister Lavrov. First of all, I would like to thank Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for the warm reception for a very productive round of talks devoted primarily to fulfilling the instructions of the two presidents, President Medvedev and President Obama, embodied in their joint statements, adopted at the meeting on April 1st in London.

And today, we have, in great detail, assessed progress in fulfilling those instructions. In the context of preparing for the summit in Moscow in July later this year, we have agreed that very, very soon, we will announce the concrete date of this forthcoming meeting in accordance with the tasks set for us by the presidents. We have attached great importance in our negotiations to strategic stability, including the preparation of a new arrangement that will replace START I, which will expire in early December later this year.

Also, we have spent some time discussing our challenges in missile defense, where the two presidents have expressed their wish for us to find a foundation for our joint collaborative efforts. We have reaffirmed this interest in our—at our—today's meeting, of course. And this has been mentioned by the Secretary of State already.

We have a lot to do in the field of nuclear nonproliferation. This is a field which is one of the most successful areas of our cooperation. And today, we have outlined some preliminary steps which will enable us to strengthen security around the world, which will allow us to lower the risks of nuclear proliferation around the world. Russia and the United States, as the two largest nuclear powers, are able to get at the helm of this business and engage others in collaboration. In the context of our agenda, we have looked at prospects of preparing the conditions for progress on the Iranian nuclear program. We also need to resume our negotiations on the nuclear issue of the Korean Peninsula.

As far as regional issues are concerned, the Middle East is one of the priorities, and we are grateful to our American colleagues for their support for the forthcoming special meeting of the UN Security Council on the Middle East, which will take place on May 11th.

Afghanistan is one of the priorities for the Obama Administration. We realize the importance of this line of work in American foreign policy, since success or failure on this track will have repercussions for strengthening security in this key region of the world. And of course, Russia will continue to support action of ISAF. It will actively support the growing interest with a regional factor in the settlement process, which is demonstrated now by the Obama Administration.

We have discussed the outcomes of the exchanges that took place yesterday in Washington with the leaders of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and we believe it is a very important step in our joint efforts. We welcome the initiative of the United States President in this regard.

Among the President's instructions, there were issues of Euro-Atlantic security, including in the context of President Medvedev's initiative, which he put forward last year. And we have agreed to continue dialogue on this issue at appropriate fora, including the OSCE and the NATO-Russia Council. And we hope that in the nearest—in the very near future, any obstacles in the resumption of the work of the NATO-Russia Council—and such obstacles are absolutely artificial—we hope that they will be removed very soon, and we hope that this very important structure will resume its work based on the principles which were agreed upon before it was founded.

We have a lot of work to do in the field of economic cooperation. We want more investment both ways. We want more interaction in the high tech field. And today, we have looked at ways to support the business communities in the two countries, including creating the necessary intergovernmental mechanisms for such support.

On the whole, our negotiations have been very constructive, and this is characteristic of our two presidents. The style is characteristic of our two presidents. And it is important, in order to implement the positive agenda of the U.S.-Russian relations, we need to normalize this relationship, we need to get rid of any negative heritage from the past. And we need to raise our relationship to a new level. I absolutely agree with the Secretary of State in that we are not turning a blind eye to the difficulties that exist. Of course, they're natural for relations between any major powers.

But what is fundamentally important is that we openly and sincerely discuss those differences, and we seek to find solutions that would take into account the interests of all parties concerned that would allow us to reach compromise. This is the practical implementation of the equitable efforts that our presidents have agreed upon, and I am looking forward to the forthcoming months with optimism, in the course of which we will prepare for the Moscow summit. I hope that our efforts will be successful. Thank you.

Moderator. We'll go with four questions. First question is from Sue Pleming with Reuters.

Q. You both symbolically hit the reset button in Geneva, but the results so far appear to be mixed. Secretary Clinton, are you concerned over Russia's role in Georgia, and also its sphere of influence?

And Foreign Minister Lavrov, could NATO's exercises in Georgia and U.S. support for ultimate NATO membership for Georgia and Ukraine poison arms control talks such as those involving START?

Secretary Clinton. Well, first let me say that because we have such a comprehensive agenda, we are moving on many issues simultaneously. And we judge each issue on its merits. They are part of our ongoing relationship, which, as Minister Lavrov said, is very productive and constructive.

We have expressed on several occasions our concerns about Georgia. We have had the opportunity to discuss the conditions on the ground there and the need for stability. And I believe that Minister Lavrov as well as the Russian Government recognize that stability and a peaceful resolution to the tensions in Georgia is in everyone's interest.

But it is, I think, old thinking to say that we have a disagreement in one area, therefore we shouldn't work in something else that is of overwhelming importance. That's just not the way we think. If you look at what we're doing on START and nonproliferation, that has to do with the future safety of the world, and the United States and Russia bear a special responsibility. So we are working very hard together. Where we disagree, which all great countries disagree—people in families disagree—is to see how we can lower the tensions, look for, as Minister Lavrov said, compromise, find practical solutions. So we discuss all of these issues.

But at the end of the day, we have a responsibility to fulfill the directives that our presidents gave when they set forth their statement, which represented a comprehensive approach to many issues that we can work well together on.

Foreign Minister Lavrov. I can only add that the task of further reductions of strategic offensive weapons is too important, both for Russia and the United States and for the entire world, in fact, to make it hostage of any particular regime anywhere around the globe.

As far as the situation in the Caucasus, especially in the South Caucasus, we have discussed it today. True, we do have obvious differences. We do not conceal those. But we agree on one thing: We need to do our best in order to achieve stability there. This is what the Secretary of State has just said.

And we also agree that we need to contribute in every possible way to preventing any new outbreaks of ethnic tension. We need to facilitate the establishment of procedures to ensure the observance of human rights. And of course, international organizations, including the UN, can play their role. The UN has worked in Georgia and Abkhazia for quite a while. And of course, the OSCE has a role to play. It should not be disregarded. And the negotiations that will take place in Vienna in order to find mutually acceptable arrangements will make it possible to resume the presence of the OSCE. In South Ossetia, of course, we need to find parameters that would be acceptable for all those who will be performing their missions, who will be receiving relevant missions in their respective territories.

Q. TV Channel Russia. My question is to both the minister and the Secretary of State. Over the past year, we have piled up a lot of sensitive issues in the U.S.-Russian relations. We have—you have mentioned some of them, such as the deployment of elements of missile defense in Eastern Europe, economic issues, regional policy issues. How would you characterize the priorities? How would you prioritize these issues? And do you have scenarios to resolve all these issues?

Secretary Clinton. Well, that is why Minister Lavrov and I are working so hard together to create a mechanism and a framework for us to address as many of these important issues as possible. There are many priorities. I think, as you can tell from listening to the two of us, our leadership in the area of arms control and nonproliferation is of such profound global concern that that is at the top of the list.

But there are so many other important matters that we are dealing with. And one of the areas that we discussed today is how we're going to suggest to our presidents for their summit a way forward. Because I couldn't agree more with what Sergey said; we want to normalize the relationship and raise it to a new level.

And we are involved both bilaterally and through groups like P-5+1, the Quartet, and, of course, the larger multilateral groups like OSCE or the United Nations. And we're going to work in each of those fora to try to see how much leadership and cooperation we can provide.

Speaking just for myself, the number of challenges facing the world right now needs the best thinking from people all over the world. And I have a great deal of respect and regard for my counterpart in Russia and for the Russian people and for the kind of contribution that we can make together if we keep working with each other, and we think forward, not backward. And that's what we're trying to do.

Foreign Minister Lavrov. Since this question was addressed to both of us, I would like to add a couple of words. I fully agree with what has just been said by the Secretary of State. We should now, within the framework of resetting our relationship, create new mechanisms that would function in a mode that will enable us to progress on all tracks, be it political dialogue or military cooperation or regional conflicts or the situation in the world in general. We need to be able to agree to address tasks on which we agree, and we need to lower the number of issues on which we disagree. This is what we're talking about.

Now, as far as missile is concerned, I would like to correct you a little bit. You have said that the deployment that has started. No, this deployment has not started there yet. And as we know, the strategic review which is now pursued by the Obama Administration is still underway and it covers the issue of missile defense. Our American partners have reaffirmed to us that within the framework of this review, they are looking at proposals that Russia has put forward. These include the well-known proposal that President Putin put forward in July of 2007, and those are—there are additional initiatives that we have also given to our American colleagues recently, in particular, in the course of my previous meeting with Hillary. We have an interest in achieving agreements that would be a common denominator both for Russia and the United States and our shared European partners.

Q. Minister Lavrov, Secretary Clinton assured the U.S. Congress earlier this month that the United States has successfully laid the groundwork with its P-5+1 allies for—quote, unquote—“crippling” international sanctions against Iran in the event that Tehran fails to suspend its pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability. Is that true? Because the last time that you were heard from on this subject was when you, speaking for the Russian Government, stated on April 11—quote—“It would be unrealistic to expect us to raise pressure on Iran.” So which is it, sir?

Secretary Clinton. Well, I have to slightly correct my reporter, Sergey, since you slightly corrected your reporter. See, we are very mutually reinforcing.

We are in the process of laying the groundwork for making the case for tougher sanctions. We have not laid the groundwork. And I think that the case that we're making to our partners in the P-5+1 is to reach out to Iran, which we agreed to do, and have made a proposal to the Iranians. But we are very watchful as to how Iran responds, and we will continue to consult with and hope that we can make progress based on the kind of proposals that we're interested in pursuing.

Foreign Minister Lavrov. I would like to add that as far as the Iranian nuclear program is concerned, there are many aspects there, which is equally true of the sanctions which apply to Iran. It is not that simple. There are collective decisions adopted in the United Nations Security Council, and those oblige all countries in the world to behave in a particular way and to fulfill certain requirements.

But there are also unilateral sanctions that the United States or the European Union have imposed in addition to the United Nations Security Council with regard to Iran. We do not think that this does not fully help to live up to the challenge. We keep telling our partners that unilateral sanctions are not in line with our collective actions. But those decisions are made by the United States or the European Union.

As far as they are concerned, we are going to adhere to the agreements reached within the format of P-5+1. Those arrangements quite recently were supplemented significantly and were developed significantly at the meeting of the representatives of the six countries in London, and those proposals have been conveyed to the Iranian side. We have heard from Iran something to the effect that Iran does not oppose these proposals. Iran has its own proposals which we are ready to discuss. And currently, we can see the taking shape of preconditions that will make it possible to prepare for real negotiations based on the proposals that we have on the table.

I have never said that we are against any pressure on Iran. I have just said that we did not see the meaning, the sense in any harsh sanctions against Iran. But as far as pressure is concerned, if we understand by pressure, the efforts aimed at convincing Iran to return to the negotiations table—we are applying such efforts in an active and robust manner.

Ria Novosti, please.

Q. Mr. Lavrov, to sum up the results achieved in the recent period since the pushing of the famous button, what, in concrete terms, has been achieved in our relations?

As far as I remember, your husband has succeeded in dealing with North Korea by sending Madeleine Albright to Pyongyang where she joined the company of Kim Jong-il at a reception party nine years ago. Is it possible that you will also go to Pyongyang to try to find a solution on the spot of the current crisis? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, that's what Sergey was doing in North Korea. He was advancing my trip. No, I have no plans of going to North Korea. We will be sending our Special Envoy, Ambassador Bosworth, out to the region to discuss our next steps. I agree with Minister Lavrov's perspective after his recent visit that we have to try to get the North Koreans back into the Six-Party Talk framework and continue the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We may have to show some patience before that is achieved. But we agree on the goal that we are aiming for.

Foreign Minister Lavrov. Coming back to your first question, in our introductory remarks, we gave our assessment of what has been achieved.

Just to sum up very briefly, in an unprecedentedly short period of time, we have been able to prepare two key documents that have been approved by Presidents Medvedev and Obama at their first meeting in London. Those are not just statements containing kind and nice words addressed to each other. Those are substantive documents that chart the course of our further joint efforts for our relationship to reach a qualitatively new level in the interest of our people, in the interest of international stability.

And the fact that the documents were adopted is something which I consider a great result of the efforts that we have undertaken, and this is not it. It is one thing to set a task. It is a totally different thing to fulfill this task. Therefore, a lot of efforts will still need to be made. Therefore, we have a schedule of expert meetings and other meetings that we have agreed upon today, and will require that our people adhere to this schedule.

But the outcome—the main outcome of the first summit meeting between President Obama and President Medvedev is that they have registered the level of trust for each other. They have registered the level of effort on both sides towards consensus. And for us, this is a directive which we are fulfilling. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Cristian Diaconescu delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good day. And it's a great pleasure to welcome the foreign minister of Romania. He and I will soon exchange, and after signing, the Protocols of Exchange of Instruments of Ratification for the U.S.-Romania Mutual Legal Assistance Protocol and the U.S.-Romania Extradition Treaty.

These twin agreements between the United States and Romania will allow police and prosecutors in both countries to employ state-of-the-art tools to cooperate more effectively to bring criminals to justice on both sides of the Atlantic. The agreement will form part of an important network of similar agreements that the United States is reaching with all the countries of the European Union.

Our signing today demonstrates the growing law enforcement cooperation between the United States and Romania. And this fruitful cooperation has already led to the prosecution of internet hackers and the seizure of tons of illicit drugs destined for Europe. The United States looks forward to not only our future cooperation, but future successes such as that.

This law enforcement cooperation is in addition to our longstanding work together on global security priorities. We are particularly grateful for Romania's commitment to missions in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kosovo, as well as Romania's decision to host joint military exercises with the U.S. military.

I must say that I had the great privilege of visiting Romania about ten years ago. I hope to have the opportunity to return sometime in the future. But Romania is one of our most dependable allies and most respected partners. The agreements signed today represent yet another facet of our close and valuable relationship.

