No CrossRef data available.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 August 2004
For the past seven years, Iran has been in the grip of a literary event. A novel, Bamdad-i khumar (The Morning After), written by a hitherto unknown woman, Fattanah Hajj Sayyidjavadi, (b. 1945), became an overnight best-seller and has so remained. From the start, the book has generated heated debates over its literary and socio-cultural merits. Most critics and readers have very strong opinions about the novel. One reader, another first-time writer, was so deeply angered by what she considered to be the novel's exaggerated female-centeredness and its unfairness to men that she decided to rewrite the novel through the voice of its male anti-hero.
For the past seven years, Iran has been in the grip of a literary event. A novel, Bamdad-i khumar (The Morning After), written by a hitherto unknown woman, Fattanah Hajj Sayyidjavadi, (b. 1945), became an overnight best-seller and has so remained.1
Fattanah Hajj Sayyidjavadi, Bamdad-i khumar (The Morning After) (Tehran: Alburz, 1995). First published in July 1995, the book has gone through thirty reprints, a rather large number on the Iranian book scene. Moreover, as Ali Ferdowsi observed in his insightful essay about the novel and its current readings and criticism, each copy has many readers. Books, especially fiction, are commonly passed from reader to reader, a practice that produces a shared sense of reading, crafting a reading public that partially knows one another through the very material book read. See Ali Ferdowsi, “Havas-i kham: hadis-i 'inqilab dar bamdad-i khumar” (Raw Desire: The Litany of Revolutionary Hangover in Iran), Iran Nameh 16 (1998): 641–78. Discussion of readership is on pp. 676–77. The title of the book, “bāmdād-i khumār,” is taken from a proverbial hemistich shab-i sharāb nayarzad bih bāmdād-i khumār (a night of drinking is not worth the morning of hangover). I have taken the liberty of using “the morning after” in place of “the morning of hangover.”
Nahid Pizhvak, Shab-i sarab (Rasht: Hidayat, 1996). Also a best-seller, Shab-i sarab has caused more legal than literary dispute. See Nazanin Shah'rukni, “Andar hikayat-i Shab-i sarab va Bamdad-i khumar” (On the Story of Shab-i sarab and Bamdad-i khumar), Zanan 46 (1998): 17–19; Interview with Nahid Pizhvak, in ibid., 20–22; and commentary by Karim Emami on the copyright issues involved in the case, in ibid., 22–23. See also Maryam Basiri, “Nigah-i sivvum” (A Third Look), Payam-i zan 7 (1999): 38–43. For a follow-up of the legal dispute, see Nazanin Shah'rukni, “Intishar-i mujaddad-i Shab-i sarab ba nishan-i Alburz!” (Re-issuing Shab-i sarab with Alburz's logo!), Zanan 49 (1998–1999): 16–17.
At the center of the novel and the ensuing controversy is the story of a tragic marriage based on passionate love of a young woman for a man, her social and cultural inferior, against her parents' advice. This wrong type of marriage is contrasted with marriage arranged through kinship networks and blessed by parental guidance and approval, in which love and affection between partners is to grow after marriage, slowly and over many years. The theme is not a novel one; it has been at the center of cultural and political debates in Iran at least since the mid-19th century.
The modernist project of hetero-normalization of sexual mores and hetero-socialization of public life called for a re-envisioning of marriage from a procreative to a romantic contract.
3For a more complete discussion of this topic, see Afsaneh Najmabadi, Women with Mustaches and Men Without Beards: Gender and Sexual Anxieties of Iranian Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming), chap. 6 (“The Tragedy of Romantic Marriage”).

ali Akhundzadah (1821–78) penned some of the first plays that condemned practices associated with arranged marriage, temporary marriage, and polygyny, advocating monogamy and the triumph of marriage based on love.
4On Akhudzadah's critique of gender relations in Iran, see Shu

lah Abadi, “Mirza Fath

ali Akhudzadah va mas

alah-i zanan,” Nimeye Digar 1 (1993): 29–37; Mehrdad Kia, “Women, Islam and Modernity in Akhundzade's Plays and Unpublished Writings,” Middle Eastern Studies 34 (1998): 1–33; and Hamid Parsa, “Zan dar asar-i Akhudzadah,” Arash 14–15 (1992): 10–11, 20.
The one exception perhaps was Mirza Aqa Tabrizi, a contemporary and the translator of Akhunzadah's plays from Turkish into Persian, who wrote a number of plays on similar themes. See Mirza Aqa Tabrizi, Namayishnamah'ha, trans. H. Sadiq (Tehran: Tahuri, 1975).
See Camron Amin, “The Attentions of the Great Father: Reza Shah, ‘The Woman Question,’ and the Iranian Press, 1890–1946,” Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1996, chap. 3.

ibrat—whether political or moral.
The narrative logic of both genres demanded tragic love tales. In the politico-cultural tales, such as

Arusi-i Mihrangiz (Mihrangiz's Wedding) and Dastan-i riqqat

angiz (A Pitiful Tale), romantic love as tragedy was emplotted as a modernist critique in which the possibility of a happy ending was frustrated by evidently political and cultural issues that modernist authors posited as obstacles to the union of the ideal modern man and woman.
7YahyáMirza Iskandari (d. 1910),

