This insightful scholarly work conducts a thorough examination of the intricate interplay between ecclesiastical debates and political disputes in early modern Scotland, particularly during its revolutionary period in the seventeenth century, a domain that has not garnered sufficient attention within existing scholarship concerning political ideas in early modern Europe. This book not only illustrates the complex relationship between religious conflicts and the development of political thought but also unveils the dynamics and diversity of Scottish political ideas among the Covenanters and the royalists, thereby challenging the prevailing perspective of this period as a representation of a monolithic theocracy.

Schultz commences her examination of the notion of the godly commonwealth during the Reformation period. In the first chapter, she delineates two divergent perspectives among the Reformers regarding the role of civil government. The first perspective assigns a primarily negative role to rulers, emphasising their responsibility to maintain social peace and order, notably through the prevention of crime. In contrast, the second perspective highlights the ruler’s duty of cura religionis, positing that the ruler ought to participate actively in the establishment of the godly commonwealth by punishing heresy and safeguarding true religion. The author contends that the Scots during the sixteenth century shared similar strands of political thought. Chapter ii explores the ecclesiastical debates surrounding adiaphora between Scottish royalists and Presbyterians during the seventeenth century. It illustrates that although both groups accused one another of potentially reinstating Roman Catholicism in Scotland, each prioritised different concerns: the royalists advocated for social peace and order by bestowing legislative authority upon the monarch, whereas the strict Presbyterians critiqued the royalist stance as idolatrous and sought to limit the king’s influence to external ecclesiastical matters, thereby emphasising the authority of parliament. Through this analysis, Schultz elucidates how the ecclesiastical and theological discussions of this era were intricately linked with political ideas.

Chapter iii examines the political theories of Scottish royalists. While it reveals diversity among royalists, as not all advocated exclusively for episcopacy or absolute monarchy, the author also shows that, in general, the royalists emphasised the Augustinian and coercive nature of civil government as the ultimate objective of politics, asserting the king’s authority as essential for maintaining social order and dismissing the right of inferior magistrates to resist the monarch. Furthermore, Schultz demonstrates that royalists drew upon a variety of sources, with particular emphasis on John Maxwell’s reference to sixteenth-century Roman Catholic jurists. Chapter iv examines how royalists and Presbyterians developed distinct political ideas that aligned with their respective ecclesiastical polities. According to the author, some royalists viewed episcopacy as the only suitable church polity that could coexist with absolute monarchy, accusing Presbyterians of subverting the king’s authority and disrupting social peace. Conversely, the Covenanters contended that Presbyterianism upheld the boundaries between the spiritual and temporal kingdoms, emphasising limited monarchy. Chapter v examines the political ideas of the Covenanters, asserting that they did not advocate for a theocratic system; rather, they emphasised human agency within civil politics and conferred political authority upon parliament, thereby upholding the principle of limited monarchy. Schultz investigates how the Covenanters, particularly Samuel Rutherford, employed Roman Catholic Scholastic concepts, such as the origins of civil government, equality and the original power of the people, intertwining these ideas with covenant ideas to substantiate their resistance to the monarch.

Chapter vi illustrates the dynamic nature of the Covenanters’ political ideas, which underwent radical transformation after 1646. Schultz indicates that, following the Engagement in 1647, a conflict emerged between the Scottish parliament and the general assembly, leading to a shift in the Covenanters’ understanding of resistance by inferior magistrates. The author asserts that certain Covenanters, such as Rutherford, emphasised the necessity of purging those who contravened the Solemn League and Covenant, thereby seeking the purity of the godly commonwealth. Schultz contends that this represents a significant departure from their earlier political ideas. Following the thorough examination of the diversity within seventeenth-century Scottish political thought during its revolutionary period, the author concludes that the political ideas of both royalists and Covenanters should be analysed in tandem to attain a more nuanced comprehension of the development of political theories during this epoch. Furthermore, Schultz argues that this development cannot be entirely grasped without taking into account the interplay between religious and political discourses in early modern Scotland.

This study elucidates the political thought of seventeenth-century Scotland through a balanced approach, meticulously investigating its interaction with religious conflicts. By examining the differing perspectives on the role of civil magistrates in both the Church and the State, as well as the limitations on civil authority imposed by royalists and Covenanters, along with their relationship to broader political and intellectual discourses across continental Europe, Schultz presents a nuanced and comprehensive interpretation of the political debates in early modern Scotland.

One argument in the book that appears to require more compelling evidence is Schultz’s claim that the Covenanters radicalised their political thought after 1646. It is true that the strict Covenanters expelled the Engagers to purify Scotland as God’s covenanted nation, while the National Covenant was vague enough to attract support from various groups. However, this does not necessarily imply that those who insisted on enforcing strict discipline over the covenant-breakers changed or radicalised their political thought. It is possible that they simply did not recognise the need to purge before the Engagement. The Covenanters, like Rutherford, consistently advocated strict discipline, arguing for the divine right of the Church’s authority to excommunicate sinners, including even the king. Moreover, the Covenanters compelled those who criticised the National Covenant to subscribe to it to create a godly commonwealth, which seems to foreshadow the conflicts among the Scots after the Engagement.

In conclusion, this book provides profound insights into the intricate relationship between religious debates and political thought in early modern Scotland. Its contributions to the field are numerous and substantial, establishing a robust foundation for future research and discourse.