Thank you very much, Mr. Minister, and I welcome you to make remarks.

Foreign Minister Diaconescu. Thank you very much. Thank you very much, Madame Secretary. I appreciate your remarks and I am very grateful for the opportunity to meet together with our delegation, and also extremely grateful for the kind words addressed to my country.

It was a timely opportunity to reconfirm together the strategic partnership between our countries, the soundness of the Romanian-United States bilateral relations. And I was pleased to discuss with you today the way ahead on political, economic, and strategic dimensions of this partnership.

The protocols that we are about to sign represent an important step forward in our commitment to a more secure Euro-Atlantic area. And we agreed together that the Black Sea and Eastern Europe are areas of great potential for democratic and economic development in the future. And I can tell you that United States together with Romania will work hard in order to address democracy values, in order to respect standards, and to engage in projects for stability and security of these regions.

Also, we discussed about energy security. And I can inform you that we figured out opportunities to work together in this field, and to have the necessary political-economic decision in the near future for the projects of energy security, which really are extremely important for both countries.

At the same time, in places like Afghanistan and Iraq, Romania proved readiness and willingness to assume our shared responsibility, also in the future in support of freedom and democratic developments which really together with United States, we hope to be fulfilled as soon as possible.

In our bilateral dialogue, beyond the economic field, of course, we addressed the issue of how we are going to work together to facilitate reciprocal travel for our citizens through Romania's inclusion in Visa Waiver Program.

I thank you very much, Madame Secretary, for your cooperation and the dialogue.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Mr. Minister. Thank you. Please.

Moderator. The Secretary and the Foreign Minister will now begin signing, as noted, the Protocol of Exchange of Instruments of Ratification of the Extradition Treaty between the United States of America and Romania, and the Protocol of Exchange of Instruments of Ratification of the Protocol to the Treaty between the United States of America and Romania on Mutual Legal Assistance and Criminal Matters.

(The agreements were signed.)

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Cai-Göran Alexander Stubb delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. I'm delighted to welcome the foreign minister from Finland. He and I have gotten to know each other over the last several months, and I've enjoyed both his company on a personal level and equally the great work that he's doing on behalf of an important ally and friend to the United States. So welcome, we're glad you're here.

Foreign Minister Stubb. Thank you very much. Thanks, Hillary, and thanks for the invitation. I'm really happy to be here. I'm just back from Cyprus, Lebanon, Syria, and Turkey—probably some of the issues that we'll be discussing today. We'll probably also talk about Russia. The U.S. has always been very close to my heart, not least because I've studied here for many years, and a very close ally, as Hillary said. And if the negotiations get tough, I'll put on my southern drawl and we'll get everything through, no problem.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and President Valdis Zatlers delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. It is a great honor to welcome President Zatlers here today. We have a very close and important relationship with Latvia. It is a country that we admire. Its struggle and triumphs over difficulties during the last decades, its democracy, its freedom, its commitment to a better future are inspirational. We have a very positive bilateral relationship. We're working closely on regional and even global issues. And I'm delighted to have this opportunity to have this bilateral meeting with you, Mr. President.

President Zatlers. Thank you very much, Madame Secretary. It's my great honor to be here again in Washington and take the chance to meet with the representative of the new United States Administration. And by the way, you have been a great friend of Latvia all the time, and I'm really very grateful for that. We appreciate your friendship. Latvia and the United States have been strategic allies since the beginning of independence, and we hope for the future sustainable cooperation and being a great ally. We appreciate your (inaudible).

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, sir. And also, again, thank you. Thank you all very much.

Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina

Vice President Biden. Thank you, Speaker Belkic. I see familiar faces from my many visits here as a Senator.

It is an honor and a privilege to return as Vice President of the United States.

President Obama and I recently completed our first one hundred days in the White House.

We are pursuing a far-reaching domestic and foreign policy agenda, listening to our friends and allies, rebuilding relationships and re-establishing American leadership in the world.

This is my third trip to Europe in four months.

President Obama made his first overseas trip to Europe in April.

This early emphasis on Europe was no accident.

We chose to spotlight the importance that the United States places on our European partners… and to energize those partnerships to address the challenges that we face together.

This is why I am so glad that my good friend Javier Solana, the EU High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy, is here today.

The English author Rebecca West once wrote that entering Sarajevo was like “walking inside an opening flower.”

That was true once, and it is again.

I remember flying into this city in 1993, seeing the large homes on our approach to the airport, and realizing that the homes had become shells, empty except for the snipers who had taken up residence.

In town, we saw buildings destroyed, the tops blown off, the sides pockmarked with bullets.

In 2001, the last time I was here, change seemed slow in coming.

It was in January, and it was winter. And it still felt as if the spring would never arrive.

Today, as I flew in, I saw something different—a city that is building again.

I saw cranes and construction.

On the streets, there were cars and shops and people walking freely.

As your city and your country continue to rebuild, to build and to grow, I want to talk today about how this country, this region, Europe, and the community of nations can grow towards one another.

Over the next several days, I will travel from here to Serbia and then to Kosovo. Our Deputy Secretary of State, Jim Steinberg, just visited Macedonia and Montenegro.

Our message is clear: the Obama-Biden administration will sustain and re-energize the long standing American commitment to a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.

The door is open for the countries of this region to be a part of that Europe—and the United States will help you to walk through that door.

Many states in this region are already on the move:

• * In April, NATO Heads of State welcomed Albania and Croatia as new members of the Alliance.

• * Macedonia will join NATO as soon as the name dispute with Greece is resolved.

• * Montenegro is making steady progress on an ambitious reform agenda that will ensure the quickest-possible integration into Euro-Atlantic institutions.

When I travel to Belgrade tomorrow, I will tell President Tadic that the United States wants to build a new partnership with Serbia.

And we want to see Serbia take its rightful place in Europe as a strong, successful democratic state playing a constructive role in the region.

Serbia and the United States disagree on Kosovo.

We do not expect Serbia to recognize Kosovo.

But we do expect Belgrade to cooperate with the European Union and other key international actors on Kosovo, and to look for pragmatic solutions that will improve the lives of its people—Serbs and Albanians—and avoid making them victims of political disagreement.

Kosovo recently celebrated one year of independence—and continues to progress as a multi-ethnic democracy.

This independence, while young, is irreversible, and critically important to this region's stability—and progress.

The United States is committed to a democratic, multiethnic, independent Kosovo.

And we expect Kosovo to remain committed to powerful protections for all communities and their members, including the Serb community. That commitment is a key to Kosovo's future.

But this era of progress is not without peril.

As you well know, letting go of the past is a daily struggle—it is tempting to fall back on old patterns and ancient animosities.

Embracing the future is hard work.

It requires persistence, commitment and the recognition that compromise is not a sign of weakness—it is evidence of real strength.

It is that kind of strength that I want to talk about today.

It is that kind of strength that the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its leaders must summon if a country that has known so much pain is to make a final leap to peace and prosperity.

A decade and a half ago, war tore this country apart and left at least 100,000 dead… and millions homeless.

The genocide at Srebrenica brought home the unspeakable savagery of that war to the world.

It was a call to conscience.

My country—for too long on the sidelines—could no longer stand by.

With our European partners, through the combined use of NATO's military power and diplomacy in an American city called Dayton, the war was brought to a halt.

The hard work of building a new Bosnia began.

America takes pride in our commitment to a peaceful, successful, Bosnia and Herzegovina.

For nearly 15 years, America has been sending our sons and daughters to you—tens of thousands of troops, diplomats, military and police trainers and experts in a wide range of areas to help your country and its citizens.

With our NATO allies and partners, we have devoted blood, sweat and treasure to ending the horrific violence that engulfed your country and to helping you recover and rebuild in peace.

Americans feel that we have a stake in your success.

We feel that we have earned the right to speak honestly, even bluntly, in a country that captured our hearts.

Today, we are worried about the direction your country, your future, and your children's future are taking.

For three years, we have seen a sharp and dangerous rise in nationalist rhetoric designed to play on people's fears, to stir up anger and resentment.

We have seen state institutions—which must be strengthened for Bosnia to meet the challenges of the 21st century and to advance toward EU and NATO membership—openly challenged and deliberately undermined.

We have witnessed attempts to roll back the reforms of the last decade—the very reforms that prompted EU and NATO to open their doors to the citizens of this country.

We have heard voices speaking the language of maximalism and absolutism that destroys states—not the language of compromise and cooperation that builds them.

The results are predictable—deepening mistrust between communities, deadlock on reforms, and dangerous talk about the country's future that is reminiscent of the tragedies the people of this country have worked so hard to overcome.

This must stop.

Let me be clear: Your only real path to a secure and prosperous future is to join Europe as Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Right now, you're off that path.

To get back on track, you need to work together across ethnic and party lines so that your country functions like a country –and so that you interact with the rest of the world as a single, sovereign state.

You can do that as a state with two vibrant entities. We're not telling you how to organize yourselves, so long as you protect the rights of all the peoples of Bosnia.

Any sovereign state requires a few basic things. Here are some examples:

• * The state needs to control the national army.

• * It must prevail where there is a conflict between state and local laws.

• * It requires an electoral process that does not exclude any ethnic group.

• * The state must have the power to raise revenue.

• * And it must have the authority to negotiate with the EU and other states and implement its obligations.

You can follow this path to Europe.

Or you can choose an alternative course. But you need to understand the consequences.

At best, you'll remain among the poorest countries in Europe.

At worst, you'll descend into ethnic chaos that defined your country for the better part of a decade. And you will be judged harshly by history and your children.

The choice is yours. If you make the right choice, we will stand with you.

Making the right choice means that the leaders of this country must stop the pursuit of narrow ethnic and political interests instead of the national interest. You must resist challenges to your sovereignty or territorial integrity.

You must focus your talent and energy on issues of undisputed interest to all Bosnians—creating jobs, growing the economy, educating your children. You must accept that Bosnia needs checks and balances to protect the interests of all constituent peoples and minorities.

Each of you has a responsibility to exercise your power in a manner that reassures every member of the community. You must examine your conduct within your governing institutions and ask yourselves: are we building trust or feeding fears?

Working across ethnic lines to forge the complicated and sometimes unpopular compromises required for Euro-Atlantic integration is difficult. But it is the only way forward.

And it is a path you have already shown you can travel—on defense reform creating a unified military, on rule-of-law reforms required to pursue justice for all citizens regardless of ethnicity.

And most recently, in March, for the first time, you amended your constitution to resolve questions on the status of the Brcko District. This issue was too hard to resolve at Dayton. Yet you, the elected representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were able to come together and pass overwhelmingly an amendment enshrining Brcko's status.

This is the approach—this is the spirit of compromise—that you need to confront Bosnia's remaining challenges.

Among the most urgent challenges is completing the objectives and conditions established by the Peace Implementation Council for the closure of the Office of the High Representative.

The new High Representative, Valentin Inzko, is here today. He has the United States' full support—and now he must have yours.

The United States will stand behind OHR so long as it remains in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and we will not agree to its closure until after the agreed reform agenda—the five objectives and two conditions—is completed.

The international community must be satisfied that all levels of government are prepared to fully comply with the Dayton Peace Agreement—and that their leaders are prepared to abandon rhetoric and actions that would threaten or violate the Peace Agreement—before the international community presence and role here can change.

In my view, the children of this country deserve a democratic Bosnia in which all live in peace and cooperation inside Euro-Atlantic institutions. You owe that to them.

Everyone wants the quiet blessings of a normal life for themselves and for their children, one in which they can travel freely throughout this continent, pursue their economic dreams, and live their daily lives as part of a modern, democratic, and tolerant society.

A prosperous, secure, democratic future inside the Trans-Atlantic community is not a guarantee or a gift. It must be built through hard work and compromise.

And it will not happen if you perpetuate the divisions that have plagued Bosnia in the past. History must not be the anvil upon which new hatreds are forged.

Some of your political leaders and many citizens of Bosnia understand this and are already acting on it. Late last year, Sulejman Tihic addressed the Republika Srpska parliament and reassured the citizens of that entity that Bosniaks are prepared to work within the Dayton framework to build a better future for all Bosnia's citizens.

Many others are working for that better future. With us today are NGOs and members of civil society—including the Research and Documentation Center; the Center for Civic Initiatives; and CIVITAS—who shore up the foundations of democracy and tolerance.

Here, too, are lawyers and jurists building the rule of law. And journalists, who courageously challenge nationalist myths and expose corruption. Their work is as noble as it is necessary. In the end, we cannot escape history. We cannot forget it.

But neither can we allow the shadows that darkened so much of the end of the last century to stretch into this one.

Joint Statement issued by United States Vice President Joe Biden and European Union High Representative for Common Foreign and Security Policy Javier Solana

As representatives of the United States and the European Union, we visited Sarajevo with a message of support and concern. We support Bosnia and Herzegovina, a single state with two entities. We support the Dayton Accords. We support the aspirations of the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina to join European and Trans-Atlantic institutions. We also support the reforms that will be needed to realize this European future. And we support leaders who have the courage to reach across the ethnic divide to find compromise, build trust, foster stability and bring prosperity to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We are concerned by statements and actions in recent years that threaten the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the powers of the state, and the rights of the entities. We are also concerned by economic conditions and note the need for greater fiscal controls, financial accountability and transparency. And we are concerned for the independence of judicial institutions and the rule of law.

This year Bosnia and Herzegovina can take an important step towards NATO and EU membership by completing the five objectives and two conditions set by the Peace Implementation Council for the closure of Office of the High Representative and the transition to the Office of the EU Special Representative. The remaining steps are clear: resolution of the distribution of state property between the state and the entities; resolution of defense property, including destruction of excess weapons, ammunition and explosives; and a positive assessment by the Peace Implementation Committee of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina based on compliance with the Dayton Agreement. We will look for progress by June and completion in October. We welcome and applaud High Representative Inzko's leadership in guiding this process.

