In the first chapter, Suberu lays out the structure and character of Nigerian federalism, emphasizing the numerous challenges and opportunities that have been largely mismanaged by the political elite. Among other culprits that have precipitated this rather unstable and contentious situation, he identifies “inappropriate regimes” and “ill-motivated ethnic elites” (p. 12). Chapter 2 is a detailed and refreshing discussion of the evolution of Nigerian federalism, through the various civilian republics and military eras to the current situation under Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. Ironically, Suberu commends the “first phase of military rule” for “the transformation of the impossible and combustible regional federation of the First Republic into a more institutionally balanced multistate federal structure” (pp. 45–46). Of course, this is a dubious position that appears to legitimate military intervention and the containment of democratic possibilities and options. If the achievement of the military was that commendable, why did it collapse in the second republic, and why has it continued to fail to stand the test of time?

In Chapter 3, the author takes on the very controversial revenue allocation (he seems to prefer “revenue sharing”) issue, again providing a detailed discussion with new data, especially on pre-independence revenue politics. He takes on the various criteria used in federal allocation of revenue to the states and local governments and the work of the revenue commissions. Unfortunately, he shies away from any radical conclusions or prescriptions, and one wonders why this is so. Chapter 4 examines the politics of state creation and noncreation with insights into the advantages and limitations of state proliferation. Suberu points out that state creation has not broken the cohesion of the three major ethnic groups in national politics. Noting that pressures for more states would continue, he calls for “some structural or fundamental means” to “discourage the process” (p. 110). Unfortunately, we do not get any outline on what such “structural” and “fundamental means” could be. In the fifth chapter, Suberu looks at the so-called federal character principle and concludes that it has not met its declared goal of promoting “national integration” and that its “politics have proved to be extremely divisive in regional, ethnic, and religious terms” (p. 138). Chapter 6 examines the census politics, and while improvements were noted in certain efforts, the author notes that there is continuity in “the relentless sectional perceptions of the census as an instrument of communal socioeconomic and political advantage” (p. 167).

The final chapter is where Suberu attempts to give his own prescriptions on “reforming” the Nigerian federal structure. He argues that prolonged military rule may not be to blame for the Nigerian predicament; rather, “the problem may lie in a monolithic, statist, and centrist political economy that would require several years and rigorous and broad-based decentralized economic development to overcome” (p. 171). He provides several interesting interpretations and solutions to the major issues discussed in the book and calls for devolution of powers and responsibilities (p. 177); a downward adjustment of federal share of revenues and “more taxing powers to the state and localities” (p. 177); “restraining the enormous powers of the presidency” (p. 189); and a more “consciously and consistently ethnically flexible or mixed solutions” to the quest for territorial restructuring (p. 195). He advocates a popular approach to constitution making (p. 202) and opposes ethnic federalism (p. 195). Suberu concludes that “all things considered, a federal solution seems to remain the most feasible, peaceable, and acceptable, although by no means inevitable, option for Nigeria” (p. 204).

Without doubt, Suberu has done an excellent job: The book is clearly written, devoid of jargon, readable, and focused. One must point out, though, that there are two major worries. First, ordinary peoples’ voices are clearly absent. Top politicians like Philip Asiodu and Alex Ekweme are quoted. But we do not know what the civil society groups, students, women, the youth, trade unions, and community associations are saying. Yet these are the groups that have continued to make radical and critical demands on the system. Their voices and demands would only grow louder with the democratic dispensation. It is not fair to assume what they think or want. We want to hear them speak for themselves. The other issue is that the author tries too hard to avoid the class question. Nowhere in the volume is a class perspective considered. One gets the impression that the 120 million Nigerians whose political interests have been activated by military disengagement from power since 1999 are organized only as ethnic groups or at best in states and localities. It is as if they do not operate, network, and act in class terms, even if this is mediated by other primordial considerations. This limitation means that the book gives only a one-sided picture of the Nigerian reality and the forces, coalitions, and interests that shape that reality.

I have no hesitation in recommending this book to students of Nigerian and African politics. It would no doubt generate interesting debates amongst “Nigerianists” within and beyond Nigeria and encourage further research into some of the issues that Suberu has raised.