My bookshelves are replete with books that have within their titles the words ‘transnational’ or ‘global’, used in reference to other words such as ‘NGOs’ or ‘civil society’. Many of these focus on recent decades, especially the last twenty years. Many also argue that such transnational activity is relatively new, or at least operating at a new scale and level of significance than in earlier periods. Through a thoughtful and detailed historical perspective, Thomas Davies’s book challenges scholars to put aside this somewhat myopic and ahistorical view, arguing that international NGOs are not just a contemporary phenomenon, but have been with us for centuries; that the last two decades have not necessarily been the heyday of transnational civil society action, but reflect the historically cyclical nature of such activities; that International NGOs are not simply based in Western (or, in global development terms, ‘northern’) traditions, but have deep roots in other parts of the world as well.
The book begins by very helpfully clarifying what we mean by the terms ‘transnational civil society’ and ‘international non-governmental organizations’ – terms which are often thrown around these days with multiple meanings. While some may aspire towards a truly ‘global’ civil society, attaining this is far from the reality today. Much closer to that reality is the term transnational – referring to interactions across borders of multiple states. The term ‘international non-governmental organizations’ (INGOs) has relatively recent roots in United Nations discourse, whereas in earlier periods the term ‘private international organizations’ was more commonplace. The book discusses the term ‘civil society’, from the viewpoints both of its implicit classical view of ‘civility’ and of its separation from the government or profit-making sectors. But this discussion could have been expanded, as the meaning of civil society – and the degree to which ‘civility’ or separation from states and partners are still defining characteristics – continues to be widely debated.
We are also informed in the book about the diversity and breadth of such organizations. While the term INGOs may often connote in our minds either humanitarian organizations or international advocacy organizations, the author reminds us that there are many others, ranging from those focusing on service or voluntary regulation (such as the low-profile but highly influential Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers) to academic groups, professional societies, diaspora organizations, sports federations, trade union associations, religious organizations, and political movements. The book excludes profit-making, criminal, and terrorist organizations – no doubt a point of contention for some who would argue that corporate engagement in the charitable and public spheres, or shadowy links between certain NGOs and terrorist or criminal activity, are blurring these neat distinctions (indeed, the blurring of such distinctions has been with us for many centuries, which is another point not taken up by the author).
Perhaps what is most interesting about this book is the account given of the long history of transnational civil society. While the case of the British Anti-Slavery Society founded in 1839 (now known as Anti-Slavery International) is often given as an example of one of the first INGOs, Davies takes us back much further to the earlier religious societies, such as the Order of St John, founded in 1099; the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers), now very active in many transnational causes, which began in 1647; Islamic transnational organizations that date back to the twelfth century; and the Ladies of Charity, established internationally in 1634, and one of the first humanitarian and charitable INGOs.
From these early beginnings, Davies goes on to trace the nature and formation of transnational civil society in three historical periods: from their emergence to 1914, from the beginning of the First World War until the onset of the Second World War, and from 1939 to the present. Each period, he argues, provided key external conditions that facilitated the rise of international associational activity. Yet we cannot assume that the present mobilizations are any larger or more effective than those in the past. Indeed, as he reminds us several times, the Jubilee 2000 campaign petition calling for debt relief for poor countries in the late twentieth century was still not as large (in terms of the proportion of the world’s population) as the petition for international disarmament circulated by women’s organizations in the early 1930s.
In the field of international development in which I work, there is a growing critique that INGOs are largely Western in style, based in wealthy countries, and grow out of the same colonial roots as those of international aid. While there is much to this critique, this book also shows us that it expresses a narrow view on the subject. Transnational organizations have deep roots in the East as well as in the West, in particular continents and diasporas, and in both revolutionary and more reformist groups. There is an important lesson here for Western INGOs, who these days are often seeking to become more ‘global’ in their governance and identities. A good place to start might be to gain greater awareness of the diversity of organizations already present around the world and seek to learn from, if not link up with, these historical movements.
In the book’s latter pages, Davies enters into some of the debates about the role of INGOs in the contemporary period, suggesting that, from a historical perspective, they may be entering a period of decline, similar to that witnessed in previous cycles. While this may be true, at a time when the spaces, funding, and support for civil society are under attack in many parts of the world, I found myself longing for a more normative conclusion that would begin to draw conclusions about the numerous positive contributions of transnational civil society over the centuries to, say, humanitarian, human rights, democratic, and environmental causes. The author resists doing this, sticking with dispassionate, detailed empirical observations and historical analysis. However, even though the normative case is not taken up in this book, those who are making judgements about the future role and contributions of transnational civil society will be well served by this rich history of its past.