This transition is just a first step, and much more work will be needed. Movement on the path to EU and NATO membership will bring genuine benefits to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These could eventually include: visa-free travel; increased trade and investments; support for economic development and a prosperous, stable future for BiH, in an integrated Western Balkans region. This will require concerted effort and compromise to achieve needed reform, including a functioning BiH Constitution.

The United States and the EU will support this process of growth and reform. And we look forward to returning to a Bosnia and Herzegovina that is progressing deliberately on the path towards the EU and NATO.

Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks in Belgrade, Serbia

Vice President Biden. Mr. President—President Tadic, thank you very much for your warm welcome and your comments. And thank you for your strong, and I would add, forward-looking leadership in a time of significant challenge—but also, as we spoke about, a time of real opportunity, genuine opportunity.

I came to Serbia on behalf of the Obama-Biden administration with a clear, distinct message, Mr. President. The United States wants to, would like to, deepen our cooperation with Serbia to help solve the problems of the region, to help Serbia become a strong, successful democratic member of the Euro-Atlantic community. That's our objective.

Ever since the end of World War II, generations of Europeans and Americans have worked very hard to build a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace. Southeast Europe remains the missing piece, and Serbia is central to Southeast Europe's future. Simply put, the region cannot fully succeed without Serbia playing the constructive and leading role—which you've begun, Mr. President.

President Tadic and I had a very productive—and I apologize for the diplomatic speak, but it's real. We had a very open and frank exchange. We are old acquaintances. We talked about renewing the relationship between the United States and Serbia, and about the critical role that Serbia is playing in this region, and I might add, beyond.

The President and I both acknowledge that in order to move our relationship forward, we need to find a way forward on the few issues on which we disagree, the few issues that divide us.

The first is Kosovo. The President stated to me privately what he stated publicly. But I believe we can agree to disagree, provided that we have reasonable expectations for one another. The United States does not—I emphasize, does not expect Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo. It is not a pre-condition for our relationship or our support for Serbia becoming part of the European Union.

And we will continue, the United States will continue to insist that Serbs receive in Kosovo the strongest possible protection and guarantees of their safety and security and participation. In return, we expect Serbia to cooperate with the European Union and other key international actors, and that we expect them to cooperate on Kosovo and to look for pragmatic solutions that will improve the lives of all the people of Kosovo—Serbs and Albanians—and avoid making them victims of political disagreement.

Similarly, we look to Serbia to help the United States and the EU promote its efforts to build a sovereign, democratic, multi-ethnic state with vibrant entities. We look for that for Bosnia and Herzegovina. We look to Serbia to build peaceful, positive relations with all its neighbors, which is why we very much, Mr. President, appreciate your recent efforts to reach out to Croatia, Montenegro, and Macedonia.

And we expect Belgrade to make every possible effort to bring to justice those wanted by the International Criminal Tribunal at the Hague, which you are attempting to do, and to finally close this chapter in history.

Acknowledging our differences and finding constructive ways to work through them is one part of renewing this relationship. Equally important though, Mr. President, is building on the many common views that we share, and working together in this region, in Europe, and beyond Europe.

In that regard, let me state two basic principles as clearly as I can. First, the United States strongly supports Serbian membership in the European Union and expanding security cooperation between Serbia, the United States, and our allies. We will use our influence, our energy, and our resources to promote Serbia's Euro-Atlantic aspirations.

Second, the United States will work to deepen the direct ties between our two countries. Our military to military relationship is already strong, with more than a 140 joint projects since 2004—and we believe it can grow even stronger.

Our economic partnership has tremendous possibilities. As you mentioned, America is a leading investor in Serbia. American companies are leading investors in Serbia. And more and more, our major companies are investing directly here, helping to create good jobs. Your success is our success.

Looking forward, we want to pursue more cultural and educational changes, so the new generations of Serbs and Americans can understand and appreciate each other's background, history, and values better than they have in the past and to demonstrate the growing respect that we share for one another. This is a relationship based upon mutual respect.

Mr. President, as you know, the Obama-Biden administration just passed the hundred-day mark in our administration. And we felt it at the front end of our administration—we felt it very important early on in this administration to come to the Balkans, to come to Serbia to demonstrate our commitment to the region and our desire for a strong, new relationship between the United States and Serbia.

Mr. President, I'm pleased that we have taken this important first step today. And I look forward, as we discussed in private, to the United States and Serbia taking many more steps together in the days to come. And I thank you for your warm welcome.

Vice President Joe Biden delivered these remarks in Pristina, Kosovo

Vice President Biden. Thank you very much for the privilege and the opportunity to address the Kosovo Assembly in such a beautiful, beautiful setting. I congratulate you on your work thus far and I thank you for your very, very generous welcome.

It's a privilege to return to your country. And although I am a few months late, let me say happy birthday on your one year anniversary.

And Mr. President, let me thank you for one of the greatest honors of my career of being awarded the Medal of Freedom. I accept it on behalf of the American people. I do not deserve it, but my country—my country appreciates your gratitude for what we have attempted to do.

I look out and see some familiar faces—and I say I had some concern that the day would arrive when I would be able to stand before a free and undivided Kosovo and address you all. You've done remarkable things so far.

I've traveled this region many times as a United States Senator, but this is my first trip as Vice President of the United States of America. In the past two days I've been to Bosnia and to Serbia. Our Deputy Secretary of State, Jim Steinberg, just visited Macedonia and Montenegro. Our purpose is straightforward.: It's to underscore the commitment of the Obama-Biden administration to the stability and progress in the Balkans; and to reaffirm that the policy of the United States is to seek a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace.

The road to Kosovo's independence was difficult, and I need not tell you, hard-earned. Your journey included a brutal campaign of fighting through a campaign of ethnic cleansing by Slobodan Milosevic, and NATO's intervention to stop it. It included nearly a decade of U.N. administration and determined diplomacy by the United States and our partners in Europe that resulted in the plan that you are following to this day.

We know—we know as you do that your task is enormous. We also believe you are fully up to the task. You have many friends and partners, including the United States, determined to see you succeed. Kosovo's independence was and remains today, in my view and the view of my government, the only viable option for stability in the region. And your independence, as I've said in the countries I've visited, your independence is irreversible—absolutely irreversible.

The success of an independent Kosovo is a priority for our administration and for my country, and a key element in our policy of helping the nations of the Western Balkans finally and for the first time of all history be fully integrated into Europe. Sixty countries from all parts of the world have now recognized the Republic of Kosovo. We're pleased that Saudi Arabia recognized Kosovo. We hope that other countries will soon follow suit. We are urging them to do so.

Kosovo's recent admission in the International Monetary Fund is further evidence of the international community's acceptance of the reality of an independent Kosovo. And it stands ready—we stand ready, we all stand ready to support you in building your state and putting the entire region of Southeast Europe on a stable foundation.

In your first year of independence your President and Prime Minister have in my view provided courageous—courageous and steadfast leadership. I salute the both of you, and I mean that sincerely. My country—my country as well as yours, in my view, owe you a great debt. And I commend the members of the Assembly, including the members of the opposition, for your service. All of you play a vital role in the legislative process, a key component to any true democracy. Having been a legislator for 37 years, I appreciate how important you are. And I congratulate all of you on the steps you've taken thus far to build a multi-ethnic democracy at peace with its neighbors.

You've adopted many laws, including 50 mandated by the Ahtisaari plan. You've built roads and schools, established ministries of government from scratch, from the very beginning—agencies that didn't exist before. You've reached out to your neighbors and strengthened your diplomatic ties all around the world. And you continue to do so. All in the course of one year. It's remarkable.

Your hard-earned success has demonstrated to the world that Kosovo's democracy and its independence are a force for regional stability and that you are here to stay.

But there's still so much more to do, and your people have high hopes and expectations for you and for all of us. I must say my heart was warmed as I came from the landing zone into town, with what appeared to be hundreds, if not thousands, of people lining the street welcoming a United States representative. As a friend of Kosovo and as a representative of my country that has invested much in your success, permit me to express our hopes—our hopes and expectations with regard to your future.

First, we urge you, we implore you to continue to build strong institutions that embody the values enshrined in your declaration of independence and your constitution. The effectiveness and transparency of these institutions will be critical—critical—to the credibility of your government in the coming months and years.

Press ahead with full implementation of the Ahtisaari plan, including measures that will give municipal authorities and ethnic communities greater degrees of control of local affairs. Continue to build on your record of free and fair elections.

And secondly, the economic and financial challenges facing your country are significant. These times demand fiscal and budgetary discipline, as well as careful stewardship of the assistance provided by the international community. To build an economy that can compete in the 21st century all nations, including Kosovo, must create a welcoming and transparent business climate that attracts investment and creates jobs—jobs your young people so sorely need.

Third, strengthening the rule of law must remain your priority. Do not let up in your efforts to eliminate corruption and tackle organized crime—a problem for all emerging new states. And continue—continue to streamline and strengthen your judiciary, a backbone of every democracy. And adopt and enforce effective laws that will help move your country into the European mainstream.

Your government is keeping to its pledge to close and full cooperation with the EU rule of law mission. The United States is proud—presumptuous of us to say it, but we're proud to participate with EULEX, which is working to foster professional and multi-ethnic customs, courts, police structures in Kosovo. EULEX has responded quickly and effectively to stop violence and provocation as we have seen in recent days in Kosovo's north.

Fourth, as a leader of a nation born from conflict as mine was, and yours is, you have a special responsibility to overcome the legacy of division, bitterness, and fear and mistrust within your country. It's essential that the majority continues to reach out to Kosovo's Serb community, to build a dialogue and establish strong protections for that community and for other non-majority communities.

You must also make every effort to improve the conditions for the return of displaced Serbs and members of others communities to their property and their homes throughout all of Kosovo. It's an essential ultimate condition to a free and open society. And we urge you—we urge you to preserve the rich cultural heritage in your country, and in particular to safeguard religious freedom in a very important role on the Serbian Orthodox Church for Kosovo's Serb community.

Later today I will visit a Decani monastery, an important symbol of the power of unity. During the fighting a decade ago and following the tradition established at its founding eight centuries ago, the monks there—and this will be my second visit; last time during the war—the monks there sheltered refugees from the war regardless of their ethnicity. They understood they were all bound together by a common humanity. For a truly democratic and free Kosovo we need that spirit to prevail as it is at this moment throughout your country. And we—we are hopeful that it will, because it is the key, in my view, to your further recognition and survival.

Kosovo confronts many challenges, but you do not stand alone. The United States and the international community are committed to your success. As you know, I've just come from Belgrade. I told Serbia's leaders that U.S. support for the independent and sovereign Kosovo remains steadfast. And I urged them to find ways to cooperate to improve the welfare of all the people of Kosovo. I discussed the steps they can take to strengthen their cooperation with EULEX. I asked them to encourage Kosovo's Serbs to participate in Kosovo institutions, instead of pursuing parallel governing arrangements that obstruct constructive engagement among Kosovo's ethnic communities.

I urged Serbia's leaders to end their trade embargo against Kosovo. And I told them that Kosovo cannot be divided. It cannot be divided.

The United States remains committed to Kosovo through NATO's KFOR mission, which continues to play a critically important role in helping secure peace and stability. The women and men of the many allied and partner nations serving here in Kosovo in my view deserve tremendous praise. President Obama and I, we are grateful for KFOR's work and especially proud of the U.S. contingent commanding a multi-national task force. Under NATO's supervision and training, Kosovo is building security institutions, including most importantly Kosovo's security force to meet NATO standards and opening them to all Kosovo ethnic communities. I look forward to the day when Kosovo can contribute to international peacekeeping missions.

The European Union is playing a critical role in ensuring Kosovo's future as a multi-ethnic democracy and ultimately its future in Europe. So I applaud the efforts of the international civilian representative, Mr. Feith, and the office he leads to help Kosovo carry out the commitments made for the protection of minority rights here in Kosovo.

And I salute the United Nations in its role over the last decade in helping establish Kosovo institutions. With Kosovo independence it is now appropriate that the United States reconfigure and draw down its mission, as recommended by the Secretary General.

As a senator, when I first sought to bring the world's attention to this region, a diplomat—who I will not mention—warned me, saying, “Don't dream dreams, Senator.” When people told you a free and independent Kosovo would never happen, you did as I did—you did not listen to that admonition.

And you, like me, continued to dream dreams. And so did your people. As a public official and as a politician I remain optimistic. I have to dream to give people the vision for a better tomorrow. You must continue to dream of a nation that is whole, free, and multi-ethnic, and strong, and finally, for the first time in history, integrated into the European mainstream.

I'm optimistic about your country. And quite frankly, in spite of all the difficulties that exist, I remain optimistic about the region. I think this is one of those points in history where we may be able to shed hundreds of years—hundreds of years—of past animosities and begin to move into the 21st century. I believe in your effort to create a modern state, one that can propel all its citizens toward a common European future. This is the future for all communities in Kosovo. This is the future reflected in the thousands of signatures on the newborn monument downtown, a monument to hope and to expectations.

You've only just begun. This is a future that will be determined by each one of you in this chamber today and throughout Kosovo. Your children and grandchildren and great grandchildren will look to you—look to you—as the people who made the final turn after centuries of division.

Ladies and gentlemen, take pride in what you've accomplished. Keep your patience and persistence and insist that you not give up on what has never fully existed here before—a truly multi-ethnic democracy. Take heart—take heart for the hard work ahead. And take confidence that the United States of America will be with you, a free and independent Kosovo, every step of the way, every step you take.

Ladies and gentlemen, once again I thank you for the honor, I'm proud to be associated with you. And I am incredibly optimistic about your future.