Arusi-i Mihrangiz (Mihrangiz's Wedding), serialized in Iran-i naw, nos. 2:3–2:97, 24 October 1910–18 February 1911. Sadiqah Dawlatabadi (1882–1961), Dastan-i riqqat

angiz (A Pitiful Tale), serialized in Zaban-i zanan (Isfahan), nos. 1–23, 18 July 1919–27 April 1920. It is reprinted in Mahdokht Sanati and Afsaneh Najmabadi, ed., Sadiqah Dawlatabadi: namah

ha, nivishtah

ha, va yadha (New York: Nigarish va nigarish-i zan, 1999), 476–501. I discuss the political labor of tragic love in these two novellas more fully in Najmabadi, Women with Mustaches.
In the second genre, the moral novels, heartless men exploited the longings of naive young women for romance to illicit sexual ends. One of the earliest of this genre was written by Yahyá Mirza Iskandari, author of Mihrangiz's Wedding. Written in 1909,

Ishq-i duruqi (Deceitful Love)—a tragedy in four acts (tirazhidi dar chahar majlis), as the author called it—was serialized posthumously in 1923 in Majjalah-i jam

iyat-i nisvan-i vatankhvah-i Iran (Journal of the Association of Patriotic Women), starting in its second issue (though already announced in its first issue under a notable additional title, “forced marriage” [izdivaj-i ijbari]). In his Preface, Iskandari wrote that his sole purpose in writing the play was “to show the oppression exercised by lust-seeking men upon women of this country who are teachers of children of vatan and the very foundation of civilization.”
8Yahyá Mirza Iskandari, “I

shq-i duruqi,” Majjalah-i jam

iyat-i nisvan-i vatankhvah-i Iran 2 (1923): 15.
Sasan Kia Arash, “The Lamentation of a Misfortunate Girl,” Majjalah-i jam

iyat-i nisvan-i vatankhvah-i Iran 5–6 (1924): 10–14.
Perhaps the most famous of this early genre was a versified play by Mirzadah

Ishqi. In part,

Ishqi's play drew its fame from working on a double level: it was at once a political allegory and a romantic tale. The play was composed in 1924 and published in the journal Shafaq-i surkh in response to an invitation by Dabir A

zam Faraj

allah Bahrami, then acting prime minister (chief of cabinet) in a government in which real power resided with Minister of War Reza Khan Sardar Sipah, soon to become Reza Shah Pahlavi. Dabir A

zam had invited thinkers and intellectuals to write essays about their ideal for the future of Iran. As

Ishqi saw it, this was largely to set the scene for a series of articles that would argue for a centrally strong government, with Sardar Sipah at its helm.
10Muhammad Riza Mirzadah

Ishqi, Kulliyat, ed.

Ali Akbar Mushir Salimi (Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1971), 172.

Idi

al (Ideal), the suicide of young Maryam follows her pregnancy and the refusal of her lover to marry her, despite prior promises of love and marriage. Maryam, an innocent young rural woman, was born on the same day that the constitutional decree was issued. For

Ishqi, her death—like the death of the Constitutional Revolution—is caused by a mischievous urban fukulī young man, a figure that stands for opportunistic political youngsters who exploited the new ideals of a constitutional government and betrayed “her,” the young Iran falling victim to the country's mischievous Europeanized elite.
11For a discussion of representational work of gender in this play, see Shahrukh Miskub, Dastan-i adabiyat va sarguzasht-i ijtima

(Tehran: Farzan, 1994), 83–91.
The best known of this genre is Mushfiq Kazimi's Tihran-i makhawf: see Arianpur, Az Saba ta Nima (Tehran: Jibi, 1973), 2:258–64. According to Arianpur, Tihran-i makhawf (initially serialized in Sitarah-i Iran in 1922) initiated a whole series of “social novels dedicated to depicting the terrible conditions of Iranian women”: Arianpur, Az Saba ta Nima, 2:264. Many center on the figure of the naive young girl falling madly in love with the wrong guy who exploits her sexually, then dumps her into a life of prostitution or into death at childbirth. An alternative plot line centers on marriages arranged by heartless parents and forced on unhappy young girls, with similarly dire consequences. For an analysis of the gender dynamic in Tihran-i makhawf, see Miskub, Dastan-i adabiyat, 125–50.
The Morning After shares with these earlier genres the didactic drive. At one level, it is a morality tale, a dāstān-i ibrat. Yet it has a contrary dynamic. Unlike in those tales, romantic passionate love in this novel is no longer given the task of performing allegorical patriotic and social-reformist labor. Perhaps even more significant, romantic marriage as such is emplotted as an irrecuperable tragedy. The obstacles to a happy ending of the tale are not “outside” the essence of romantic marriage, to be removed through modernist reforms. Romantic passionate marriage, when transgressing rules of parity and parental approval, is written as tragic in and of itself, an unreformable project to be abandoned in favor of marriage based on the wisdom of the elderly, not on blind physical love; on kufū (social, class, and cultural parity), not on the daring transgressions of a class-crossing marriage; on considering and living within a tense yet blissful bigamy instead of the illusive pretensions of monogamy; and on a return to the paternal family instead of escaping from it into a “nuclear” hell.
The story begins as a contemporary scene of dispute between a mother and her daughter, who wants to marry the man of her choice—a choice opposed by her parents on grounds of cultural and class incompatibility. Very rapidly we leave this temporal frame when the mother calls on an old aunt, who lives with them, to tell the rebellious niece the tragic tale of her youthful rebellion. We are then taken back to the late 1920s, when the aunt, Mahbubah, the beloved fifteen-year-old daughter of a notable Tehran family, falls madly in love with Rahim, a young apprentice carpenter in her neighborhood. Against her parents' wishes and advice, she refuses all wealthy suitors from families of her own rank, including her handsome paternal cousin Mansur, who, after the disappointment of this rejection, marries a rather ugly but honorable and decent woman, Nimtaj. Mahbubah's family finally gives in to her wish. Her father buys the young couple a small house in a modest neighborhood and a nearby shop for the groom to set up his own business. He arranges a low-key marriage ceremony for Mahbubah and sends her off to live with Rahim, with the provision that she will not return to her paternal home as long as she is married to Rahim. As expected, after an initial spurt of happiness the marriage becomes a disaster—a disaster that the narrative emphatically constructs as caused by lack of kufū between husband and wife. Rahim's mother's moving in with the young couple exacerbates the tensions, especially after the birth of the couple's first child. The disagreements between Mahbubah, on one side and Rahim and his mother on the other about the child— about every thing from his name to his manners and upbringing, all of which highlight the lack of kufū over and over again—make an already bad situation unbearable. Rahim begins to see other women; the child dies because of neglect by Rahim's mother; and Mahbubah becomes sterile after a back-street abortion. Rahim beats her and forbids her to leave the house in an effort to get the house ownership transferred to himself, finally forcing her to give up any hope of reforming him into an ideal husband and salvaging her marriage. After a violent encounter with her mother-in-law, Mahbubah abandons Rahim and returns to her paternal fold. Her father comes to her rescue and gets her a divorce. She marries, as a second wife, the same Mansur whom she had rejected some years earlier. She has a friendly, though at times tense, relationship with Nimtaj, the first wife; they live in separate compounds within the same large household. After Nimtaj's death, Mahbubah looks after her children, and finally, after Mansur's death, she moves in with her brother (who has married Mansur's daughter with Nimtaj).
Like the earlier tragic love stories, The Morning After is meant to be a moral tale but with a vastly different lesson. Through the assumption of a possible happy ending for a romantic marriage between modern man and woman of different class and cultural backgrounds, the earlier texts had assumed not only the possibility but the desirability of class and cultural crossing, projected to be conducive of crafting national cohesion—at least, under the right cultural and political conditions. The overall plot of The Morning After, by contrast, is set against class and cultural crossing through passionate marriage. It has also been widely critiqued or applauded on this very ground. One particularly sharp critic has called it “a vulgar and fanatical story with a very ordinary and common plot.”
13Nahid Kabiri, “Fi

