Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I am delighted to send greetings to all Roma everywhere as you celebrate International Roma Day this April 8. In communities across Europe and around the world, Romani people have contributed in ways large and small to culture, music, and the arts. This is also an occasion to commemorate the history of brave resistance against Nazi persecution.

Protecting and promoting the rights of Romani people everywhere is a personal commitment of mine. Far too often and in too many places, Roma continue to experience racial profiling, violence, segregation, and other forms of discrimination. Individuals, organizations, and governments must establish the political, legal, and social landscape to encourage and value diversity. I call upon European leaders to redouble their efforts to ensure that Romani people are not discriminated against in access to education, healthcare, housing and employment opportunities.

I am pleased to announce that in the coming days, we will be launching two new programs to assist members of Romani communities in Romania, Moldova, Slovakia and Hungary. These programs are in addition to our ongoing support in Bulgaria, Serbia, Macedonia, Kosovo and elsewhere across Europe. We are working to increase legal assistance, expand educational opportunities, and help more Romani people participate in political discourse to strengthen a new generation of Romani community leaders. With the help of governments, international organizations, civil society groups, and others around the world, we are helping Romani communities and individuals everywhere chart a new path so that every Romani person may live up to her or his God-given potential.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Alexander Stubb delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning, and it is such a pleasure for me once again to have a chance to consult with a friend and a colleague. The foreign minister and I always have more to talk about than we have time to do it.

And I am delighted to be joined here today with Foreign Minister Stubb, who has been gracious enough to come to Washington for important consultations. Our countries have an excellent relationship and a longstanding partnership forged by democratic principles, a common understanding of our international responsibilities, and friendly cooperation. We are working together for peace, progress, and prosperity around the world, whether it be in Afghanistan, the Middle East, North Africa, the Balkans, or anywhere else.

I thanked the minister for his vision, drive, and tireless work to strengthen the transatlantic relationship between the United States and Europe. We agreed that the partnership between the United States and the European Union must remain at the heart of our joint foreign policy efforts. We discussed the developments in the Middle East and North Africa, and I appreciated greatly Finland's commitment to democratic transitions and humanitarian assistance as these people throughout the region seek a better future.

I thanked the foreign minister for Finland's vocal support for Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Finland has pledged an additional $2 million in humanitarian aid to Libyan refugees through the UN and other aid agencies, on top of the $2 million that Finland has already provided.

We also discussed Finland's important contributions in Afghanistan, where Finnish troops serve as part of the ISAF force and dozens of Finnish police are helping make the transition from coalition to Afghan Government control. The tragic attack on the UN compound in Mazer-e Sharif reminded us all of the challenges we face.

Now, there are many other contributions that Finland has made to global peace and security, and I appreciate particularly Finland's support of the Global Initiative to Develop Clean Cookstoves, which can prevent millions of deaths in the developing world by cutting down on illnesses caused by breathing the dirty smoke from cooking fires and also cut down on black carbon and other unfortunate elements that contribute to global warming.

So we value our relationship, and I am delighted that we had this chance to continue our consultation.

Minister Stubb. Thank you very much, Hillary, and good morning to all of you. It's always very nice to be here. Hillary and I, we've known each other for a couple of years, and in our discussions and negotiations, if I have a problem getting a point across, I speak with a very heavy southern accent. And that always—it always works.

We indeed had a good conversation and a discussion on the situation in the Arab world, more specifically in Libya, Egypt, and Tunisia. Secondly, we talked about Afghanistan. And thirdly, we touched upon a subject which is very familiar to all of us Finns; in other words, Russia. We both discussed our commitment to UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973 and the upcoming EU foreign ministers meeting in Luxembourg tomorrow where Libya will be on the agenda as well.

But I think without further ado, we'd be more than glad to take a question or two.

Q. And, Mr. Stubb, as well, if I may, what do you think about EU's role in the situation?

Minister Stubb. To split the question in two—first one Finland, the second one the European Union—as far as Finland is concerned, we were one of the first countries, actually, to condemn Qadhafi and the first country to propose sanctions, which were then adopted a week later in 1970 in the UN Security Council. After that, we were quite rapid in putting forward the humanitarian aid side of things, but we decided quite early on not to participate in the implementation of the no-fly zone because we didn't feel that we had a value added in that particular operation. Eleven out of twenty-eight NATO countries were involved in that, plus three outsiders.

