Spalek's new work is a timely contribution to the criminological and victims and victimology literature. The book delivers on the subtitle: theory, policy and practice, providing an in-depth overview and critique of each area. Here is redress to what is seen by many as an unbalanced focus in criminology on criminals and their place in the criminal justice system. Using primarily British research sources, but with excellent cross-national examples, the author provides the reader with an overview of the state of the art in victim theory, policy and practice and how the research community has responded.

I read two challenges presented by the author. The first is the demand of the research community to justify the narrow focus on victims’ research to date. Spalek not only provides an overview of the limited research on victims in the literature, but also clearly presents the many neglected areas and opportunities of victimology research. Second, we see an overview of policy formation whereby victim policy implementation is generally disconnected from research outcomes, and in fact it is emphasised that there is little research on existing policy on victims in the justice system. Not mentioned in the title, the work is a critique of both the existing research and, importantly, the research community.

Each chapter subtitle is presented to show how its topic is closely woven into the topics of other chapters. For example, we read the chapter on theoretical perspectives and see how they are wonderfully connected to the research agendas conducive to each perspective, and are given an analysis of the politicisation of theory in presenting policy outcomes. Not enough, the author then goes on to outline the weaknesses of each theory as it presents itself in policy and practice.

Mainstream victimology and research excludes large arenas of important research-based information needs. Like the larger criminological enterprise, the state of the art of victimology centres on violent individual-to-individual crimes, individuals harmed by events and subsequent justice responses. Spalek clearly points out, if not exhorts the research and policy community, that what is taking place is a denial of both the diversity of types of victims, and a usurpation of the definition of victim to serve state, and other research funders’ needs.

Presented early in the book is an overview of differing, often competing, conceptualisations of ‘victims’ and ‘victimhood’ as terms captured by various political agendas and constructed as ideal types without adequate research to substantiate them. The author notes this process is coupled with either unchallenged or denied representations of race, ethnicity, gender, and faith communities. Spalek argues, convincingly in the opinion of this reader, that much of the research on policy formulation and practice is guided, if not driven, by political ends.

Further into the text is a discussion of types and typologies of victims. These range from the assumptions as mentioned above of the victim as one subjected to the violence of an individual criminal, to a denial of individual victims of hatreds and injustices imposed because of faith–community membership. The author recognises the inability of policy and practise to see the victim as a sociological entity, such as women minorities subjected to the daily despondency of ‘spirit injury’ and white collar crime victims.

But even victims recognised as such are subjected to a moral pecking order of positioning them as more or less deserving. The author argues that the social valuation of victims is buttressed by media coverage and further imposed by various groups competing on the stage of social conscience for a privileged position as victim. The state then takes these valuations and entrenches them as social policy in victims’ rights legislation.

Legislation as policy and practise is not to be let alone in this book. Drawing upon his own research, Spalek presents the ambiguous recognition of victims from white collar crimes along with a valuation of such victims as lesser deserving of public sentiment and subsequent legal and moral support.

Also, victims’ rights legislation cannot recognise the profound impact of racism and sexism on ‘indirect victims’. Black women, who have not been subjected to direct racially motivated physical violence but experience lived racism, are nonetheless victims who suffer daily and profoundly. The on-going victimisation of religious groups - Spalek uses the example of the daily lives of post 9/11 Muslims - is either ignored or usurped into the category of ethnicity. Such conceptual blinders limit the ability of policy makers and legislators to consider comprehensive victims’ services that address and redress such victimisation.

This book is important to criminological research, policy and legislation audiences. It demands that we look critically at the many concepts of victim and victimhood, how research is steered by these concepts, and how victimhood is an integral part of the political agenda of policy and policy makers.

Last but not least, this book is invaluable to any graduate student in criminology by outlining a wealth of topics on victim research and victimology that need a research agenda along with excellent references on the latest in such research.