udalizm va Bamdad-i khumar” (Feudalism and Bamdad-i khumar), Zanan 29 (1996): 63.

al-Din Khurramshahi, an ardent admirer of the novel, has argued that such criticism is beside the point: the novel is not a sociology of wealth and poverty; rather, it is about the battle between love and wisdom (

ishq va

aql), a critique of moral corruption.
14Baha

al-Din Khurramshahi, “Tirazhidi-i tab-i tund-i

ishq” (The Tragedy of the High Fever of Love), Zanan 30 (1996): 60–63.
Yet it is the class and cultural crossing that dynamizes the moral critique. The failure of the marriage—translated by Khurramshahi into moral corruption—is produced by issues of class and culture in the novel itself. It is the creative tension launched by the class and cultural disparities of the two lovers that produces their passionate marriage as tragic. Khurramshahi notes this, but as an unimportant afterthought, when he writes, “The author had to choose one character from the notables and the elite and the other from the downtrodden class…. [O]therwise, if this conflict of origins and roots did not exist, the tragedy would become spineless.”15
Ibid., 63.
It is this assumption and advocating of an essential insurmountability that has infuriated the modernist, leftist, and feminist critics of the novel.16
In addition to Kabiri's “Fi

udalizm,” for critical reviews, see Hushang Gulshiri, “

Arbadah ba mawludi

khvanan-i yak pavaraqi-i digar” (Screaming at Those Celebrating the Birth of Yet Another Serial), Adinah 108–109 (1976): 42–43; Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak, “Nigahi bar muvaffaq

tarin ruman-i Irani dar dahah-

i guzashtah” (Observations on the Most Successful Iranian Novel of the Past Decade), Iran Nameh 15 (1997): 447–70;

Abd al-

Ali Dastghayb, “Naqd-i kitab” (book review), Barrisi-i kitab 27 (1997): 283–92.
Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 73.
If that is the clear plot of the novel, how do we then understand its immense popularity, especially among young readers? Most current criticism, perhaps with the early exception of the essay by Ali Ferdowsi and the later essays by Firoozeh Mohager and Derayeh Derakhshesh,
18Ferdowsi, “Havas-i kham”; Firoozeh Mohager, “Ruman-i

ammah

pasand va agahi” (Mass-Appeal Novels and Consciousness), Jins-i duvvum (The Second Sex) 6–7 (2000): 57–62; and Derayeh Derakhshesh, “Nigahi tazah bih Bamdad-i khumar” (Looking Anew at Bamdad-i khumar), Mehregan 9 (2000): 206–16.

āmmah

pasand) novels, panders to their unsophisticated taste. What this disdainful view of the readership misses, however, is that the sociologically significant factor may not be the simple taste of recently literate first-time readers. Instead, against a literary tradition of didacticism, a generation saturated with didacticism in the media (whether TV and radio, Friday prayers, the press) may have turned to reading for the pleasure of reading. So the question becomes: what is it about a novel such as The Morning After that these readers find pleasurable?
Moreover, it is often argued, though I know of no sociological survey to support this assumption, that the majority of readers of such romances are women. Ferdowsi states this assumption and offers his own experience: he was the eleventh reader of the particular copy, a ninth edition, and nine out of eleven had been women.
19Ferdowsi, “Raw Desire,” 676–77.
Fariba Khani, “Kuchah bih kuchah bih dunbal-i Fahimah Rahimi” (From Alley to Alley Looking for Fahimah Rahimi), Zanan 37 (1998): 16–20.