Thank you so very much.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Deputy Prime Minister Karel De Gucht delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, it's a pleasure to welcome the deputy prime minister and foreign minister here today. Karel has already hosted me in Brussels at a wonderful meal and a very productive bilateral discussion, and has been actively involved in the last four months in helping us figure out a way forward on a number of important issues that we care about between our two countries and also on a regional and a global basis. So it's a pleasure to welcome you here.

Deputy Prime Minister De Gucht. Thank you very much, Madame Secretary. I think it's a very fortunate moment to meet each other because we just were both elected in the Human Rights Council, and I hope that we can use it as a podium to speak about human rights, which is very much of interest to you and also to us. And apart from that, there are still some little problems in the world, so—that we can certainly take the time to discuss.

Secretary Clinton. Indeed.

Deputy Prime Minister De Gucht. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Well, thank you very much. Thank you.

Q. Madame Secretary, if Belgium offers to take in Guantanamo prisoners, is that—is this type of offer going to make it possible to get the deadline, the January deadline, to close the prison?

Secretary Clinton. Well, we're very grateful for the cooperation and assistance that Belgium and other countries have offered. As President Obama proceeds with the closure of Guantanamo, we'll be discussing that. There is a lot of work ahead of us to be sure that we are fully able to produce the kind of information and responses that Belgium and other countries are looking for. But we're very appreciative of—not on this—not just on this issue, but on the many issues that the minister and his government have been working with us.

Thank you.

Joint Statement with European Union on Protests in Tbilisi

The United States and the European Union urge Georgia's government and opposition to end the current stalemate on the streets and begin negotiations immediately and without preconditions on a new program of reforms to invigorate Georgia's democracy. We call on all Georgians to respect the rule of law, abide by Georgia's Constitution, avoid violence, and honor the right of peaceful protest. The European Union and the United States pledge our full support for all such efforts aimed at strengthening Georgia's democratic freedom and prosperity, and reiterate our unyielding support for Georgia's independence and territorial integrity.

President Barack Obama and Chancellor Angela Merkel delivered these remarks in Dresden, Germany

Chancellor Merkel. We are delighted to have the American President here this morning with us, after having met the last time at the NATO summit. We will visit a little bit of Dresden and later on we go on to Buchenwald, to the former concentration camp. I think that this is, indeed, a trip of a highly symbolic nature. Let me just remind all of us of the visit to Buchenwald that we will take later in the day. It is so important that the American President, Barack Obama, makes his first stop here in Dresden. This is a highly symbolic city. It is a city that was almost completely destroyed during the Second World War, was then rebuilt after Germany unification. It has again turned out to be a jewel of German culture and civilization. The people here are so glad that you've come to see them because it shows that you also pay tribute to the tremendous efforts they made in those 20 years after the fall of the wall.

We have made very good use of that time, talking about the political agenda, pressing issues. President Obama yesterday gave a very important speech in Cairo, which I think will be an ideal basis for a lot of action of a positive nature, particularly as regards speeding of the peace process in the Middle East. We also talked about a possible time frame for possible progress to be made. I said on behalf of the Federal Republic of Germany that we would like to try and be helpful in this peace process to the extent that this is possible to us. We need a two-state solution; we need a viable Palestinian state and a viable state of Israel, side by side. And whatever we can do in order to constructively accompany this along the way we will gladly do.

The status of negotiations with Iran on the nuclear program was also at the very top of our agenda. Here, too, we agreed to work closely together. Germany will try its utmost with its contacts, with its expert knowledge to give a positive contribution to this issue.

We also obviously debated the situation on world markets. We exchanged views on the different stimulus programs that we pursue in our countries. And we also talked about what we feel is necessary in order to prepare the next G20 meeting, then also the upcoming G8 meeting. What is important is to implement what we decided on in London. The European states are now doing that; the United States are doing that. You have a very ambitious plan that you outlaid. So we will keep a close eye on developments. And then in the autumn when we meet at G20 we will also state very clearly that strengthening the multilateral system is also one that we consider to be important.

This year negotiations on climate change, on a post-Kyoto regime are also on the agenda. We very much welcome the very, very hard work that the United States has done in order to see to it that the necessary answers are found for this phenomenon of climate change. We know that it's very much an uphill battle; we're very familiar with that from the debate that we have here in our country. And we are keeping a close eye on legislation that is passed. We, I think, are at one in saying we need an ambitious program, we want to have successful negotiations in Copenhagen, and we want to make the best possible use of our time leading up to this.

Once again, a very warm welcome to you, sir, and we are so glad that you and the members of your team have taken the trouble to come here.

President Obama. Well, thank you very much, everybody. Good morning. It is wonderful to be in the beautiful city of Dresden, which obviously is steeped in history and, as Chancellor Merkel discussed, has overcome great tragedies and is now this beautiful city full of hope. And so I'm very grateful to not only Chancellor Merkel but to the German people for their hospitality.

Germany is a close friend and a critical partner to the United States, and I believe that friendship is going to be essential not only for our two countries but for the world if we are to make progress on some of the critical issues that we face, whether it's national security issues or economic issues or issues that affect the globe like climate change.

Chancellor Merkel, as she mentioned, and I had a very productive discussion. We continue to work closely together to confront the global economic crisis and to restore growth and prosperity for our people. The downturn knows no borders and it will take some time and sustained action by all of us to move forward.

At the G20, we successfully laid out the parameters for collective action. And we've seen, I think on both sides of the Atlantic, some progress in stabilizing the economy, but we're far from done in the work that's required. I mentioned to her that, in the United States, we are working diligently to strengthen financial regulations to ensure that a crisis like this doesn't happen again, and it's going to be very important to coordinate between Europe and the United States as we move to strengthen our financial regulatory systems. We affirmed that we are not going to engage in protectionism. And as all of us do what's required to restart our economy, we have to make sure that we keep our borders open and that companies can move back and forth between the United States and Europe in providing goods and services to our respective countries.

I'm very pleased to see the resolution of the Opel situation here. We are very sympathetic towards each other, that it's not easy to help auto companies restructure, and it's not always popular, but it's also, we are convinced, the right thing to do. And I'm hopeful that not only are we going to see these companies stabilize, but also that they're going to emerge even stronger and more competitive in the international marketplace.

Chancellor Merkel and I discussed a range of security challenges. Germany has been a very strong NATO partner. As all of you know, we have great challenges in Afghanistan and increasingly in Pakistan, but our collective commitment to making sure that we are not seeing the kinds of terrorist bases that could pose harm to all of our people, that we maintain that commitment.

We also discussed the issue of Iran—and not in isolation, but in a broader context of avoiding a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could be profoundly dangerous. And I've said publicly that I'm committed to engaging in serious dialogue and negotiations with Iran. That can't be done in isolation, it has to be done in conjunction with the P5-plus-1 or the E3-plus-3 process, and Germany is going to be a critical partner in that process.

Later in the summer I will be traveling to Russia to discuss how we can reduce U.S. nuclear stockpiles and Russian nuclear stockpiles. And so as I said, our concern is not just Iran, but a broader effort to strengthen nonproliferation so that the threat of nuclear weapons is greatly reduced in our lifetime.

And as the Chancellor mentioned, we discussed my recent trip to the Middle East and the need for all of us to redouble our efforts to bring about two states, Israel and a Palestinian state, that are living side by side in peace and security. I think the moment is now for us to act on what we all know to be the truth, which is that each side is going to have to make some difficult compromises; we have to reject violence. The Palestinians have to get serious about creating the security environment that is required for Israel to feel confident. Israelis are going to have to take some difficult steps. I discussed some of those in the speech.

Ultimately, the United States can't force peace upon the parties. But what we've tried to do is to clear away some of the misunderstandings so that we can at least begin to have frank dialogue. And we're not going to be able to do that by ourselves; we're going to require strong partners like Germany in that process. And I know that Chancellor Merkel is very much committed to that.

So, again, it is a great pleasure to be here. It is a great pleasure to be with my friend once again, who I always seek out for intelligent analysis and straight talk. And I'm looking forward to continued partnership between our two countries to deal with the wide range of issues that we confront at this time.

So thank you very much.

Chancellor Merkel. Well, I believe you have the possibility to ask questions. Maybe we ought to—do we start with a German question?

Q. Christiane Meier, from the First German Television. Mr. President, did you have the opportunity to also address the issue of Guantanamo and do you feel sufficiently supported by Europe and here, in particular, by Germany, in accepting prisoners, former prisoners? And does this perhaps overshadow your relationship with the Chancellor or perhaps not—there has been certain mild, sometimes even wild speculation over the course that your trip took, that you left certain venues open until the end and that this had something to do with your relationship with the Chancellor.

And Chancellor, did you make an offer or were you actually able as regards Guantanamo to give certain assurances to the President and accommodate him?

President Obama. I think your characterization of wild speculations is accurate—they are very wild and based on no facts. The truth of the matter is, is that the relationship not only between our two countries but our two governments is outstanding. Most of the speculation around my schedule here in Germany doesn't take into account simple logistics: traveling, trying to get from one place to the other, coming off a Middle East trip, having to go to Normandy tomorrow. There are only 24 hours in the day. And so there's nothing to any of that speculation beyond us just trying to fit in what we could do on such a short trip. That's all that there was.

So stop it, all of you. I know you have to find something to report on, but we have more than enough problems out there without manufacturing problems. In terms of the issue of Guantanamo, look, this is a very difficult issue. It's difficult in my country; it's difficult internationally. We have a facility that contains some people who are very difficult to deal with. Some of them probably should not have been detained in those facilities in the first place. They should have been processed and tried and convicted. If they weren't convicted, then they should not have been languishing in a facility like that, that became a symbol for many around the world of us not sticking to our ideals and our traditions and rule of law.

But it was done. And that's the past. And now we have to move forward. We have spoken to the European Union about the possibilities of working with us and helping us in managing the closure of Guantanamo. Chancellor Merkel has been very open to discussions with us. We have not asked her for hard commitments, and she has not given us any hard commitments beyond having a serious discussion about are there ways that we can solve this problem. And I don't anticipate that it's going to be resolved anytime in the next two or three months. I think it's going to be a longer process of evaluation.

But I'm very appreciative of the openness, not only of Chancellor Merkel but other European countries to work with us, because I think they recognize that we have a shared interest in battling extremists and terrorists at the same time as we have a shared interest in upholding broader principles of international justice; and that those things are compatible, but it's going to take some time.

We'll be looking at individual cases; seeing are there people who can safely be transferred; if they are safely transferred, where would they be transferred to. And this is a conversation we're not just having with Germany but the broader European Union. And I very much appreciate the constructive manner in which Chancellor Merkel has approached the issue.

Chancellor Merkel. Allow me, if I may, to, as regards that one part of the question, say that it's fun to work together with the American President because very serious, very thorough analytical discussions very often lead us to draw the same conclusions. And I think we proved that in London, we proved that on previous meetings. I think that's part of our job, isn't it, that you exchange views, different views that you may have also. And wherever it was necessary, we have come to common solutions. So I very much look forward to our future cooperation.

On Guantanamo, Germany has always come out in favor, in particular my government, for closing down this facility. This has been a long-standing issue. We very purposefully at the time accepted Mr. Kurnaz, who has some sort of relation to Germany. And we also said that when there is a solution in the offing we will constructively contribute to it. Now there are talks going on of the Minister of the Interior with the American side, very intensive discussions, which we wish to continue. And at the very end I am absolutely confident that we will find a common solution.

I believe a question from the American side maybe.

President Obama. Just pick on somebody or—

Q. Mr. President—

President Obama. You know, Jennifer has got the mic; sorry, Jake.

Q. He handed it to me, so I'm going to keep it.

President Obama. There you go.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. You challenged—on Mideast peace, you challenged all the parties yesterday and again here in your opening remarks to take actions. The Israelis, the Palestinians, the Arab states, things they've been asked to do for years, actually agreed to do, but still today remain even—perhaps even more unwilling or unable to do them. What are your specific next steps to try to break this stalemate? And why do you think your approach is realistic?

And then to Chancellor Merkel, if I could, you talked about a timeline that the two of you discussed on Mideast peace. Can you be more specific about that, please?

President Obama. As I said at the outset of my speech, yesterday was just one speech and it doesn't replace all the hard work that's going to have to be done—that was done before the speech and is going to have to be done in the years to come in order to solve what has been a 60-year problem. And I'm under no illusions that whatever statements I've put forward somehow are going to supplant the need to do that work.

I think that what is different now is, number one, you're seeing a U.S. administration and American President engage this issue almost on the day that I took office. We've only been in office five months, and yet we've seen extraordinary activity already on this issue. And that's sent a signal to all the parties in the Middle East that we are serious. I've assigned George Mitchell, my special envoy, who has met repeatedly with all the players in the region and who is going to be going back next week in the wake of my appearance in Cairo to follow up with each of the individual parties on a whole host of negotiation points and potential confidence-building measures that can be taken.

And I've already met with Prime Minister Netanyahu. Our governments are in close contact and communication about how we can move forward on some of the items that might be inhibiting restarting talks. I've had Abbas in the White House to do the same.

And so you've probably seen more sustained activity on this issue in the first five months than you would have seen in most previous administrations. The reason we are doing that is because not only had talks ground to a halt, but there was a sense that all sides were getting so dug in and so cynical that you might reach a point where you could never get the parties back at the table. And I think given what we've done so far, we've at least created the space, the atmosphere, in which talks can restart.

Now, I just have to say one more time, the United States can't solve this problem. The United States can be a partner in solving the problem, but ultimately the parties involved are going to have to make a decision that the prosperity and security of their people is best served by negotiations and compromise, and we can't force them to make those difficult decisions. What we can do is to provide them a framework and a forum and the support for such an outcome to be achieved.

And I'm sure that—one of the things I very much appreciate was Chancellor Merkel's willingness to put the prestige and the resources of the German government behind that same effort. I think the entire international community is going to have a responsibility to help these parties achieve a hard-won peace that will ultimately be good for everybody's security interests.

