The Pentecostal Republic is a highly engaging analysis of the influence of religion in Nigeria's highest echelons of power since the return to civilian rule in 1999. Even long-time scholars and students of religion and politics in Nigeria will find themselves marveling at the “close up” Ebenezer Obadare provides of the key actors and events that emphasize the ascendency of Pentecostal identity and narratives in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. While the Pentecostal Republic raises further questions about Pentecostalism's broader impact on Nigerian politics, it carefully details the interaction and mutual dependency of the Pentecostal and political elite in Nigeria in the competition for spiritual and political authority. This a rich and fascinating read that draws on various sources to highlight the never mundane proclivities of Nigeria's Pentecostal revolution.

One of the main themes of the book is the consensual or integrated relationship between religion and the state (here I am drawing on the conceptual framework of Toft, Philpott, and Shah in God's Century, New York, 2011). Obadare's discussion emphasizes the mutually beneficial relationship between Nigeria's recent presidents and favored Pentecostal elites. Political leaders can accrue greater legitimacy and potentially assuage ethnic and regional competition by cozying up to or humbling themselves before the relevant Pentecostal godfathers. Consequently, politicians court and recruit Pentecostal leaders (even as running mates—e.g., Muhammadu Buhari in the 2011 and 2015 elections) to reinforce their image and frame their rise to power as divinely sanctioned. So too, Obadare shows how the “Pentecostal elite class” takes advantage of proximity to power to cultivate their status, influence, and even curry political favors. Nigerian political elite recruit them to serve as key advisors or insiders at Aso Villa, and politicians pay homage by frequenting Pentecostal mega churches or engaging in displays of “pornographic piety” (i.e., Obadare's description of Goodluck Jonathan's displays of religious humility). Hence, as Pentecostal Republic clearly demonstrates, separation of church and state in Nigeria is merely in theory, not in practice.

A second main argument of the book, however, is that the mutually beneficial relationship is by no means guaranteed. While Obadare clearly emphasizes the influence Pentecostal elite and narratives wield in Nigerian national politics, he also qualifies his analysis, arguing, first, that the interests of the Pentecostal elite are not homogenous and, second, that politicians are ultimately driven by pragmatic politics. Regarding the latter point, Obadare shows how political elites must also balance the interests of other ethnic and regional political power blocs. Additionally, leaders cannot depend on a halo of religious legitimacy or whitewashing to excise political failure or resurrect their image, as emphasized in the discussion of Olusegun Obasanjo's misguided third term bid and Jonathan's inability to deal effectively with the Boko Haram crisis. Finally, as Obadare notes, Nigerians do not vote based on religious identity alone, as Buhari's election defeat of Jonathan in 2015 emphasized. In sum, while Obadare argues that Nigeria is the center of the Pentecostal revolution, he carefully dispels the notion that it is a type of Christendom.

While the careful nuance in the argument noted above is a strength of the book, one is left with a lingering question concerning the overall influence of Pentecostal politics. As Obadare's introduction and the preceding discussion emphasizes, “While Pentecostalism has greatly influenced the struggle for state power, this book argues that it has had little effect on the state itself, whether in terms of its governing philosophy or its animating spirit” (pp. 7). Yet, the book provides a close up of the ways in which Pentecostal actors, narratives, and religio-political alliances exert influence and shape elite and popular conceptions of political actors and power. Hence, one may be left at the book's conclusion trying to square these seemingly competing observations—that Pentecostal politics matters overwhelmingly, but not really.

Second, while the in-depth look at major political and religious leaders and national-level events is a key strength of the book, one wonders what the broader ramifications are and whether the politics and influence of religion is similar at the subnational level. That is, the proliferation of Pentecostal churches in varying shapes and sizes across the Nigerian religious landscape suggests that the politics of religion may be even more pervasive and influential (either positively or negatively) at the state and local government levels. While obviously beyond the scope of the book, Obadare's analysis raises questions about the potentially broader political significance of the Pentecostal revival in Nigerian politics.

Third, discussion of other denominations and mainline leaders from the Catholic, Anglican, or other blocs is largely absent. Where are the mainline denominations and leaders in the political wrangling and maneuvering of elites? Have they largely adopted a political theology that tries to maintain a more purposeful separation between church and state? Or has their perhaps more moderating influence been displaced and trumped by the Pentecostal elite? While Obadare includes important discussion of the Christian Association of Nigeria and its religio-political cleavages, more could be said about its role and the effects of the Pentecostal revolution across the Nigerian religious landscape.

Regarding the layout of the book, chapter 6 does not really feel at home in the book; it is not clear what the discussion of Olukoya and the emphasis on doing “spiritual violence” through prayer really adds to the preceding analysis. While minor observations, there are some points in Chapter 2 and Chapter 3 where the discussion also feels somewhat disorganized in the book's bold attempt to highlight all relevant events and actors.

Overall, while the Pentecostal Republic does not attempt to systemically demonstrate that Pentecostal political theology or socio-political mobilization is inherently negative or regressive, it argues that the close ties between Pentecostal and political elites clearly weakens Nigeria's democracy, and Pentecostalism's political ascendancy should be cautiously considered. Paired, in particular, with Ruth Marshall's Political Spiritualities (Chicago, 2009), this book should be eagerly read by students of Nigerian politics and Pentecostal-charismatic Christianity's resurgence in the global South.