Ali Muhammad Haq'shinas speaks of “the increasing attention of Iranians, especially women, to mass-appeal [

āmmah

pasand] novels.”
21
Ali Muhammad Haq

shinas, “Ruman: zarurati naguzir dar

asr-i jadid” (Novel: An Inevitable Necessity of the Modern Era), Zanan 37 (1998): 34.

āmmah

pasand) novels. Or perhaps I should write women-appeal (bānūpasand) novels; since writers such as Danielle Steel [with forty-two titles translated into Persian] and Sidney Sheldon [with twenty-four titles translated into Persian] write for women.”
22Karim Emami, “Adabiyat-i

ammah

pasand dar bazar-i kitab-i Iran” (Mass-Appeal Literature in Iran's Book Market), Zanan 37 (1998): 32.
Regardless of the facticity of the gender of these novels' readership, a question remains: what effects does this kind of gender-coding of readership produce? The majority of critics of these novels have been men. The designation bānūpasand was coined by a man, and I suspect that many female critics and readers, as Emami indicated in a talk on the state of the book in Iran (at the Second Biennial Conference on Iranian Studies, 22–24 May 1998, Bethesda, Maryland), stay away from this designation. Like the adjective

āmmah'pasand, from which it has been coined, bānūpasand constructs a community through disavowal. Both are “othering” assignations:

āmmah'pasand was coined not by

avām (the general public) but by khavās (special people), the literary critics, to place themselves outside a particular type of reading public. Similarly, both the designation and some women's negative responses to that designation enact particular disavowals. By designating this genre women-appeal, particular notions of womanhood are disavowed by male critics on behalf of particular notions of masculinity—a disavowal that also provides the ground for some women's distance not only from identification with the genre but also from designating it as women-appeal. The designation bānūpasand mocks a particular kind of constitution of a female subject—she who takes pleasure in melodramatic fantasy. But it does more. By naming this genre women-appeal, it turns that particular subjectivity into a general gender assignation, forcing other women to distance themselves, at least in public, from such pleasures and to fear “oppression effects” of such novels—that is, to fear that melodramatic pleasures may turn anger and disappointment of young women in their real lives away from social activism into delusionary relief.
But even if it were true that the majority of readers were young women, why should ordinary, unsophisticated young female readers enjoy reading a novel that condemns youthful passion? After all, The Morning After is not quite a romance-of-the-month novel. It is a moral tale with a moral lesson that young female readers, one might imagine, would abhor.
When discussing the novel itself, rather than condemning it because of the presumed attributes of its readership, criticism has remained in the “images” mode. Critics have asked: what images of women, aristocracy, working men, passion, love, and so on does the novel construct for (these recent, inexperienced, unsuspecting female) readers? On the basis of such judgments they have attacked the novel. Nahid Kabiri characterizes the central female character as “a weak empty-headed masochist…who submits herself to a very backward marital relation belonging to the stone-age.” She considers the author, wittingly or not, a staunch supporter of a society in which the upper class not only has wealth and the comforts of life but is affectionate, honorable, and moral, whereas everyone from a working or poor background is mean, dishonorable, illiterate, or corrupt, and women from that background are whores, liars, and rude parasites.
23Kabiri, “Fi

udalizm,” 63.

ibrat, an admonitory lesson. Depending on whether the critic likes or dislikes the particular lesson, the novel has been praised or criticized. Shahla Lahiji, one of Iran's foremost feminist female publishers, rejected the manuscript, and despite its subsequent record-breaking sales, she has no regrets. She has explained her decision not to publish The Morning After on the following grounds: the novel proposes bigamy as a means of salvation for the heroine, without any consideration for the sensibilities of the first wife; it fuels class conflict in that it is insulting to the working classes and craftsmen; it is an insult to civil society; and it is a patriarchal book in which a woman who does not follow the advice of the patriarch suffers tragically.
24Shah

rukni, “Andar hikayat,” 17.
In the most extreme case, Pizhvak has attributed the destructive behavior of one woman involved in a divorce case to having taken the wrong lesson from reading the novel.
25Pizhvak, Shab-i sarab, 3.
Khurramshahi, “Tirazhidi,” 63.

ibrat and her delight that parents were giving it to their adolescent children and that teachers were recommending it to their students as a text of “salvation” (nijāt).
27“Aya bamdad-i khumar bih payan risidah ast?” (Has “the Hang-over” [of the morning after—a playful pun on the title of the book] Come to an End?”), Interview with Fattanah Hajj Sayyidjavadi, Zanan 33 (1997): 26–31.
Even within the “reception” mode of reading, however, most critics have assumed that all readers learn the same lesson—that is, the lesson presumably intended by the author. I will argue that in fact the novel invites alternative readings and different lessons. What “the message” is, in other words, is not determined by the text alone; the reader is implicated in the message.28
Fedowsi argues a similar point when he emphasizes the necessity of bringing the reader into “the event of reading.”
In a sense, the negative and positive readings discussed so far are submissive readings: they are submissive to the apparent narrative logic of the novel and to the declared authorial intention. Those hundreds of thousands of readers, mocked with designations such as