Chancellor Merkel. Well, I believe that with the new American administration, with President Barack Obama, there is actually a unique opportunity now to see to it that this peace process—or let's perhaps be more careful—this negotiation process to be revived again.

Yesterday's speech in a way opened up also the door to the Arab world again. And in the way that it was described just now you have sort of made steps along the way. And when steps are made along the way then we feel as Germans we can perhaps be helpful to accompany this. For historical reasons we have a very close and very special relationship with Israel. We have a very great interest in the safety and security of Israel. And on the other hand we also have a very fervent wish a Palestinian state be built.

This agenda needs to be worked on step by step, but it is certainly true the parties, themselves, have to show a readiness, a willingness to do something for the peace and security of the world as a whole. I see this as a core issue, and an essential and crucial issue. And this is why we all have the wish and the willingness to bring this matter forward. The historical opportunity I think is there, even though looking at many, many countries in the Arab world—even looking at many countries in the Arab world, they have a very great interest in progress there because for the economic development as well they need peace there, they need security. And we should have every interest in seeing this bring about and we will give our contribution to it.

Q. You will later on, Mr. President, visit the former concentration camp, Buchenwald. Tell me now already, if possible, what is your personal motivation, what drives you to this? We were told here in Germany that because you know Elie Wiesel, the Nobel Peace Prize Winner so well, because he told you about his periods in the camp where he suffered great hardship that this sort of made you do it.

And another political issue, if I may. Madam Chancellor, climate change. Germany, Europe are putting concrete targets on the agenda, concrete reduction targets. Will America in the post-Kyoto process be willing to commit itself to concrete reduction targets? Or are you pursuing a different kind of approach, Mr. President, similar to you predecessor in office?

President Obama. Well, first of all, one of the main reasons for me being in Europe this week is to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the landing in Normandy. And this is a moment that obviously is of great importance to the United States, so many lives were lost during this period; it marks the beginning of the end of World War II, and many of the veterans of World War II are in the sunset of their years. And so having an opportunity to acknowledge them once again and the sacrifices they made was very important to me.

As part of that trip we thought it was very important for me to visit Buchenwald. First of all, I've never traveled to one of the concentration camps, but this one has a personal connection to me. It's not only that I know Elie Wiesel and have read about his writings, it's also that—and I've stated this before—that my grandfather's—my grandmother's brother was one—was part of the units that first liberated that camp. And I've talked about this before in the United States, perhaps not in Germany, the shock for this very young man—he couldn't have been more than 19, 20, 21 at the time, was such that he ended up, when he returned, having a very difficult time readjusting to civilian life, and it was a memory that burned in him for quite some time.

And that, you know, was something that I learned about as a young person, and for me then to be able to come and reflect on this very difficult history and to not only reflect on the dangers of when peoples are in conflict and not acknowledging a common humanity; but also to celebrate how out of that tragedy you now have a unified Europe, a Germany that is a very close ally of Israel, and the possibilities of reconciliation and forgiveness and hope. All those things I think are part of why this visit is very important to me.

In terms of climate change, ultimately the world is going to need targets that it can meet. It can't be general, vague approaches. We're going to have to make some tough decisions and take concrete actions if we are going to deal with a potentially cataclysmic disaster. And we are seeing progress in Congress around energy legislation that would set up for the first time in the United States a cap and trade system. That process is moving forward in ways that I think if you had asked political experts two or three months ago would have seemed impossible.

So I'm actually more optimistic than I was about America being able to take leadership on this issue, joining Europe, which over the last several years has been ahead of us on this issue.

As I told Chancellor Merkel, unless the United States and Europe, with our large carbon footprints, per capita carbon footprints, are willing to take some decisive steps, it's going to be very difficult for us to persuade countries that on a per capita basis at least are still much less wealthy, like China or India, to take the steps that they're going to need to take in controlling carbon emissions.

So we are very committed to working together and hopeful that we can arrive in Copenhagen having displayed that commitment in concrete ways.

Chancellor Merkel. Allow me, if I may, to say, as to a visit to Buchenwald, that this is for me deeply moving, to see an American President, in this case President Barack Obama, as a visitor in Buchenwald. And he talked about his personal background as regards this question.

Look at Buchenwald. Buchenwald is one example of these horrible concentration camps, liberated by American troops. Later on it was turned during the Soviet period again, and it also, in the time when Germany was divided, it again became somewhat symbolic. People in that part of the country were not able to enjoy freedom and security.

Now, after the end of the Cold War, we go there after Germany has been reunited, after Europe has been reunited, now that we also enjoy freedom and democracy, as the United States does. That is very moving, and it shows you that actually history makes things possible if a sufficient number of people believe in the dream of freedom.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. A couple questions, one just to follow up on Jennifer's. What are some of the gestures of good faith that you'd like to see from the Israelis and Palestinians? But then regarding your visit to Buchenwald, since the Holocaust, a constant refrain in the United States has been “never again,” but U.S. President after U.S. President has sat back and let genocides happen over and over, whether Cambodia or Rwanda. What does “never again” mean to you as a U.S. President, especially given the fact that genocide is going on right now in Darfur? There were accusations of genocide in Sri Lanka a few weeks ago. What does it mean to you? And are you doing everything you can to make sure “never again” is not a hollow refrain?

And then for Chancellor Merkel, does Germany not have an extra obligation to take action to prevent genocide from happening in other parts of the world? Thank you.

President Obama. With respect to confidence-building measures or next steps, again, I'm going to be sending George Mitchell back into the region next week. He's going to be meeting with all the various parties involved. I think I've said publicly and I repeated in the speech some things that are going to have to be done.

You know, a lot of attention has been given to my statement that the Israelis need to stop settlement construction, and I recognize that it's received a lot of attention in Israel, as well. Keep in mind that all I've done there is reaffirm commitments that the Israelis themselves had already made in the road map. And I recognize the very difficult politics within Israel of getting that done, and I'm very sympathetic to how hard it will be.

But as Israel's friend, the United States I think has an obligation to just be honest with that friend about how important it is to achieve a two-state solution—for Israel's national security interests, as well as ours, as well as the Palestinians. And that's an area where steps can be taken.

They're not the only steps, by the way, that Israel can take and will need to take in order to advance movement towards peace. And I mentioned some of the other issues that I've discussed with Prime Minister Netanyahu's office, for example, increasing freedom of movement within the West Bank, dealing with the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and allowing reconstruction to proceed more aggressively.

What's been interesting is that less attention has been focused on the insistence on my part that the Palestinians and the Arab states have to take very concrete actions. When it comes to the Palestinians, we know what they're supposed to be doing. They have to continue to make progress on security in the West Bank.

They have to deal with incitement issues. There's still a tendency, even within—among Palestinians who say they are interested in peace with Israel, to engage in statements that are—that incite a hatred of Israel or are not constructive to the peace process. Now I think, to his credit, President Abbas has made progress on this issue—but not enough.

We still have not seen a firm commitment from the Palestinian Authority that they can control some of the border areas that Israel is going to be very concerned about if there were to be a two-state solution. There are still problems of corruption and mismanagement within the Authority that have to be addressed.

So there are going to be a whole set of things having to do with the Palestinians' ability to govern effectively and maintain security. And if they're not solved, Israelis are going to have trouble moving forward.

And the Arab states, what I'd like to see is indicators that they are willing, if Israel makes tough commitments, to also make some hard choices that will allow for an opening of commerce, diplomatic exchanges between Israel and its neighbors.

Now, all these things are going to take time. They're not going to happen immediately. But I'm confident that if we stick with it, having started early, that we can make some serious progress this year.

On the issue of genocide, I think “never again” means that the international community has a obligation, even when it's inconvenient, to act when genocide is occurring. So on the issue of Darfur, for example, I didn't simply mention it in a speech yesterday before a Muslim audience, talking about genocide that's taking place within a majority Muslim country, but I also raised it in discussions with President Mubarak of Egypt, who has strong diplomatic relations with the country of Sudan.

And I've assigned one of my closest national security advisors, General Scott Gration, as a special envoy who has been traveling throughout the region trying to not only solve the immediate humanitarian crisis that exists and that was made worse when President Bashir kicked out many of the international non-governmental organizations that have been providing humanitarian assistance. We've been working diligently to solve that immediate problem and get humanitarian assistance back on the ground. But what we've also been doing is to try to reactivate the possibilities of a peaceful—a peace settlement between Khartoum and some of the rebels in Darfur that would allow the internally displaced people from Darfur to start returning to their homes.

So we've been very active on this issue. It may not have received the attention in the press that some of the other issues have, but we are spending a lot of time trying to make sure that we make progress and that the people of Darfur are able to return to their homes and live in peace.

Chancellor Merkel. Well, first, experience—part and parcel of our history, of our past experience here in Germany is obviously the Shoah. And out of that comes an everlasting responsibility for the safety and security of the state of Israel. If you like, this has been the (inaudible) of every German government, ever since the Federal Republic came into being, and it will always be that case.

As regards genocide all over the world, we have an international responsibility that we need to shoulder here. And here, too, we work very closely together. We, all of us, have made the experience I think along the way that this quite often takes much longer to resolve than one would like it to be and can be satisfied about.

But military intervention alone, without any political framework that we put on these issues, is also not always successful. We've made that experience, as well. This is why the European Union—actually during the EU-Africa Summit established very close links with the African Union, trying also to win over African countries to shoulder their responsibility or helping them shoulder their responsibility, for example by providing them with the necessary material, the equipment, but also through political discussions.

I think that due to the experience we've made over the years as European Union members that we were able after the Second World War to live together peacefully. We have an obligation not only to create peace within Europe, because we've been able to do that, but to actually share with others the knowledge how we managed to get that to happen. Dignity of man is inviolable. This is what is inscribed in the German constitution. And this goes not only for the Germans, not only for the Europeans, but for every human being all over the world. It means we can solve problems of this kind. We as Germans, after the Second World War, have made an experience that was certainly not a matter of course. The Allies actually extended a helping hand to us, to our neighbor France, the United Kingdom, but also the United States of America. We need to share this experience in order to prevent further cases of tragedy occurring. And we will always be at your side, at the side of the Americans.

Thank you very much.

President Obama. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Luis Amado delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good—I guess it's good afternoon now. Well, I am very pleased to be here with someone who has a long and very important list of contributions not only in his own country, but with respect to the very strong Euro-Atlantic partnership that we both support so vividly.

The foreign minister and I discussed a wide range of issues. Today, we are going to be signing an agreement that takes another crucial step toward putting into effect our treaties on extradition and mutual legal assistance. These treaties give police and prosecutors in both nations the tools that they need to bring criminals to justice. They form part of an important network of similar agreements that the United States has reached with countries of the European Union.

The United States values our friendship with Portugal. We see the people and Government of Portugal as strong partners on an array of vital issues. And we will continue to look for ways that we can cooperate together. We welcome Portugal's contribution to supporting the people of Afghanistan by helping to build the Afghan Government's capacity to provide for security and other basic needs. We share the objective of helping people everywhere in places like Afghanistan, but beyond to ensure that violent extremists do not hold sway.

And we will continue to work together to achieve peace in another region, particularly the Middle East. We are pressing forward to turn rhetoric into results and to establish a comprehensive and durable peace between Israel and its neighbors, focused on creating two states for two people.

Having said that, we know we have a lot of work ahead of us. We have to cooperate on economic matters, particularly during this global economic crisis. And there are just so many important issues that the foreign minister and I discussed that we will continue to work on. But I particularly welcome him here today and thank him for the strong partnership that he and his government have provided.

Foreign Minister Amado. Thank you very much. I want to thank you for the opportunity you gave me to discuss with you some of the most important issues that we have in our agendas, and the opportunity also to express my strong commitment and the strong commitment of the Portuguese Government to strengthen our bilateral relations with the United States. We are old and very loyal allies on the bilateral. We will have the opportunity to get another step forward in our deep cooperation. And in the context of the European Union and NATO, we have been trying to contribute to the strengthening of our transatlantic relations.

In the new face of the world politics, so demanding with so many challenges, and I strongly believe, as you do, that if the United States and Europeans are able to reinvent this relationship in the perspective of the challenges that we face together, we will be able to give peace and stability to the world. If we are not able and if we fail, it will be the beginning of the failure of the international system; such a responsibility we have in the stability of the world today.

So we have an important discussion, and I have the possibility at the European Union level to continue some of the issues that we discussed together, trying to create conditions so that the European Union can become a much more important interlocutor of the U.S. policies. Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you, Minister Amado.

Foreign Minister Amado. Madame Secretary, thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much.

Foreign Minister Amado. My pleasure.

(The document was signed.)

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much. I look forward to meeting with you again soon. Thank you. Thank you all.

President Barack Obama and President Nicholas Sarkozy delivered these remarks in Caen, France

President Sarkozy. Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon to all of you. Welcome. I would like to say to the President of the United States of America how proud France is to welcome him for the second time this year.

This afternoon we will be talking about the ceremonies and the commemoration of the D-Day landings, but I want to say in the strongest, most sincere terms that never in the history, perhaps, of our two countries, has the United States and France been so close to one another on major issues, major questions.

I said to the President that we are determined to help him in his decision to close down—shut down Guantanamo. I told President Barack Obama to what extent we support his open, outstretched hand initiative to Russia. We approve and endorse this policy.

I said to the President that we totally agreed with him on the Israeli and Palestinian issue—two states that need to live alongside one another, an Israeli state whose security we're very attached to, and a secure Palestinian state; and to what extent we support American diplomacy when it requested that an end, a stop and a hold be put to settlements.

On the Iranian matter, I've said this in very frank and open terms to the Iranian Foreign Secretary how important it is that he take the hand outstretched by President Obama, that we—we, France, Europe and the United States—are totally aligned on this and we cannot in any way accept the insane statements made by President Ahmadinejad.

