Preschools in Three Cultures Revisited is a rich ethnographic sequel to a previous work exploring factors that influence change and continuity in pedagogy and curriculum. This book's distinguishing feature is the comparison of extensive current data to an earlier study (Preschool in Three Cultures: Japan, China, and the United States [New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989]). The unique methodology used to compare the two time frames makes it possible to unfold the process of change and continuity in these three cultures over two decades. The authors use “video-cued multi-vocal diachronic ethnography,” which is designed to elicit high-level dialogue and reflection. They display carefully selected video clips to multiple-level focus groups, comparing input and reflection from the educators interviewed two decades ago to current educators in the three countries. Through this approach, the authors are able to generate rich information that reveals the important cultural, historical, political, and global influences on pedagogy and practice in early childhood classrooms, revealing each country's unique educational direction, pace, and cultural logic.

The authors argue that, theoretically, as these countries become more connected economically, socially, and with freer exchange of ideas, it should be expected that each would modify its educational system to create citizens with flexibility, critical thinking, and skill sets to thrive in an increasingly globalized world. They hypothesized that each country would be willing to incorporate similar progressive changes, thus increasing common goals and systems in the preschool institutions among all three. There is some evidence for this, as China, over the past two decades, has adapted its previously skills-based education system to a more constructivist approach commonly found in the United States, focusing on child-initiated rather than teacher-directed activities. The authors describe story time in a Chinese classroom, where the teachers who traditionally read stories to students now allow the children to become the story creators and tellers, “not only show[ing] respect for children, but also foster[ing] children's thinking” (p. 66). In contrast, the United States, which previously focused on child-initiated approaches, started to incorporate more teacher-driven and skills-based instruction in publicly funded early childhood programs focusing on academic readiness. These examples show that in some ways, national educational systems are integrating aspects of other systems to compensate for seeming deficiencies in their own practices, leading to increasingly similar and hybridized educational models.

However, the main and most interesting claim is in opposition to the idea that global/economic forces are predominant in shaping each country's pedagogy. Instead of using preschool as an idea for producing competitive global citizens, the authors view it as perpetuating cultural expectations through unique traditions in classroom practice—in other words, “culture act[s] as a source of continuity and as a brake on the impacts of globalization, rationalization, and economic change” (pp. 224–25). Thus, culture serves to continue internal and traditional approaches in educational systems, resisting changes from external forces. For example, even as China's rapid reform toward constructivist practices progresses, the distinctive communalism and skills mastery approach follows an enduring implicit Chinese cultural logic. Likewise, Japan refers more to its own cultural values rather than using increasingly prevalent developmental psychology models of early childhood to guide practice. Japan deemphasizes correctness of behavior, allowing children to encounter natural conflicts without adult intervention, expecting students to develop social-mindedness and group living skills primarily from their peer interactions. American systems tend to be more heterogeneous in terms of pedagogy and curriculum because of differing interpretations of fairness and equality, focusing more on equality of opportunity than on equal education. This is most explicit in the differences between private and public systems, with the former focusing on constructivism and critical thinking, in contrast to free public schools, which focus on basic academic skills.

In the early childhood education field, few books focus on internal cultural and external global forces and how they interact to change or sustain each country's educational practices, especially over a considerable time frame. This study is insightful in showing the influence of culture and its potentially limiting effects and brings this idea to a conscious level that educators often overlook. I agree with the authors when they propose that “beliefs and practices that are implicit are less open to scrutiny, criticism, and reform efforts” (p. 242). This is especially important because educators in these three countries want greater success in their future generations but have differing approaches that make implicit sense to each individual country, but may not be the most effective in achieving their goals. If educators are more aware of the implicit cultural knowledge that drives their practice, this will allow them to reflect on their pedagogy; question conventional assumptions, guidelines, and values; and be more willing to adapt new and potentially beneficial approaches that previously may have been limited by implicit cultural influences. This study shows that culture and history are important basic frames for understanding ideas, values, habits and customs, even in early childhood institutions. This book will be highly beneficial to any educator, policy maker, or administrator whose goal is to improve the quality of education.