āmmah or bānū, may in fact be engaged in more “radical readings” of the novel than some literary critics. Notwithstanding their disdain, The Morning After is a highly complex text that, despite the author's declared intentions, encourages resistant readings. Though not intended by the author (as explicated in her interviews), these resistant readings are not caused by authorial oversight; rather, for the text to do the kind of moral work that the author intends it to do, the possibilities for these counter-readings have to be constructed in the text itself. In its simplest form, for the novel to work as a text of admonition for a “sinful” lustful marriage, it first has to invoke the pleasures of the lustful sinning in the reader. Unless the reader first desires that sinful pleasure, the subsequent punishing closure will not work as an

ibrat.
From its very first sentence, the novel constructs an identification between the old aunt, Mahbubah (lit., the beloved) and the young niece, Sudabah. Through this identification it constructs a textual focus of identification for young female readers. As much as the larger lesson of the novel aims to disassociate Sudabah, the young woman inside the text (and, by affiliation, young female readers outside the text), from her old aunt so that she does not commit the same error of judgment that the aunt did, this larger disassociation needs first to construct an identification with the aunt as the young, rebellious woman she once was (and that is Sudabah's present state). The first sentence of the novel is uttered by Sudabah's mother. “Over my dead body,” she tells her daughter, who is determined to marry the man of her choice. We soon learn that Mahbubah's mother uttered the exact same words when she heard that Mahbubah wanted to marry Rahim.29
Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 95.
See, for instance, ibid., 5, 12–13.
The end of Mahbubah's story is well known to Sudabah, the listener in the text, but only hinted at and culturally presumed to be known to the first time reader outside the text.
31The old aunt has lived with Sudabah's family for many years, and Sudabah knows a lot about her life and love story, as we will see in a moment, though she does not know all and not from the aunt's narration.

ibrat, that seems to be the author's intention. Yet Sudabah herself is a resisting listener in the text. Her position in the text thus encourages resistant reading from the very beginning of the novel. She projects, from the start, an alternative lesson, and at the end she pronounces her pride in being like her aunt. Her pride is not founded in making a wrong choice but, rather, in simply making a choice. She is proud of her aunt's rebellion, of her passion and her pursuit of that passion, and of her survival as a divorcee—a childless, sterile, divorcee in a bigamous second marriage—to tell a tale that reads heroically enough to make Sudabah proud of her own potential heroism. Sudabah as a resisting listener in the text, inviting resistant reading of the text, allows young female readers to read the story pleasurably—and to read it rebelliously. Contrary to declared authorial intention and some critics' dismay and anger, the novel invites readings against its main plot line.
The first time we meet the aunt actually comes before Sudabah's mother calls her in to tell her life story as a lesson for her niece. She is textually recalled by Sudabah to support her stand against her mother. Mahbubah is called into the plot as a figure of solidarity rather than as one of admonition. Arguing against her mother that times have changed and parents no longer can determine the spousal choice of their offspring, Sudabah strengthens her argument by recalling that, even in the old days, there were women who demonstrated their own agency and did not accept parental oppression; they made their own lives. She then adds, “Look at dear Aunt! Isn't she in front of your eyes? Didn't she marry the man she desired? No? Didn't she?”32
Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 4.
Ibid., 16.
Ibid., 439.
Sudabah not only invokes the aunt as a figure of resistance rather than of passion; she also pre-empts her mother's lesson of the aunt's life by drawing a different lesson from the failure of the marriage. Against her mother's rhetorical challenge, “You think she is happy?” Sudabah retorts angrily, “Yes. She is happy, and she would have been happier if my grandpa, her noble father, had not made their life poisonous, had not turned his back on her; if only he had not driven them out and away.”35
Ibid., 5.
Ibid., 167–72.
Ibid., 177–79.
Ibid., 221.
Centrally important to the issue of insurmountability is that the whole tragic affair is launched by the girl's initiative. In fact, throughout the novel the reader is never quite certain whether Rahim reciprocates her love or wants her only for her wealth and social status. Against a modernist novelistic tradition in which men of the upper classes could marry women of lower classes and uplift them in multiple senses, in The Morning After the woman is from the upper classes and the initiator of the love affair. One can thus read the tragedy as one of gender reversal rather than as one of class or cultural insurmountability.
These are not the only alternative lessons the novel invites. My 90-year-old mother is of the same generation as Mahbubah in the text. She began to read the novel before I did but stopped reading half way through. (I read the novel, as Ferdowsi has astutely observed, not as a novel, as my mother was doing, but because hundreds of thousands of Iranians were reading it, and I could no longer not read it.) When I asked why she had stopped, she said, controlling her tears with great difficulty, that she did not need to read it; this was her own life story. Her marriage—one of choice and love strongly opposed by my father's mother, who refused to see the young couple until their first child was born—went wrong, she said, because of her mother-in-law's interference. She had lived it once, she said; she could not bear to read it. I then set to reading the novel in part because of her pained statement. This was not a plot line at which any of the secondary critical literature had even hinted. My mother proved to be right. The novel invites the alternative reading of holding the mother-in-law, Zivar Khanum, rather than passionate love responsible for the failure of the marriage. More than Rahim it is she who embodies, constructs, and performs class and cultural difference within the text. It is she who chooses the wrong name for the newborn son, who takes over the care of the infant. She performs female alterity; she is and does everything that Mahbubah has been taught not to be and do. She talks too loud, uses the wrong language, carries her body the wrong way, and so on. Her every moment of being constructs class and cultural alterity through a gendered embodiment.39
I have discussed aspects of this construction of women's modern and anti-modern characters in Afsaneh Najmabadi, “Veiled Discourse of Unveiled Bodies,” Feminist Studies 19 (1993): 487–518.
Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 188–91.
Through these alternative textual possibilities for the failure of marriage, the novel itself encourages resistant readings. The failure of marriage can no longer be straightforwardly assumed to have resulted (as the author and all critics and supporters urge us to do) from the stubborn passionate love of a young woman for the wrong man.
By the end of the novel, the text overturns the very dichotomy between mindless passion and considered affection. At a critical moment, Mahbubah reflects on her feeling of jealousy toward Mansur's first wife, Nimtaj (who is again pregnant), and contemplates whether this jealousy indicates that she has fallen in love with Mansur, her paternal cousin and now her second husband. “[B]ut this time slowly, bit by bit…this time quietly, considered, and mature,” she turns to him and addresses him as “Rahim, dear [Rahim jan].
41Ibid., 424.
Ibid., 427.
The novel has a subnarrative on masculinity that is worth separate attention. Rahim's physicality bursts out through the text. Over and over again, Mahbubah scripts an embodied masculinity through physical and sensual descriptions of Rahim's body: his hair, his scent of raw wood, his muscles, his strong arms, and so on. See ibid., 24, 26, 30–31, 35, 43–44, 66, 109, 112, 115, 120–21, 154, 180, 216. In contrast, suitors from her own class, young men educated in Europe, are often described in terms that we now would consider less manly, with soft hands, unmanly build, etc.—as if going to Europe has effeminizing effects on men, a familiar disavowing trope of nationalism. See, for instance, ibid., 49, 109.