On North Korea, we have total convergence of views with the American President. And of course, France is delighted to have fully reintegrated NATO, as I said to the American President. So really it is a pleasure to work with Barack Obama. We work regularly together. He knows that France is a friend of the United States. We basically coordinate on all major issues and we are determined to continue that.

Barack, welcome. Welcome to your family.

President Obama. It's wonderful to be back in France, particularly on this day, because this day marks not only the triumph of freedom, but it also marks how the transatlantic alliance has allowed for extraordinary prosperity and security on both sides of the Atlantic. The fact that France fully reintegrated into NATO this year, under President Sarkozy's leadership, is just one further indication of the degree to which U.S.-French cooperation can help to underpin not only security in Europe, but also a more secure and prosperous world beyond Europe.

I very much appreciate President Sarkozy's leadership on a whole range of issues—he mentioned a number of them: France's leadership within Europe in understanding the need for us to have tough diplomacy with the Iranians, to reach out to them, but also insist that we can't afford a nuclear arms race in the Middle East; our close collaboration on a whole host of issues with Russia; France's willingness to accept a Guantanamo detainee, but more broadly, to help us as we want to deal with the terrorist threat, but do so in a way that is consistent with our values and our ideals; the assistance that all NATO allies, as well as others, are providing in helping to bring about a more peaceful and democratic Afghanistan.

On all of these issues, President Sarkozy has not just cooperated, he's led. And that kind of approach I think is serving the interest of France, but it's also serving the interest of the world. And we're very grateful for that.

Obviously I also want to make mention of the extraordinary tragedy of the Air France plane that we believe may have gone down. We don't know yet what exactly happened, but it is heartbreaking obviously for the families, who the American people offer thoughts and prayers. We have already authorized all of our resources to coordinate with the French in trying to discover where the plane went down and to find as much information as possible. But our deepest condolences to the people of France, as particularly to the families involved. And we are determined to find out what happened and support France in that regard.

So with that, I think that we can take a question.

Q. Mr. President—(inaudible)—

President Obama. Apparently you're speaking without a microphone, so the translator cannot hear you. Do we have a mic anywhere?

Q. Yes, right here. Mr. President, you said yesterday that you hoped to see significant progress in the Middle East by the end of this year. What did you mean by that? And, President Sarkozy, you had a meeting earlier this week with the Iranian Foreign Minister. What message was he able to give you to pass on to the President? Thank you.

President Obama. I think all of us understand what would constitute progress when it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Progress would mean that the parties involved supported by not just the United States, not just by France, but also by other Arab states, are in serious, constructive negotiations about how to achieve a two-state solution.

I don't expect that a 60-year problem is solved overnight, but as I said before, I do expect both sides to recognize that their fates are tied together and that it is in the interests of Israel, its security interest, as well as the interest of the Palestinians, to resolve this in a peaceful way.

There are whole host of difficult questions out there. We all know what those questions are. But I believe President Sarkozy and I agree that we have to move beyond the current stalemate. Both sides are going to have obligations. I've discussed the importance of a cessation of settlement construction, but I also want to reemphasize, because that's gotten more attention than what I've also said, which is the Palestinians have to renounce violence, end incitement, improve their governance capacity so that Israelis can be confident that the Palestinians can follow through on any commitments they make across the table.

Now, I cannot impose such negotiations or, certainly, the terms of a final settlement on the parties. That's their task. President Sarkozy cannot impose peace in that region. But what we can do is to be friends to Israel, honest in our assessments of what it's going to take, hold the Palestinians accountable for their end of the bargain, and move the process forward. And we are going to try to put as much energy as we can into it. My special envoy, George Mitchell, is going to be returning to the region this week and we are going to systematically work through as many of these issues as possible.

One last point I want to emphasize: The Arab states have to be a part of this process. It's not sufficient just to point at the Palestinian problem and then say we are not going to engage, we're not going to take responsibility. They are going to have to step up as well because the Arab states not only are important politically, they're also important economically. And to the extent that they put their shoulder behind the wheel, that can move the process forward in a significant way.

President Sarkozy. It is not for me to speak for the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iran. I can tell you what I told him. I said to him, number one, that he had to take the hand stretched out by Barack Obama and set a meeting so that the group of six, the six-party talks start again; secondly, that we all were aligned if Iran wants access to civilian nuclear energy, it is entitled to that. But if it wants nuclear—military nuclear, the answer is no. And you have to understand this fair and square.

I said, if your interests are peaceful, then accept controls. We cannot accept the Iranian leader to make extremely aggressive statements on the one hand, and IAEA checks and controls not be accepted by the Iranians, and at the same time, to give them access to civilian nuclear energy.

Again, France and the United States are working hand in glove on this one. Iran is a great nation, a great civilization. We want peace, we want dialogue, and we want to help them develop. But we do not want military nuclear weapons to spread, and we are clear on that.

Q. Mr. President, there were a lot of comments in France and Germany recently on the fact that you stayed only briefly in these two countries and that you haven't spent much private time aside of the official engagements here. Does that mean that Europe is not on your priority list, diplomatic list? Or what would you have to say on the subject?

President Obama. What it means is that I have a very tough schedule. I would love nothing more than to have a leisurely week in Paris, stroll down the Seine, take my wife out to a nice meal, have a picnic in Luxembourg Gardens. Those days are over, for the moment.

And so I think it's very important to understand that good friends don't worry about the symbols and the conventions and the protocols. The United States is a critical friend and ally of France, and vice versa. I personally consider Nicolas Sarkozy a friend; I think he feels the same way. And so since I know I can always pick up the phone and talk to him, that it's not necessary for me to spend huge amounts of time other than just getting business done when I'm here.

At some point, I will be the ex-President, and then you will find me in France, I'm sure, quite a bit, having fun. I said the same thing in Germany yesterday, where they were asking, well, you know, you didn't have an overnight here, or this—I think you guys are reading too much into my schedule.

My main issue has to do with the fact that when I take these foreign trips, it's to get business done, because I also have an economy where the unemployment rate is 9.4 percent. We still have to pass financial regulations that will prevent the kind of crisis that we've seen from happening again. That all requires a lot of work and so my travel schedule is always limited.

President Sarkozy. Well, in a democracy, one has to accept all criticism and all comment. And let me tell you very sincerely, do you think that we don't have enough on our plate to do without spending time to have our pictures taken, what with the unemployment rate in France, the United States, the Western world, what with the Iranian issues? Do you think our prime concern is what glossy magazine we'll be pictured in, or what restaurant we're going to go and spend an evening in, or whether we spend an extra night here or not?

Well, what does friendship mean? Friendship means that when the United States say we're going to shut down Guantanamo, we say, well, we'll help you; we'll have some of the detainees in France. Friendship is what? It's coming back into NATO and taking two important command posts in the integrated structure. That is what friendship is all about. We need to work together to achieve results. We're not here, watch in hand, saying, “How much time did you spend with so-and-so?” I understand that you should put the question, but frankly, do you think people are just waiting to see us hand-in-hand sitting here looking into one another's eyes? Of course not.

They want us to achieve results—on Iran, on North Korea, whatever it is, but where we're in total harmony. See, I'll tell you one thing, it's very easy to work with the United States of America President.

President Obama. The President speaks quite quickly so we can get even more done.

President Sarkozy. I speak first, but you understand first.

President Obama. We'll take one last question. You got a mic over here?

Q. President Obama, the ban on headscarves and veils for young girls in French schools and President Sarkozy's position on Turkey's entry into the European Union, is this likely to hinder the new approach to Islam that you presented in Cairo two days ago?

President Obama. I think that this is a process. And what I tried to do in Cairo was to open up a conversation both in Muslim communities, but also in non-Muslim communities; both in the Middle East, but also here in the West.

And as I said in the speech, I think that freedom of religious expression is critical. That is part of our liberal tradition both in France and the United States, and that we should not have two standards for freedom of religious expression, one for Muslims and one for non-Muslims. That doesn't mean that each country isn't going to be working through these issues with its own history and its own sensitivities in mind. And I don't take responsibility for how other countries are going to approach this. I will tell you that in the United States our basic attitude is, is that we're not going to tell people what to wear. If, in their exercise of religion, they are impeding somebody else's rights, that's something that we would obviously be concerned about.

But my general view is, is that the most effective way to integrate people of all faiths is to not try to suppress their customs or traditions; rather to open up opportunities and give them a chance for full participation in the life of their country.

With respect to Turkey, President Sarkozy and I have discussed this before. I am not a member of the EU—the United States is not a member of the EU, and so we can't dictate the terms of which any country enters into the EU.

I do think that Turkey is a enormously important ally in NATO. They're helping us in Afghanistan, in that critical effort. They have a growing economy. They are interested in further integration with Europe. And I would encourage that. So I've said publicly that I think Turkish membership in the EU would be important.

Now, President Sarkozy, as an actual member of the EU, has a different view. But I think it's very important to note that he strongly supports the work that Turkey is doing in NATO. I believe that he's interested in further economic integration. And what the United States wants to do is just to continue to encourage discussions and talks and a process whereby Turkey can feel confident that it has a friendship with France, with the United States, with all of Europe, and that it—to the extent that it's defining itself as part of Europe, that it has an opportunity to be a part. But, again, that's something that's going to have to move forward not based on what the United States says, but rather a dialogue between the European Union members and Turkey.

In all of this, I think Europe and France has a critical role to play, just as the United States does, in sending a message to Muslims around the world that we welcome and want their participation in a world community that is peaceful, that is prosperous, that is economically integrated, that is developing on behalf of all people and not just some people.

And in both France and in the United States, we have enormous Muslim populations. So as I said in the Cairo speech, there's no contradiction between America and Islam because we have Muslim Americans who actually have higher education and income averages than is the average in the United States. That's a testament to the degree to which they've been able to succeed, thrive, remain true to their religion, and be full-fledged, patriotic Americans. And that kind of approach I think is the one that you want, as opposed to an approach that increases tensions both within our borders and outside of our borders.

Q. Does the U.S. press have equal time—

President Obama. That was a very self-serving—

President Sarkozy. Perhaps I could just say a few words on this. First of all, I thought that President Obama's speech was a remarkable speech. We have long been awaiting to hear the United States of America, the world's number one power, shouldering its full share of responsibility in avoiding the clash of cultures and civilizations between East and West. And I totally agree with what President Obama said, including on headscarves and veils.

But let me simply say two things. In France, any young girl, any girl who wishes to wear a veil or a headscarf may do so, it's her free choice to do so. We simply set two limits because we are a secular state; that is that civil servants who are actually on duty must not have—must not show any sign of their religious belief, be they Jewish, Orthodox, Muslim, Protestant, Catholic, you name it. That's what we call a totally impartial, secular administration. In other words, when on duty at the actual counters where they work, there must be no visible sign of whatever religion they belong to. Secondly, the fact that young girls may choose to wear a veil or a headscarf is not a problem as long as they have actually chosen to do so, as opposed to this being imposed upon them, be it by their families or by their environment.

In a country like France, where everyone can live according to their convictions and beliefs, we respect the individual, we respect women, we respect the family. I've also done a lot when I was home secretary, minister of the interior, to ensure that the Muslim community in France could practice their religion and their creed like any other—any other religion or creed in France. Now, you belong to a newspaper I have a lot of respect for, which called for its readers to vote in the presidential election for my adversary and not for me. What would you say to justify this? You said, “Well, be careful, President Sarkozy is going to align us too much with the United States of America.” And two yeas later what are you telling me? You're telling me “There's one subject on which President Obama and President Sarkozy don't agree,” that should reassure you—you should be happy about that now.

Of course we agree, we concur on the ultimate objective. What is President Obama's objective? What is mine ultimately? It is that Turkey may play its full part, its essential role as a bridge between East and West. That is an essential role. Where there is a difference it's how to go about doing this. The traditional position of the United States of America is the integration of Turkey. This was President Bush's position, President Clinton's position, the position of all United States Presidents. Mine you are familiar with: It is not integration into the European Union, not accession into the European Union. But I did suggest that we Europeans, together with the Russians and together with the Turks, think about having a common economic and security area. We have no divergence as to the objective we're seeking to achieve, simply the way of going about it.

Turkey, the objective is Turkey play its role as a bridge between East and West. I said to President Obama I think it's important that Europe has borders, have frontiers, because that is a stabilizing factor. And I cannot allow that stabilizing factor in the world to be undermined. That doesn't mean that we have to push back Turkey into the darkness. Turkey is a strong ally. Turkey is a bridge between different worlds. The only issue is how to go about achieving this. That's what we talked about.

So let us have at least one point on which we are not totally in agreement, and that will give us time to think about future elections.

Q. A question for both Presidents, please. On Iran and North Korea, what has the current policy—which is largely the same as the ones of recent years—produced other than given time to North Korea and Iran to advance their nuclear ambitions? Thank you.

President Obama. Well, I think it's important to distinguish between the two countries and what they've been doing of late.

North Korea's actions over the last several months have been extraordinarily provocative and they have made no bones about the fact that they are testing nuclear weapons, testing missiles that potentially would have intercontinental capacity. And, in fact, we are not intending to continue a policy of rewarding provocation. The parties that are involved in the six-party talks we have contacted; they issued very clear statements and are now in the process of working on a very clear resolution condemning North Korea's actions. You haven't seen China and Russia respond as forcefully in the past on these issues, because I think there's an indication that they recognize how destabilizing North Korea's actions have been.

My preference is always to use a diplomatic approach. But diplomacy has to involve the other side engaging in a serious way in trying to solve problems. And we have not seen that kind of reaction from North Korea. So we will continue to consult with our allies. We'll continue to consult with all the parties who previously have been involved in the six-party talks. But we are going to take a very hard look at how we move forward on these issues, and I don't think that there should be an assumption that we will simply continue down a path in which North Korea is constantly destabilizing the region and we just react in the same ways by, after they've done these things for a while, then we reward them.