Then we come to the second part, the European Union. The European Union is right now preparing and planning a EUFOR Libya operation. It has its headquarters in Rome. But there is one very clear lock or condition for this operation, and that is a request by UN's OCHA. If that request would come, which is still, may I add, a big if, it would most probably be dealing with opening passages for taking in humanitarian aid. It could be involving evacuations or some kind of sea or airlifts. But it's probably too early to say. I think it's very important that the European Union is involved in any which way, and one of the ways that we can be involved in also is political dialogue because there is going to be life after Qadhafi, and the European Union should prepare for that.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. On behalf of President Obama and the people of the United States, I reaffirm the commitment of the United States to stand with Ukraine and the forty-four other nations participating in the Kyiv Summit as we mark the 25th anniversary of the Chornobyl nuclear disaster and complete Chornobyl's transition to an environmentally-safe site. The completion of two nuclear safety projects, construction of a new safe confinement shelter, and a storage facility for spent fuel will help finally close this difficult chapter for the people of Ukraine and the region.

Nearly two decades of cooperation between Ukraine and the United States on nuclear energy and safety, health, and nonproliferation has made a lasting contribution to nuclear safety in the region and throughout the world. The United States has already contributed $240 million to this international effort, and today we are announcing a pledge of $123 million in new funding.

As we remember this anniversary, we are also following the grave situation at Japan's Fukushima-Daiichi nuclear power plant. It is a reminder that nuclear safety requires the global community to work together. This is why today the United States joins Ukraine and the rest of the international community in renewing our support for the government and people of Japan.

As we pause to reflect on the events that took place at Chornobyl twenty-five years ago, we must recommit ourselves to ensuring the safe use of nuclear power for generations to come.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Uri Rosenthal delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Well, good morning, and I want to welcome Foreign Minister Rosenthal to the State Department. It is certainly the case that the Netherlands has been and is a valued ally and trusted friend to the United States. We talked about our 400 years of history together, and our nations are part of a transatlantic community that is united by shared values and a firm commitment to work together for peace, progress and prosperity. We discussed a wide range of issues from the crisis in Libya to our shared mission in Afghanistan to our global efforts to support sustainable development and empower women and girls.

First on Libya, we agreed that carrying out the mandate of the United Nations Security Council to protect Libyan civilians remains critically important under Resolution 1973. Colonel Qadhafi's troops continue their vicious attacks, including the siege of Misrata. There are even reports that Qadhafi forces may have used cluster bombs against their own people. In the face of this inhumanity, the international community remains united in our resolve. We deeply regret the loss of all life, and we are particularly saddened today by the loss of two journalists, and we extend our condolences to their families.

We also call for the immediate release of Americans who are being unjustly detained by Libyan authorities, including at least two reporters. I say “at least” because we do not have any accurate information coming from Libyan authorities about other inquiries that we have made regarding their continuing harassment and detention of journalists including Americans.

I also expressed appreciation for Dutch contributions to the NATO-led no-fly zone and to the international Contact Group that met most recently in Doha and will meet again soon in Rome. We agreed that Qadhafi must step aside and a democratic transition must begin that reflects the will and aspirations of all Libyans.

I want to thank the government and people of the Netherlands for their commitment to our mission in Afghanistan. Our troops, diplomats, and development experts continue to work side by side and stand with the Afghan people. I greatly appreciate the commitment of a new police training mission to deploy this summer to bolster the Afghan Government's ability to provide security. We are committed to the NATO transition as agreed at the Lisbon Summit to be completed in 2014, and we have a lot of work ahead of us to help facilitate greater security, political reconciliation, and a clear unambiguous stand against al-Qaida and other extremists.

Now, we also are discussing the great commitment to sustainable global development that the Netherlands has demonstrated over so many years. And there's a new challenge. Nearly two million people, mostly women and children, die each year from breathing the toxic smoke from dirty stoves and open fires that are used overwhelmingly for the cooking of the daily meals. This is more than twice the number of people who die from malaria. So it's a very serious health hazard. It's also an environmental hazard. It contributes to black carbon which contributes to global warming. And the United States has joined the United Nations Foundation and a wide range of partners to form the Global Alliance for Clean Cookstoves with the goal of 100 million homes adopting clean stoves and fuels by 2020. The Government of Netherlands, the Shell Foundation, SNV, Philips have long been leaders in this effort, and we greatly appreciate the historic generosity of the Dutch people.