ibrat by creating the space for alternative readings.
I am not suggesting that any of these alternative reading possibilities are necessarily feminist or progressive. Displacing blame for a failed marriage from passionate love for an unkufū man to his mother or to the girl's father are not particularly enlightened plot lines. But such displacements lift the burden of guilt and blame from passionate love itself, thus opening space for Sudabah and for young (female) readers to imagine their own happy endings for passionate love.
Other details of the novel work similarly. Some of the miseries of Mahbubah's life, meant to underline the main thrust of the novel—that is, a failed marriage—resist being read as failure of the female character. Mahbubah and Rahim's son's death, for instance—at one level, testimony to the unmixibility of the two bloods—rescues Mahbubah from becoming a self-sacrificing mother sticking it out in a bad marriage.44
This is the point for which Pizhvak severely criticizes Hajj Sayyidjavadi; one of her major goals in rewriting the novel from Rahim's point of view, she contends, was her opposition to divorce, especially divorce initiated by women: Pizhvak, Shab-i sarab, 5.
The final sterility of Mahbubah is not only a punishment for an immediate “criminal act,” abortion, or punishment for her “sin” of class and cultural crossings and falling in love with a mere carpenter. It stands for the sterility of passionate love in general. It is a threatening warning to a generation of young people, like Sudabah in the novel, who refuse to marry their parents' choice. Yet her sterility also forecloses the possibility that she will turn into a mother even in a second marriage. As Ferdowsi has observed, we come to know Mahbubah as an aunt, but not as a mother.45
Ferdowsi, “Raw Desire,” 675.
The Morning After is a novel driven by a woman's heterosexual passion in which the woman does not die at childbirth and her life's meaning is not motherhood and sacrifice.46
The discussion of the centrality of women's sexuality as the driving force of this novel forms one of the most insightful parts of Ferdowsi's review. I will not repeat his points here.
See Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 260, 294, 295, 299, 300, 305, 356, 367, 410, 438.
Ibid., 181.
Ibid., 391.
Ibid., 402–403.
Mahbubah seeks peace and contentment in a bigamous marriage. Shahla Lahiji is outraged, but Ferdowsi is strangely silent on this. Ferdowsi ends his essay with Mahbubah's return to the paternal fold, as if agreeing with her father that “now you have become my own girl/daughter again.”51
Ibid., 383.
Ferdowsi's reading of the closure as simply a return to the fold of a generous understanding father, in which he finds grounds for national solace, is objectionable to Lahiji for good reason. For a feminist reader, there is no solace in that closure. Feminists dislike and fear the novel not only because novels are texts of pleasure but also because through that very pleasure they do creative labor. In particular, novels constitute particular notions of women's subjectivity not only through the projection of heroines as female types but also through the location of female readers via the text and critics. A female public is created through these positionings. While Ferdowsi has argued persuasively for considering the text as a site of sympathy and solidarity where readers construct the meaning of the text, he ignores the ways in which the gendered politics of modernity make that site a highly fractured one. The pleasures (and pains) of the text are not universal, ungendered, and atemporal. They have historical, cultural, and political implications that raise questions about what constitutes the pleasures of reading for different female readers, for different class-affiliated readers, and for women's choices. Entering a bigamous marriage or turning to teaching and other professions when your marriage fails is just one such modern legacy. For feminists with a memory of women such as Sadiqah Dawlatabadi, who divorced her way out of an unhappy marriage and devoted the next forty years of her life to women's education, and for feminists with strong socialist leanings (a strong current because of the historical affiliation and origin of many feminists in leftist currents of 1970s and 1980s),52
On the history of socialist and feminist currents of these decades, see Haideh Moghissi, Populism and Feminism in Iran: Women's Struggle in a Male-Defined Revolutionary Movement (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994).
In a sense one can read The Morning After and Shab-i sarab literally as a backlash to Shahrnush Parsipur Tubá va ma

na-yi shab (Tehran: Isparak, 1989) and Muniru Ravanipur, Dil-i fulad (Tehran: Nilufar, 1990).
Some of the most powerful and moving passages of the book bring out in a way I have not seen in Persian literature the complexity of women in emotional—not simply economic, as it is often assumed—dependence on battering husbands. Mahbubah's swings between being devastated physically and emotionally by Rahim's actions and then melting into his arms at the first indication of affection by him are described very effectively and beautifully. Although these themes disrupt the possibility of sympathy and solidarity for some readers, they also, as Ferdowsi notes, provide a ground for sympathy and solidarity for others. It is a site of solidarity with their own life conflicts (as my mother had observed about the figure of the mother-in-law) and contradictory behavior and feelings (in which women in battering marriages often are caught).
If The Morning After allows and even incites many resistant readings, and alternative lessons about the failure of the marriage are at the core of its story, why is the dominant reading of the novel, by dismissers and defenders alike, as a tale of caution, if not punishment, for passionate love? As discussed, the novel was written and has been received by many critics as a “lesson” for youth against illusory infatuations. Within the text, the lesson is given in the form of the tragic life of an aunt narrated for the benefit of a niece who is about to make the same mistake by choosing an unsuitable romantic marriage against the advice of her wise parents. In the narration, the aunt is finally fulfilling her father's curse: when he married her off to Rahim, he wished her to become a lesson (