Now, with respect to Iran, I've made very clear that we are not taking the same position—and I'm curious that you would suggest that we're taking the same approach when I'm spending an awful lot of time back home answering people who are concerned that what we're doing is too radical. We are breaking significantly from past approaches and we are saying we are willing to have direct negotiations with the Iranians on a whole range of issues without preconditions, in an atmosphere of mutual respect and resolve.

Like President Sarkozy, my view is that Iran's possession of a nuclear weapon would be profoundly dangerous—not just to the United States, not just to Israel, but to the entire region and, over time, the entire world. Because there's no possibility that Iran gets a nuclear weapon in which you don't see a whole host of countries in the Middle East decide “We've got to go for it as well.”

This is part of the reason, by the way, when it comes to North Korea and Iran that I've said it's not sufficient for the United States or France or other members of the nuclear club simply to say “All of you have to stop, but we're not going to do anything to change ourselves.”

I gave a speech in Prague in which I said all of us have responsibilities; that I am going to be traveling to Moscow for a summit to restart significant arms—nuclear arms reduction negotiation with the Russians; that I want to reinvigorate our nonproliferation treaty. I think we should create a stable consensus in which countries who want peaceful—nuclear power for peaceful civilian use are able to do so, and that our goal collectively is to eliminate proliferation, lock down loose nuclear materials that are out there, negotiate a whole series of treaties that lower the temperature, and ultimately make nuclear weapons obsolete.

Now, that's not going to happen in my time, my lifetime; it won't happen in President Sarkozy's lifetime. But if we start moving on that pathway and other countries can look and say the United States is not just talking the talk, but it's walking the walk, then I think that will indicate to the Iranians, for example, that the goal here is not to single them out per se—it's to suggest that this is dangerous for everybody, including them. Their security interests will not be served by possession of a nuclear weapon.

The last point I'd make on Iran, the Supreme Leader has said “We don't want nuclear weapons; that's not what we're pursuing.” I'm happy to hope that that's true, but in international relations I can't just base things on hope, especially when you see actions to the contrary.

One of my famous predecessors, Ronald Reagan, I think said it pretty well when he said, “Trust, but verify.” And we're not even to the point yet where we're having those conversations with the Iranians. But ultimately, if in fact Iran does not seek nuclear weapons, then it shouldn't be that hard for us to have a series of negotiations in which the international community feels that confidence, and in which Iran then is able to enjoy a whole host of economic and political benefits and gain much greater legitimacy in all of its other endeavors.

President Sarkozy. Okay. Merci.

President Obama. Thank you, everybody.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Ahmet Davutoglu delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good afternoon. Minister Davutoglu and I just had a very productive, broad-ranging, comprehensive discussion. And it is a great privilege to welcome him here to the State Department within the very first weeks of his having been appointed foreign minister. Of course, I was very honored to have gone to Turkey very early in my term as Secretary of State, and President Obama had a wonderful visit to Turkey.

And all of that is to confirm the strength and importance of our partnership and alliance. We have a lot of work to do together. Turkey, the United States, and the entire global community certainly face a great number of challenges, but we also see opportunities. So our message coming out of the meeting today and our prior meetings is that we're going to deepen and strengthen our cooperation on an ongoing basis, because we believe that both Turkey and the United States have unique roles to play.

Now, we obviously already collaborate. Not only are we both members of NATO, but we are working with the G-20 to respond to the global economic crisis, we're exploring ways to enhance our trade and commerce between our two countries, we're working to develop new energy sources, including resources from the Caucasus and Central Asia. We're partners in the fight against global terrorism. We share the goal of a stable Pakistan and Afghanistan, and to deny al-Qaida safe haven that can threaten our countries and many others. We support Turkey in its fight against the terrorist activities of the PKK, which has been a very important cooperation.

And I underscored again today the United States' strong support for Turkey's bid to become a member of the European Union. Turkey has made significant progress toward membership. It's been in a process of reform that is generated by its own internal decisions but which has certainly responded to many of the concerns regarding the strength of the bid that Turkey had. And so we applaud what Turkey has already done and pledge our efforts to continue working with Turkey.

And so we ranged across a broad number of issues, and I want to just make a special note. As President Obama said yesterday in Cairo, the United States is committed to broad engagement with Muslims everywhere across the globe based on mutual interests and mutual respect. We believe strongly in the freedom of religion and expression, in vibrant civil societies, and we know that those are values that Turkey shares.

And I want to thank the minister and his government for the role that Turkey plays as a force for peace and stability. This is important, and it's already been demonstrated in the work that Turkey has done for a number of years and continues with respect to comprehensive peace in the Middle East. And we are strongly supportive of the Turkish efforts to normalize relations with Armenia, and we are also very strongly supportive of the efforts to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

We discussed Cyprus, which is an issue that the President also addressed when he was in Turkey in April. The two Cypriot leaders have an opportunity through their commitment to negotiations under the United Nations Good Offices Missions, and the United States is willing to help the parties. We want to work toward a settlement that reunifies Cyprus into a bi-zonal and bi-communal federation.

We discussed many, many concerns, and I'm just grateful for the commitment by the minister and by his government to play an active role in our dynamic world. Our relationship is not just about security; it is about seizing these opportunities, and I look forward to working with you.

Foreign Minister Davutoglu. Thank you very much, Secretary Clinton. It's a great honor and pleasure for me to meet with Secretary Clinton today in a very historic time after the speech of President Obama yesterday and the new commitment of United States for regional and global peace everywhere. We know of her wisdom, her approach, and we always appreciate and admire her approach to all the issues regarding to our bilateral, regional, and global issues.

Basically, the purpose of my visit was to follow up her historic visit to Turkey immediately after the new Administration in March and President Obama's historic visit in April. So these historic visits showed the strength of our bilateral relations. So I came here in my first month of my duty in this—as minister to follow up all the contents, all the issues regarding our relations. We had a very constructive meeting. I am grateful for that. And we went through all the issues regarding the depth and scope of our agenda. We decided to have a much more broader comprehensive approach in our bilateral relations, not only security issues but economy, energy security, cultural issues. Also on the main regional issues like Middle East, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Caucasia, (inaudible) and all the relevant issues we have as common agenda we went through. And I am very happy to see that we have very identical, similar approaches to many of these issues.

On global affairs also, we agreed together that our cooperation should not be limited only by regional efforts, but there is a big potential between Turkey and the United States to work together on global issues like relations between civilizations, Alliance of Civilizations, like G-20 and economic—the situation after economic crisis, like our cooperation in United Nations Security Council. As you know, Turkey took over the presidency a few days ago. And I was in New York yesterday for the first formal meeting of UN Security Council.

As Turkey—as minister of foreign affairs of Turkey, and as the Government of Turkey, we are ready to cooperate with the United States in all these significant issues for achieving regional and global peace. That is our contribution to the (inaudible). Thank you very much.

Secretary Clinton. Very well said, Minister.

Q. This is Umit Enginsoy with Turkish NTV television. Madame Secretary, since the release in April of Turkish, Armenian, and Swiss statements about joint intention for normalization of ties, have you observed any progress toward that end, and also toward resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem? And are you hopeful that these could be resolved in the not-too-distant future? Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, I have been very encouraged by the progress that has been made and by the commitment of the governments involved. Certainly, Turkey and Armenia, with the assistance of the Swiss Government, have committed themselves to a process of normalization. We're well aware that this is difficult. It requires patience and perseverance. But we have seen no flagging of commitment.

The minister and I discussed this at length. He brought me up to date on developments. And we are continuing to encourage the parties to proceed on the path which they themselves have set. We are supportive, but it is up to the Turkish and Armenian governments and people to realize the great opportunity this poses. The normalization of relations not only continues what I have seen from the Turkish Government, which is a desire to actually solve problems, and I applaud that, but we think it will bring great benefits to the region.

Similarly, with the ongoing negotiations over Nagorno-Karabakh, the Government of Azerbaijan and of Armenia are proceeding and working together. They were just in a recent meeting in St. Petersburg. So we believe that a lot of progress has been made in a relatively short period of time to resolve issues that are of long standing.

What's important is the commitment to get to a point of resolution of these conflicts, and I see that commitment. Now are there problems along the way? Of course. There is in any difficult undertaking. But I do not doubt the commitment, and I certainly appreciate the very strong position that the Turkish Government has taken. And perhaps, Minister, you would like to add to that?

Foreign Minister Davutoglu. I would like to express also my thanks to Secretary Clinton because of her personal and American Government's support for these two processes. We are very optimistic. We want to achieve a prosperous, peaceful Caucasia. And in that sense, we are fully committed to our normalization process with Armenia, and also, we are fully committed and we are ready to work together with United States and other co-chairs of Minsk Group for the resolution of Armenian-Azeri issues.

And I was very impressed and I want to repeat my thanks for the commitment of Madame Secretary Clinton in this sense, and we will be working together. There is a strong will politically by Turkish side to continue all the efforts to achieve our common goal of creating a prosperous, peaceful Caucasia together.

Mr. Wood. Next question will be from Arshad Mohammed of Reuters.

Q. Secretary Clinton, how seriously is the United States considering imposing either multilateral or unilateral financial sanctions on North Korea and its banks? And what makes you confident that such a step wouldn't be counterproductive? When the sanctions were imposed on BDA, it essentially froze the process for months on end until the United States effectively removed them and returned the money.

And a small—well, a separate thing, maybe not small. Dov Weissglas, the former Israeli chief of staff to former Prime Minister Sharon, argues publicly this week that Israel had understandings with the Bush Administration, under which it was permitted to continue so-called natural growth under the Roadmap, that it could continue building within the construction line. Do you believe that there were such understandings or agreements between Israel and the Bush Administration? Do you feel bound by them?

Secretary Clinton. Well, Arshad, let me start with North Korea. As you know, the United States is working very hard in the Security Council, now chaired by Turkey, to come up with a resolution that would represent the will of the international community with respect to North Korea's actions that are viewed with considerable concern on the part of not just the United States or South Korea or Japan, but also China, Russia, and many other countries internationally.

We've made considerable progress in devising the kinds of actions that would represent consequences imposed upon the North Koreans by the international community. I have personally spoken with a number of the foreign ministers, our ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice and her team are involved on a hour-by-hour basis, because we want to come up with the strongest possible resolution.

And I think we've learned a lesson. One of the lessons we've learned is that with the North Koreans, it's never over till it's over, that if there are effective sanctions that we believe can be imposed, an arms embargo and other steps to be taken, we need to see real results. We, along with other neighbors in Northeast Asia as well as the international community, stand ready to resume negotiations with the North Koreans over their nuclear program. Our goal remains to have a denuclearized Korean Peninsula. So I am quite heartened by the progress that we're seeing in the United Nation Security Council. And when we believe we've gotten the strongest possible resolution we can get, we will table it and then proceed.

With respect to the conditions regarding understandings between the United States and the former Israeli government and the former government of the United States, we have the negotiating record. That is the official record that was turned over to the Obama Administration by the outgoing Bush Administration. There is no memorialization of any informal and oral agreements. If they did occur, which, of course, people say they did, they did not become part of the official position of the United States Government. And there are contrary documents that suggest that they were not to be viewed as in any way contradicting the obligations that Israel undertook pursuant to the Roadmap. And those obligations are very clear.

Q. Foreign Minister Davutoglu, how do you evaluate President Obama's speech to the Muslim world in Cairo? And Secretary Clinton, after President Obama's visit to Turkey, what is the state of Turkish-American relations?

Foreign Minister Davutoglu. Thank you very much. President Obama's speech yesterday in Cairo is a speech of wisdom, a speech of vision, and a speech of peace. And we share the insight with Secretary Clinton as well. We share this vision and we are ready to cooperate. I am sure you remember President Obama's visit and his speech in Turkish parliament. And when you look at the substance of two speeches, you can see an integrated approach, the continuation and follow-up of many issues that are very important principles for regional issues as well as global order in general. And it is a good message, clear message to the Muslim world that the future relations between the United States and the Muslim world, as well as between different cultures will be bright, based on a mutual understanding of coexistence, living together, sharing all human values in all fronts. And therefore, we share that vision and we will continue to work to realize this vision as a program and project together.

Secretary Clinton. Well, I appreciate the minister's perceptive remarks about President Obama's speech yesterday. Clearly, the President is laying out a vision, and it is a vision that invites all people of good faith to come together, to work together, to recognize that we may have differences of experience, differences of background, of religion and race, but that we are all part of common humanity. And we have an opportunity in the 21st century to work toward realizing that vision. And I applaud the Turkish Government for taking a practical, hands-on approach to solving problems, to clear away the obstacles that prevent people from living up to their own God-given potential, of countries breaking the bounds of the past so that they can have a better future.

And I think the relationship between Turkey and the United States is extremely strong. We have a durable bond that goes back many decades, but we're exploring new ways of expanding and deepening that strong relationship. And that was the purpose of our meeting today is to begin to look at how we can take our shared vision of what Turkey and the United States can do to further humanity's quest for peace and prosperity and progress, recognizing and respecting our legitimate differences of culture and religion, but making it clear that we're going to share this increasingly interdependent world. And we can either have positive or negative interdependence. And Turkey and the United States believe in a positive future.

So I could not be happier and more optimistic about the relationships and what we together can do for the future.

Thank you all very much.

Foreign Minister Davutoglu. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Péter Balázs delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good afternoon. It's a great pleasure to be here today with Foreign Minister Balázs. We just concluded an excellent bilateral meeting.

I wanted to just put our relationship into a bit of a historical context. It was 20 years ago this month that Hungarians began taking down the barbed wire along their country's border with Austria. In the years since, the United States and Hungary have forged an alliance based on common principles and common purposes.

