The Covid-19 pandemic saw the planning and realisation of the digital conference The Eastern Roman Empire under the Severans: Old Connections, New Beginnings? (16–18 June 2022). Its proceedings, with additional papers by Kostas Buraselis and Werner Eck, now appear in a volume of the same title. The contributions are in English (12), German (5) and French (1).

The introduction (9–26) insists on shaking off ‘this “narrative of origin”, which often seems central to the interpretation of the members of Severan family’, as it is in contrast to the literary production of Severan age, which is ‘calling into question any relevance of the non-Italian origins of the Severans for their contemporaries’ (9). The account of the ‘ethnographic stereotyping’ (11) referred to by the editors is missing an eloquent example, namely the emperor Maximinus, whose origin is reported by Herodian as a ‘shepherd boy from the Thracians of the furthest interior’ (cf. D. Boteva in P. Iossif & Y. Stoyas (eds), Fleur de Coin, Athens (2025)). This omission is regrettable as Maximinus, being a typical example of ‘narrative of origin’, was also a product of the Severan era. An obvious incorrect detail is the assertion that Cassius Dio is ‘the only contemporary source’ (12), as Herodian should also be considered among the contemporaries. The introduction defines the following main subjects of the contributions: 1) the narrative of origin; 2) province of Syria Phoenice; 3) Palmyra; 4) developments in Asia Minor; 5) Severan policies in the Balkan peninsula; 6) the eastern neighbours of the Roman empire; 7) focus on the centre of the empire.

Matthäus Heil discusses ‘Die syrische Kaiserin. Ein Schlagwort und seine Abgründe’ (‘The Syrian Empress: a catchphrase and its abysses’, 27–46). His approach towards Domna and her female relatives sounds convincing. However, the account of Septimius Severus lacks any comment on Orietta Cordovanna’s opinion (Greece & Rome 59.1 (2012)) on Septimius’ practising decapitation of his enemies and its relation to the emperor’s origins. Julia Hoffmann-Salz (47–82) also focuses on the ‘narrative of origin’, however from a different perspective.

Ziad Sawaya (83–106) analyses the numismatic evidence from Phoenicia for a.d. 193–235 and concludes that ‘secular rivalry’ between Tyre and Sidon has ‘exploded on their coins’ (103). Holger Wienholz (115–25) focuses on the colossal temple of Jupiter at Baalbek, advocating convincingly the idea that its construction was initiated by Caracalla and not by Antoninus Pius as traditionally believed. Udo Hartmann offers a historical overview of Palmyra under the Severans (127–61). His discussion of Herodian’s report on Severus Alexander’s second visit to the city could possibly benefit by taking into consideration Nicolay Sharankov’s publication in ZPE 214 (2020) on this emperor’s visit to Thrace thereafter.

Ann-Christine Sander (163–80) focuses on the ‘desert police’ of Palmyra, whose endonym used to be Tadmur. She asserts that paying ‘tribute to individual Tadmureans for their commitment to Roman interests’ resulted in close ‘ties between the Tadmurean local elite and the Roman imperial family’ (177).

Hadrien Bru (181–204) analyses Severan presence in Phrygia Paroreia and Pisidia, being one of the leading experts on this region as proved by his book of 2017. He presents briefly the most emblematic epigraphic testimonies of Severan activity in Phrygia–Pisidia, highlighting the ‘phraseology of universal dominance’. Babette Edelmann-Singer’s text (205–23) discusses briefly the imperial cult in the koina with the respective changes under the Severans, as well as the neōkoria grants. Concerning the imperial cult in Thrace, the publications of Milena Raycheva — a leading expert on the topic — have clearly not been consulted. Simon Lentzsch argues (225–38), correctly or not, that the restoration of Hannibal’s tomb in Bithynia ‘was part of a long discourse about the Carthaginian general as well as a tradition of visits by emperors to famous historical sites’.

Riccardo Bertolazzi (239–54), the author of Septimius Severus and the Cities of the Empire (2020), analyses two ‘extraordinary’ titles: ‘Fortune of the inhabited world’ awarded to Iulia Domna in a.d. 215 and Iulia Maesa in a.d. 218–222 and ‘Mistress of the inhabited world’ awarded to Iulia Mamaea in a.d. 222 in inscriptions from Lower Moesia and Thrace. According to him, the attribution of these ‘unusual’ titles to the three Augustae was ‘the result of at least two factors: the urban growth in Lower Moesia and Thrace and the prominence acquired by these imperial women’ (240). This explanation does not adequately account for the fact that the inhabitants of Nicopolis ad Istrum in Lower Moesia called Domna ϑεά — ‘goddess’ (245) —already in a.d. 198 in at least two inscriptions and in a.d. 202–203/4 on coins (D. Boteva, Lower Moesia and Thrace in the Roman Imperial System (1997), 59–60, 169–70). Explaining the bestowal to Anchialus of the privilege to organize Seuereia festivals as a reward for the support during the civil war of 193–194 is not convincing (243), as the earliest attested issue of this festival dates to a.d. 205 (cf. M. Raycheva in Proceedings of the Fourth International Roman and Late Antique Thrace Conference (2024)). If it was connected with events at the beginning of Severus’ rule, then I am inclined to associate the start of the festival with the decennalia of installing the Severan dynasty by proclaiming Caracalla as a Caesar in a.d. 195 (cf. D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle, 5th edn (2011), 162; D. Boteva, Archaeologia Bulgarica 24.1 (2020)).

Giorgios Mitropoulous examines in depth the ‘new beginnings’ and ‘old connections’ of the Severans with provincia Achaia (255–77), based on inscriptions and — to a less extent — coins. He underlines the extent of imperial attention to administrative and financial issues of the Greek cities. The three following chapters by Frank Schleicher (279–308), Giusto Traina (309–15) and Lucinda Dirven (317–36) discuss exhaustively or briefly imperial neighbours in the East — Caucasus with a focus on Armenia, Hatra and the Sassanians, achieving some instructive conclusions. The last two contributions — of Susann S. Lusnia (337–49) and Werner Eck (351–64) — focus on the centre of the empire by dealing with the Eastern influences in art and architecture, and the military diplomas as a source for the regulations on marriages undertaken by Septimius. Kostas Buraselis (365–68) offers a ‘Research Interim Epilog’, pondering the ‘changing world’ of the Severans and the political necessity of Roman military activity in the East.

Summing up, I would agree with G. Mitropoulos’s note, that the conference and its proceedings ‘constitute the long-awaited filling up of a gap in modern scholarship’, as the ‘interplay between the Hellenophone provinces and the Severan dynasty remains lastly obscure’ (255). Regretfully, some of the contributions have managed to fill this gap less successfully than others, mostly due to lack of direct experience of the region.