ibrat) for others.
55Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 173.
It is not only the frame story—the argument between a mother and a daughter over the daughter's choice of spouse—that makes the novel temporally relevant and connected to its presumed young female readers. The driving force of the novel—sexual desire and passion of Mahbubah for Rahim—is a centrally contemporary issue, at least if one believes the advice columns, press coverage (including crime stories, such as the story of the young couple who killed their family members so they could get married), and vast social circulation of gossip and tale-telling. This is another way in which The Morning After is different from earlier modernist fiction. Whereas early modern romances are clear of any hint of sex, even implicitly, The Morning After vibrates with sexual energy. For the novel to be able to do its disciplinary work of controlling sexuality, it has to be productive of particular notions of that sexuality. This double work is most evident in the passages where pleasure (lizzat) and sin (gunāh) are simultaneously called on, even though the sexuality in the novel is heterosexuality within marriage.56
This comes through most strikingly in the negative, where Mahbubah is asking herself why she is about to commit sin without pleasure (ibid., 402) when she considers becoming the second wife of Mansur. She is concerned about harming the first wife without any pleasure in it for herself, because at that moment she is not madly in love with Mansur and thus expects no pleasure from the marriage. This creates perplexity only if sin is expected to be pleasurable.
Ferdowsi (“Raw Desire,” 653) also analyzes the centrality of women's sexuality in the novel in connection with Furugh Farrukhzad's poetic legacy. For a translation and brief discussion of this poem, see Michael C. Hillman, A Lonely Woman: Forugh Farrokhzad and Her Poetry (Washington, D.C.: Mage Publishers, 1987), 77–78. For an analysis of desire and sexuality in Farrukhzad's poetry, see Farzaneh Milani, Veils and Words: The Emerging Voices of Iranian Women Writers (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1992), 142–48.
Considered as a text disciplinary (and productive) of youth sexuality, The Morning After belongs to the current discourse on “youth crisis” in Iran—a barely disguised euphemism for adults' panic over youth sexuality. It shares the same universe as the Friday prayers and other sermons in which the question of youth sexuality has occupied an important place and through which religious leaders have been proposing a popularization of temporary marriage for young people not yet ready to settle into permanent marriages.58
For a discussion of these propositions and some of the debates they have generated, see Shahla Haeri, “Temporary Marriage and the State in Iran: An Islamic Discourse on Female Sexuality,” Social Research 59 (1992): 201–23.
My quick reading of twenty-five issues over a two-year period (March 1995–April 1997) has produced the following tally: illicit heterosexual relations (actually engaged in, in a few cases contemplating and asking for advice) were reported in fifty-five cases; consensual incestuous relationship: one case; childhood sexual “play” within family: five cases; rape in childhood: one case; masturbation: eleven cases, same-sex relations: three cases; warning against possibility of same sex relations: six cases. Many young women write of deep anxiety over the possibility that their hymen has been affected by their sexual practices. Some state that they have refused suitable marriages because of such fears.
Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 356.
Payam-i zan 65 (1997) 86–87.
Haeri, “Temporary Marriage and the State.” For more recent discussions of youth sexuality and temporary marriage within Islamist circles, see Ayat

allah Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Fazl

allah, “Izdivaj-i zudhingam” (Early Marriage), Payam-i zan 69 (1997): 50–56. Among other things, Ayat

allah Fazl

allah supports the introduction of sexual education as part of the school curriculum and argues that even though watching pornographic films and videos in general is forbidden, it is permitted when used by married couples whose marriage “has gone cold.”
The median age of marriage according to 1996 census is 22.4 years for women and 25.6 for men: as reported in Payam-i zan 65 (1997): 74.
Zahra Akuchikian, “Sukhani ba dustan-i javan” (A Word with [Our] Young Friends), Payam-i zan 54 (1996): 85–88.
In another journal, a presumably young reader of the magazine writes, “We young people have different criteria for marriage compared to the traditional criteria of our fathers. We consider marriage the single most important factor in our happiness or misery. Therefore, how we choose a partner is very important to us, and getting to know [the other person] prior to marriage has become a lot more important than it was for traditional marriages. But society does not recognize such a right for young people, and families do not create such occasions for their children, and officials totally reject the idea. So if a young man and woman are not registered as husband and wife and are seen together in the city, they are arrested and fined. Becoming engaged is not a solution, either, because families consider engagement as a prelude to definite marriage, not as a period for [provisional] acquaintance. It would be good if psychologists, sociologists, and religious leaders would face up to realities of society bravely and find a solution. Otherwise young people will turn away from marriage altogether”: Zanan 33 (1997): 57.
One of the highest policy-making institutions of the state also has been preoccupied with male–female socialization as a matter of national policy. The Council for Cultural Revolution has been discussing a new initiative, proposed by the Social and Cultural Council on Women, entitled the Project to Spread Chastity (Ṭarḥ-i tawsi