In that same spirit, I'm pleased to announce that the United States and the Netherlands have agreed to deepen our cooperation aimed at empowering women and girls around the world, especially in emerging democracies. Both our nations recognize that when women and girls are accorded their rights and afforded opportunities, they drive political, economic, and social progress. And we're so pleased to be working with the Netherlands to create greater political and economic opportunities for women, particularly in the democratic transitions underway in the Middle East and North Africa.

Minister, we have so much that we work on together. We have so much in common. Our histories and our cultures are entwined. We are your friend, we are your partner, and I appreciate your efforts.

Minister Rosenthal. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Secretary, for your kind words and for receiving me today here in Washington. We have met before, but not yet here. And I also believe we had a very productive discussion today. Indeed, we share our history for centuries, 400 years, and we share also strong economic ties. Over 700,000 American jobs are the result of our Dutch investment and trade relationship. We share important values— freedom, tolerance, democracy, human rights, protection of religious minorities throughout the world. And we are working closely with the U.S. at promoting these values in the Arab region and also elsewhere in the world.

Madam Secretary, let me, talking about the Arab region and Libya, first offer my condolences to the families and friends of Tim Hetherington and Chris Hondros.

They were two formidable journalists, who gave their lives doing their jobs. It's just part of the human tragedy, humanitarian tragedy in Libya, a tragedy which is simply unacceptable. And that is why we are an active partner in the NATO campaign Unified Protector and why we also provide humanitarian aid whenever we can. And we are, with you, particularly concerned at the moment about the situation in Misrata.

We condemn, on our part, Colonel Qadhafi's actions in the strongest of terms. Colonel Qadhafi and his regime have indeed lost all legitimacy, and he must step down, the sooner the better. We rigorously enforce the sanctions against him and his cronies, and we strongly support the aspirations of the Libyan people to reform democracy and, last but not least, rule of law.

We also discussed today the situation in Syria, and together with the U.S., we strongly condemn the violence of the regime against its own population. We believe that this was put urgently on the agenda of the Human Rights Council. And for the Dutch Government, it's unthinkable that Syria would become part of that same Human Rights Council.

With you, Madam Secretary, we agree on the important role of women in societies in transition, especially in the Middle East and North Africa. Our joint statement today will lead to complete joint actions for women in the region.

And then there is Afghanistan. The Netherlands has been actively engaged in Afghanistan since 2002. Today, we are investing in the training of the police force in Kunduz Province in the north of the country. I believe it's crucial because it helps Afghan people to take responsibility for their own security and to strengthen the rule of law also in that country. And we definitely need to work on reconciliation, accepting the red lines, but with the Afghans themselves taking the lead.

Finally, Madam Secretary, we indeed discussed your initiative for clean cook-stoves. I'm encouraged to see that an alliance of public and private players is taking this issue very seriously, including, as you said already, some important Dutch companies like Philips and Shell International. And we do embrace this initiative.

Madam Secretary, to conclude, it was a great pleasure to discuss these important issues with you today here at the State Department. I thank you for that.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you so much, Uri.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Minister Lene Espersen delivered these remarks in Nuuk, Greenland

Minister Espersen. Welcome to all of you. Before we take on the Arctic agenda this afternoon, we've just had the opportunity to briefly touch base on some of the other international issues that preoccupy us both and where we believe that we have a very valuable cooperation.

On Libya, we agreed that now is not the time to waver, that we have to sustain. The international community must maintain and increase the pressure on Qadhafi and his regime. And we are strongly committed to and actively engaged in the work of the Libya Contact Group, and of course, the efforts to assure a political solution for Libya.

We also agreed that the operation against Usama bin Ladin has created a new boost to international counterterrorism efforts, and we must build on this to further galvanize the broad international cooperation. Thank you.

Secretary Clinton. Well, let me begin by saying how delighted I am to be here in Nuuk at this Arctic Council meeting, the first time that the United States has been represented by the Secretary of State. And I am very grateful to Minister Espersen for her leadership and for the strong partnership that exists between the United States and Denmark.

Before I talk about the meeting we just had and today's working session of the Arctic Council, I want to say a few words about the situation in Syria. Despite overwhelming international condemnation, the Syrian Government continues to exact brutal reprisals against its own citizens, including, tragically, the deaths of hundreds of Syrians since March. They engage in unlawful detention and torture and the denial of medical care to wounded persons. Now, there may be some who think that this is a sign of strength, but treating one's own people in this way is, in fact, a sign of remarkable weakness.