Today, we discussed some of the most important issues on our shared agenda: our mutual defense guarantees as NATO allies, our efforts to work together on everything from economic challenges to Afghanistan, and our determination to stand up for tolerance and human rights. Law enforcement is another important area where we are working together.

In a moment, the foreign minister and I will sign the Protocols of Exchange of Instruments of Ratification for the 2005 U.S.-Hungary Mutual Legal Assistance Protocols and the U.S.-Hungary Extradition Treaty. We expect these protocols will enter into force shortly after related agreements between the United States and the European Union take effect. And these twin agreements will give our police and prosecutors in both countries state-of-the-art tools to cooperate more effectively in bringing criminals to justice on both sides of the Atlantic. They form part of a network of similar agreements that the United States has reached with all the countries of the European Union.

But these agreements, as important as they are, represent one small facet of the relationship that the United States enjoys with Hungary. I look forward to working with the foreign minister as we tackle problems from European security to the Balkans, from human rights in our countries and beyond, to a real sense of working together for a more peaceful, prosperous future.

And we thank you very much for your work and for representing your new government here today.

Foreign Minister Balázs. Thank you, Madame. We had, in fact, a very interesting, multifold exchange of views. I had the honor to reconfirm that Hungary, with its new government which is in place since two months now, is a reliable and responsible ally of the United States. We are both members of NATO, and Hungary is making real efforts to play a role in Kosovo, in Afghanistan, and in other crisis areas of the world. In Afghanistan, in the Baghlan district, we are working together with the Ohio National Guard, and this cooperation is really fruitful.

We have exchanged our views about various areas like the neighbors of the EU with a special regard to the Western Balkan area on the one hand, and Russia and other Eastern neighbors on the other. Hungary has got some historical experience in the Balkan region, and we may continue to the common efforts in stabilizing that region.

Apart from this, Hungary, deeply in the heart of the European continent, has seven continental neighbors, which is a special situation. Germany has nine. But we are making big efforts in improving our relations with all the seven neighbors and coming to an end with the historical reconciliation processes, facilitated by our EU membership. Of course, I informed Secretary Clinton about the efforts and the results of the Hungarian Government in managing the economic crisis, reestablishing confidence in our foreign partners and the ambassadors, and I have brought some good news about the positive reactions of the economy improving the exchange rate of the national currency and growing foreign investments in Hungary, including the Mercedes factory, which is going to be built in the center of Hungary.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you.

Moderator. The Secretary of State and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Hungary are signing these two agreements. The first is the Hungary Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty, and the second is the U.S.-Hungary Extradition Treaty.

(The instruments of ratification are signed.)

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

President Barack Obama and President Silvio Berlusconi delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. Good evening, everybody. Buona sera. I want to welcome Prime Minister Berlusconi here. He has proved to be a great friend of the United States. And he and I got to know each other at the G20 summit. We are now in the process of planning the G8 summit that Italy will be hosting. We emphasized the strong, historic ties between the United States and Italy. Our bilateral relationship has been marked by cooperation across the board. And I am extremely grateful for his friendship.

Just a couple of things that we specifically discussed. First of all, I thanked the Prime Minister for his support of our policy of closing Guantanamo. This is not just talk. Italy has agreed to accept three specific detainees, and has also been part of the leadership in Europe that today announced a framework in which European nations can accept detainees. And that was something that I was very appreciative of. It will give us an opportunity to create a lasting and durable international legal framework for dealing with terrorism that I think is very important on both sides of the Atlantic.

We discussed Afghanistan and Pakistan, where Italy has been a critical part of the coalition that is trying to assist Afghanistan in stabilizing itself and ensuring that it's not a safe haven for terrorism. We had an extensive discussion about my interest in pursuing nonproliferation as an important agenda for all people. And given that I'll be visiting Russia before I visit Italy for the G8, Prime Minister Berlusconi, who has strong relationships with the Russians, was able to offer some insight in terms of how to approach reductions in nuclear arsenals. And that hopefully is going to be a topic at the G8 summit, as well.

And in addition to discussing the general situation in the world economy, which obviously will be a central topic of the G8, we also discussed specifically the issue of food security and how G8 nations can assist people who are in most desperate poverty to ensure that they're not slipping into hunger and further poverty. And that is going to be a major topic of the G8 summit. And so I'm very appreciative of the leadership that Prime Minister Berlusconi has shown on that front.

So overall I am very grateful to Prime Minister Berlusconi's leadership, his consistent friendship towards the United States. We have some of the strongest bilateral relations in the world. I am confident that that will continue as long as both of us are occupying our positions.

And so thank you very much for taking the time to visit.

Prime Minister Berlusconi. First of all, I would like to thank President Obama for his welcome and for the possibility offered us to provide our perspective, our opinions on many of the most difficult and hardest issues at the international level. And we've discussed, as he already briefed you, many of the issues and the topics, and we went through in a detailed manner the three days of the G8 summit. We want this G8 to reach concrete solutions. And we want to reach concrete solutions on many extremely important issues.

Clearly, the first issue is the world economy, the economic crisis and how to get out of this crisis. And we also discussed the work that our ministers of economy are carrying out right now to try and develop a body of principles and to prevent similar situations from happening, similar situations to the one we are experiencing right now.

We both agreed on the fact that the G8 will certainly not be able to produce this body of rules, but this is going to be just one of the steps leading to that drafting of rules. There will be then the G20 summit in Pittsburgh, which will work on it, but the hope is to finally reach a body of rules which can be shared by everybody which—which are not going to affect or hinder the free expansion of the economy and trade.

And we discussed two important issues. One of them, which will be discussed in L'Aquila as well, is food security, as President Obama has already said. We hope that the countries there will make concrete efforts and concrete proposals. The United States has already promised to increase the aid to other countries and they're going to make in the next three years huge amounts of money available. We try and will push the other countries in the G8, trying to persuade them to do the same.

And another important issue is that of climate change. And another important achievement we are aiming at is to reduce CO2 emissions—something, however, which has to be contributed to by all countries and not only a limited number of them. And since the Doha Round has reached a stop, we hope that by inviting Lamy, who is the director of the WTO, to attend the G8 summit, that we can try and give another push to the Doha Round, hoping to achieve positive results.

Probably what I forgot to mention up to now is that the meeting in L'Aquila is not going to be confined to the G8 countries. The next day, the second day, will be G8-plus-6. The major economies of the world will be there; India, China, South Africa, Mexico, Brazil, and Egypt will attend the second day of meetings. There will be the major economies forum with the participation of South Korea, Indonesia, and Australia, and then there is another meeting which will be attended also by the Netherlands, Spain, and Denmark—and we are going to have before all of these meetings together.

The dinner will be attended also by the representatives of the main international organizations. And the third day, we are going to have the President of the African Union, the representatives of the main African organizations, together with the representatives of some of the main African countries. We are going to discuss the development of this continent and the issue of hunger in that area.

And I can't but thank President Obama and express my warmest felt appreciation to him for—and this position is coming from a person that's been long enough in international politics to chair for the third time the G8 summit; the first one was in the 1994; the second one in 2001; and now the third one—I want to express my appreciation for his deep knowledge and precision and accuracy with which he discusses all of the issues.

And the positions that he expresses are not only innovative positions looking at a different future, but they're always very concrete and absolutely based on common sense. And it is extremely comforting and a pleasure to see that the destiny of the biggest democracy in the world is in very good hands.

President Obama. I hope my staff all caught that. Gibbs, write that down.

Let me call on a couple people. Steve Thomma, McClatchy. There you are.

Q. Mr. President, on Iran, does the disputed election results affect—there's been violence in the street—in any way change your willingness to meet with Mr. Ahmadinejad without preconditions? And also, do you have anything to say, any message to send to people who are on the streets protesting, who believe their votes were stolen and who are being attacked violently?

President Obama. Obviously all of us have been watching the news from Iran. And I want to start off by being very clear that it is up to Iranians to make decisions about who Iran's leaders will be; that we respect Iranian sovereignty and want to avoid the United States being the issue inside of Iran, which sometimes the United States can be a handy political football—or discussions with the United States.

Having said all that, I am deeply troubled by the violence that I've been seeing on television. I think that the democratic process—free speech, the ability of people to peacefully dissent—all those are universal values and need to be respected. And whenever I see violence perpetrated on people who are peacefully dissenting, and whenever the American people see that, I think they're, rightfully, troubled.

My understanding is, is that the Iranian government says that they are going to look into irregularities that have taken place. We weren't on the ground, we did not have observers there, we did not have international observers on hand, so I can't state definitively one way or another what happened with respect to the election. But what I can say is that there appears to be a sense on the part of people who were so hopeful and so engaged and so committed to democracy who now feel betrayed. And I think it's important that, moving forward, whatever investigations take place are done in a way that is not resulting in bloodshed and is not resulting in people being stifled in expressing their views.

Now, with respect to the United States and our interactions with Iran, I've always believed that as odious as I consider some of President Ahmadinejad's statements, as deep as the differences that exist between the United States and Iran on a range of core issues, that the use of tough, hard-headed diplomacy—diplomacy with no illusions about Iran and the nature of the differences between our two countries—is critical when it comes to pursuing a core set of our national security interests, specifically, making sure that we are not seeing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East triggered by Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon; making sure that Iran is not exporting terrorist activity. Those are core interests not just to the United States but I think to a peaceful world in general.

We will continue to pursue a tough, direct dialogue between our two countries, and we'll see where it takes us. But even as we do so, I think it would be wrong for me to be silent about what we've seen on the television over the last few days. And what I would say to those people who put so much hope and energy and optimism into the political process, I would say to them that the world is watching and inspired by their participation, regardless of what the ultimate outcome of the election was. And they should know that the world is watching.

And particularly to the youth of Iran, I want them to know that we in the United States do not want to make any decisions for the Iranians, but we do believe that the Iranian people and their voices should be heard and respected.

Prime Minister Berlusconi. ANSA.

Q. President Obama, after this meeting with Prime Minister Berlusconi, what do you expect, in concrete terms, from the relationship between United States and Italy? And to Prime Minister Berlusconi, you had very strong relations with President George W. Bush. Do you expect and do you hope to build the same type of relations with President Obama, as well?

Prime Minister Berlusconi. I took an oath of gratitude towards United States, which gave me freedom and which gave my country dignity after World War II. So I'm here to cooperate with the President of the United States. I'm here to cooperate with President Obama, as I cooperated with President Clinton and as I did with President Bush.

So if I can express a hope, I really hope we can build a direct and friendly relationship with President Obama. I would be more than happy to do so. And facts will tell.

But anyway, I think we had a good start.

President Obama. Absolutely. We've had a very good start. What I expect from the Prime Minister is an honest, frank sharing of views and a recognition that the United States and Italy share common values, common interests. Our economies have very strong commercial ties. And if we're acting on those mutual interests, then I have no doubt that we'll continue to see strong cooperation.

As I said before, Prime Minister Berlusconi's assistance on our efforts to close Guantanamo is very important to us. I have to say, by the way, that Bermuda has done us a great service, as well, on that front, and I'm grateful to them.

When it comes to Afghanistan and Pakistan, we are part of the same coalition that wants to make sure that the Afghan government is able and strong to sustain development for the Afghan people, but also to make sure that they're not serving as a safe haven for extremists.

When it comes to the world economy, I think all of us have an interest in improving the kinds of financial regulations that will prevent the kinds of crises that we saw happening most recently.

So, across the board, I think we have a host of common interests. In addition to liking Prime Minister Berlusconi personally, our peoples like each other and recognize that we have shared interests. And that, I think, will make the path for continued cooperation that much easier.

I must say, my answers sound very elegant in Italian.

Steve Collinson.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. Of the conditions that Prime Minister Netanyahu laid out yesterday for a Palestinian state, the basis for negotiation, do you think they will likely prove a stumbling block, given the broadly negative reaction from the Arab states and the Palestinians?

President Obama. Well, first of all, I think it's important not to immediately assess the situation based on commentary the day after a speech. I think any time an Israeli Prime Minister makes a statement, the immediate reaction tends to be negative on one side. If the other side is making a statement, oftentimes the reaction is negative in Israel.

Overall, I thought that there was positive movement in the Prime Minister's speech. He acknowledged the need for two states. There were a lot of conditions, and obviously working through the conditions on Israel's side for security, as well as the Palestinian side for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the capacity to have a functioning, prosperous state, that's exactly what negotiations are supposed to be about. But what we're seeing is at least the possibility that we can restart serious talks.

Now, I've been very clear that, from the United States' perspective, Israel's security is non-negotiable. We will stand behind their defense. I've also made very clear that both sides are going to have to move in some politically difficult ways in order to achieve what is going to be in the long-term interests of the Israelis and the Palestinians and the international community.

On the Israeli side, that means a cessation of settlements. And there is a tendency to try to parse exactly what this means, but I think the parties on the ground understand that if you have a continuation of settlements that, in past agreements, have been categorized as illegal, that's going to be an impediment to progress. On the Palestinian side, whether it's the Palestinian Authority or other groups like Hamas that claim to speak for the Palestinians, a recognition of the Quartet principles, ensuring that there's a recognition of Israel's right to exist, making sure that past agreements are abided to, that there's an end to incitement against Israel and an end to violence against Israel. Those are necessary pillars of any serious agreement that's to be reached.

And those pillars have to be supported by the Arab states, because Israel's security concerns extend beyond simply the Palestinian Territories; they extend to concerns that they have in a whole host of neighbors where there's perceived and often real hostility towards Israel's security. So I'm glad that Prime Minister Netanyahu made the speech. The United States will continue to try to be as honest as possible to all sides in this dispute to indicate the degree to which it's in everybody's interests to move in a new direction. And I think it can be accomplished, but it's going to require a lot of work and a partnership with key countries like Italy in order to help the parties come together and recognize their own interests.