ah-

i

ifāf). Its aim is to introduce “discipline in sexual ethics.”
66For a sharp critique of the project on two major grounds—its gender inequity (namely, that the project considers chastity a responsibility of women) and its harsh disciplinary and negative approach rather than a more positive and creative approach advocated by the critic—see a series of articles by Fatimah Safari, “Jinsiyat va akhlaq” (Sexuality and Ethics), Payam-i zan 85 (1999) 21, 36–41; 86 (1999), 40–45; 87 (1999): 36–41, 55; 89 (1999): 40–46.
The richness of The Morning After invites not only resistant and alternative readings, but also allegorical ones. One such attempt is made in the essay by Ferdowsi. His allegorical reading turns the central theme of passionate love and incommensurability into a different tale—a story about the passionate love of a generation of modern Iranians for combining their modernist desires with Islamism. The 1979 revolution, in this reading, stands for the impossible, sinful marriage that is destined to turn catastrophic. As Mahbubah said of her passion, “If paper and cloth could be grafted together, the noble blood of my father could have mixed with the vulgar blood of Rahim the carpenter. Even the thought of it was a sin; it was madness,” Ferdowsi considers the revolution as a sinful, mad attempt to bring together the two insurmountably different cultural worlds of tradition (conflated by him with Islam) and modernity that have been battling each other in Iran for more than a century. For Ferdowsi, The Morning After finally marks the acceptance of this cultural duality and the recognition of the futility of attempts to overcome it through a utopian project of national unity. The 1979 Islamic Revolution was the apotheosis of this historic effort on the part of Iranian intellectuals. Mahbubah's mad love for Rahim stands for this madness. In a way similar to Mahbubah's grand illusion that her love for Rahim could overcome the cultural divide between them, in Ferdowsi's narrative Iranians sought to overcome the divide between Islam and modernity. For Ferdowsi, the novel marks “the morning after” of this madness; he is grateful that, like Mahbubah's father, Father Iran is generous and kind enough to receive his children back to his protective fold.
Connected to this allegorical reading is Ferdowsi's contention that Islam and politics have been the two repressors of sexuality in Iran. Discussing politics, religion, and sexuality as three victims of censorship in modern Iran, he continues by saying that “this is not quite an accurate statement, there is a kind of close affinity between the first two that does not exist between sexuality and the other two. But more importantly, sexuality is not on the same side of the equation of oppression that politics and religion reside. In fact, sexuality is the main victim of the other two. The great inquisitors of our civilization are these two: politics and religion, and every repression, especially repression of sexuality, in the end takes place on the order of these two.”67
Ferdowsi, “Raw Desire,” 669–70. In this section of the essay, there is a back-and-forth slippage in Ferdowsi's usage of mazhab and shari

at. The differences between the two are important. But my argument here about the productivity of disciplinary systems pertains to both.
Furthermore, Ferdowsi's allegorical reading is gender-oblivious. To begin with, it changes Iran, a mother (or a female beloved) in modernist rhetoric, to a father without pondering the meaning of this transgendering. This is not simply a move to coincide with the father figure in the text. The recuperating hopes of the final page of his essay are dependent on a paternal figure. The maternal figure of his “family romance” has already been occupied by “a wounded womb” that has given birth to “us.” The “we” of these pages, a presumed national “we” of Iran, remains the all-male national brotherhood of modernity. The reading ignores that women's relation to modernity—with its ambivalence and hazards—was distinct from that of the male citizens and intellectuals who are the implicit subject of Ferdowsi's concluding “we.”
If one is to read the novel as political allegory, it seems to me it would be more persuasive to move from the allegory set up within the novel itself. Early in the novel, the narrator says, “Outside the house Iran had thrown herself into the arms of Reza Khan [later Reza Shah Pahlavi], and I desired an apprentice carpenter. Iran had succeeded much faster than I. Much faster and much easier.”68
Sayyidjavadi, The Morning After, 62.
At this level, the novel could also be read as a text of warning against monarchic nostalgia, at least of the type represented by Reza Shah.
If we read Mahbubah's passion as a passion for love, for falling madly in love, rather than for Rahim, we can then read the novel allegorically as a narrative of Iran's passion for falling madly in love with modernity. In this reading, Rahim becomes an incidental man. Iran first threw herself into a revolution—the Constitutional Revolution (1906–1909)—that did not quite deliver. Next she threw herself into the arms of Reza Shah—he, too, becomes an incidental man. Mahbubah's failed marriage and sterility come to stand for Pahlavi's modernity. If the next throw is into the embrace of the Islamic Revolution, then we can reread that revolution as part of Iran's continuous experiments of mad love for modernity, a reading that Ferdowsi's irreconcilability of Islam and modernity would reject. For Ferdowsi, the current situation in Iran is the aftermath of a sterile experiment breaking into the cold sweat of the morning after, the cold civil society. In this alternative allegorical reading, the civil society for which Iranians are currently struggling is what Sudabah considers and contemplates at the end of the novel: is it possible to go after her mad love without the travails of her aunt? Is there a way out of the dichotomy of

aql and

ishq? The novel's refusal to have Sudabah make a decision rejects this as a necessary duality to be played and replayed with no hopeful resolution. Instead of seeing the current situation in Iran as the cold morning after a night of drinking, it provides the possibility of seeing the current situation as an indeterminate opening for leaving behind the historical duality between modernity and Islam.
Author's note: I thank Kathryn Babayan, Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet, Jayati Lal, and all the participants in the Workshops Questions of Modernity (25–26 February 1999, New York University) and Modernity in the Middle East: Histories and Discourses (2 June 1999, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev) for productive critical comments on earlier presentations of this paper. I also benefited from critical comments of the anonymous readers of IJMES. This essay is dedicated to my mother, who could not bear to finish reading The Morning After. Her evident pain made me read and reread it.