President Obama and I have condemned these actions in no uncertain terms, and I do so again today. The recent events in Syria make clear that the country cannot return to the way it was before. Tanks and bullets and clubs will not solve Syria's political and economic challenges. And relying on Iran as your best friend and your only strategic ally is not a viable way forward. Syria's future will only be secured by a government that reflects the popular will of all of the people and protects their welfare. President Asad faces increasing isolation, and we will continue to work with our international partners in the EU and elsewhere on additional steps to hold Syria responsible for its gross human rights abuses.

It is such a pleasure for me, in contrast to what we see happening in a place like Syria, to be celebrating the alliance, partnership, and friendship between the United States and Denmark, rooted in our shared democratic values and aspirations. And that is the underpinning of the partnership we have here in the Arctic Council, and our determination to work together on a range of global challenges.

Today, Lene and I had the opportunity on the boat to discuss at length many of the issues that we are working on in this fast-moving world, including in North Africa and Afghanistan. And I thanked the minister for Denmark's strong support throughout the Maghreb region. In Libya, Denmark was one of the first countries to fly air-to-ground missions, and may I say it is absolutely exemplary in every way, in all of the actions it has undertaken. It is also making substantial contributions in Egypt and Tunisia through its support for vulnerable groups such as young people and women, and its support for political reform, fair elections, rule of law, social dialogue, and civil society.

In Afghanistan, we continue to stand shoulder to shoulder as we work to ensure the smooth transition of security responsibility that was agreed upon at the Lisbon summit. Denmark's general—generous development assistance is crucial to this effort, and I commended Foreign Minister Espersen for her initiative to improve women's access to justice in Helmand province.

Now of course, we are here because of our shared concern and commitment to the Arctic. This region faces so many challenges, especially with the harmful effects of climate change on its ecology, natural resources, and the livelihoods of millions of people who are used to living off the land and the seas. And we will be discussing many important matters in our meeting to start just shortly, from mitigating the effects of black carbon, to cooperating on possible oil spills, to search-and-rescue operations. And in all of these discussions, we have benefitted enormously from the wisdom and engagement of the Council's permanent participants.

Now the challenges in the region are not just environmental. There are other issues at stake. The melting of sea ice, for example, will result in more shipping, fishing, and tourism, and the possibility to develop newly accessible oil and gas reserves. We seek to pursue these opportunities in a smart, sustainable way that preserves the Arctic environment and ecosystem.

So for more than 15 years, the Arctic Council has established itself as the region's preeminent intergovernmental body, and the United States is committed to this forum. The search-and-rescue agreement, which we co-chaired with Russia and which we will be signing today, is an example of how the Council can work collectively to effect positive change. The United States is an Arctic nation. This region matters greatly to us. That's why I was delighted to be joined by Senator Lisa Murkowski, who represents Alaska. We know that the decisions we make now are going to have long-lasting ramifications, and we want to make the right decisions.

So again, I thank the minister and I thank Denmark for hosting this very important meeting.

Q. Thank you both for speaking with us. Madam Secretary, just a question: One of your goals in coming here is to call attention to important environmental issues, including climate change, but it's been difficult for U.S. administrations to follow through on some of these ambitions and commitments on things from Law of the Sea to climate. I'm just wondering what assurances you can give the international community now that the U.S. is prepared to go forward and take some concrete action.

Secretary Clinton. Well, Joby, you're right that it's been challenging in our political system to take the kinds of actions that we know are dictated by the science and by what we see in front of our eyes. Many of the indigenous people who are here at the Arctic Council meeting can give you very dramatic descriptions of how their land and the sea has changed in their lifetimes. So there is no doubt, except among those who are into denying the facts before their eyes, that climate change is occurring, and it is contributed to by human actions at every level.

I don't think the Obama Administration, certainly not the President, has given up on continuing to make the case for what the United States can and should do. We were not successful in getting the Senate to pass a comprehensive bill, but as you know, the Administration has increased its attention to regulatory actions that can be taken to improve everything from the gas mileage of cars to the regulation of utility emissions. And we're going to continue to do that. We're going to use every single available option that can demonstrate clearly to our own people, first and foremost, and then to the international community that the United States is taking action and will be doing everything we can to make our contribution.

Q. Yes. To both of you, since you're both cooperating on Libya, we've seen an intensification of the bombing raids, particularly against Tripoli. Is there a parallel effort, diplomatic effort, to push Qadhafi out, and how long would that take? Do you have an assessment of how long he might remain in power?

Minister Espersen. Well, I think what is the most important thing is actually that when both Secretary Clinton and I were in Rome last week, we decided to have a much better international coordination and actually putting pressure on finding a political solution. One of the things that Colonel Qadhafi has been quite smart at doing has actually been sending all kinds of messengers out, negotiating ceasefires and things like that, only with one purpose, I think, and that is just to prolong everything and to try to make the international society start a quarrel whether we're doing the right thing or not.

And what's very important is that the Libya Contact Group and the international society remains committed to stay in until the job has been done, protecting the civilians and, of course, making sure that the UN special envoy Al-Khatib is supported a hundred percent in his very important job, trying to negotiate a political solution and a ceasefire. And I think that's actually the best we can do, not having different countries negotiating with Qadhafi but having one person coordinating and negotiating, so that he knows that now the pressure is on him.

And I think that's the most important thing, and I've spent any opportunity I have to say, because the Danish airplanes are doing a lot at the moment, to say that we are living up a hundred percent to the UN Security Council Resolution 1973. We are there to protect the civilians. And if it takes us to bomb military buildings and other things, we will continue to do that in order to protect the civilians. So we're very committed on that.

Secretary Clinton. Well, I can only echo what the minister said, because she was very eloquent in describing what is the international consensus. And I think out of our meeting in Rome, we were even more determined to keep the military pressure on and to intensify our diplomatic and political efforts. They are proceeding as we can with a lot of consultation. The UN has a major role to play, but there are also other contacts that will be undertaken to make clear to Qadhafi and those around him that we're persistent and we're patient and we're determined.

And I would just end by once again thanking and applauding the efforts of Denmark. Denmark is just an extraordinary country in every way, and its commitment to its international obligations, as evidenced not only in this operation under the UN Security Council but in its generosity of foreign assistance and in so many other areas it sets a very high standard.

President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Enda Kenny delivered these remarks in Dublin, Ireland

Prime Minister Kenny. If everybody can hear. Obviously this is the first occasion in world history I think there is two bilaterals with an American President in the space of 67 minutes. But I want to welcome President Obama and the First Lady Michelle to Dublin on their way through to a state visit in England and further activities.

I can say that the Irish people have been waiting for this visit. Their excitement is palpable. And I trust that the President and his wife and party will enjoy their visit to Moneygall, home of his triple-great grandfather, Falmouth Kearney, when he goes down there today.

I'd like to say on this occasion here we've discussed a range of issues. I've explained to the President the seriousness of which Ireland and its new government—thereby myself and the presence here of the Oireachtas—are dealing with the issues that affect our country—the banks and the economic situation and our seriousness of intent in dealing with our budget deficit; also in conjunction with the conditions of the IMF bailout, dealing with the situation there. And we expressed appreciation for the general support of America in that regard.

We discuss the question of the Northern Ireland Assembly, the new assembly, our relationship with that assembly in relation to the British government. We discussed the implications and the consequences of the Queen's visit here, following on the President's invitation, and the enormous impact that that made, together with the visit of the British Prime Minister during the course of that state visit.

We discussed the question of the President's speech on immigration, which he made in El Paso, and the fact that the administration is continuing to work on that.

We discussed the relationship between Ireland and the States, the continuing importance of that, and I reiterated the no-change policy in respect of the use of Shannon in respect of American aircraft serving the U.N. resolutions passing through.

And we discussed a range of other issues relative to the country here and the fact that courage is necessary for leaders who take risks in the interests of solving the problems of their people and their countries.

I reiterated our appreciation and heartfelt thanks to the American President for his visit here. And like all politicians, we have some unfinished business, and that is that the next time he comes back he's going to bring his golf clubs.

Thank you.

President Obama. Thank you so much.

Well, first of all, let me just say how extraordinarily grateful I am to the Taoiseach, to the President of Ireland, for their extraordinary hospitality to myself and Michelle. It is heartwarming to be here—and people even arranged for the sun to come out shortly after I arrived.

The friendship and the bond between the United States and Ireland could not be stronger. Obviously it is not just a matter of strategic interest, it's not just a matter of foreign policy; for the United States, Ireland carries a blood link with us. And for the millions of Irish Americans, this continues to symbolize the homeland and the extraordinary traditions of an extraordinary people.

The Taoiseach and I have already had occasion to meet in Washington. It's wonderful to be able to discuss with him again some of the important issues that he is working on. We're glad to see that progress is being made in stabilizing the economic situation here. I know it's a hard road, but it's one that the Irish people are more than up to the task in achieving.

What I emphasized is that we want to continue to strengthen the bonds of trade and commerce between our two countries, and that we are rooting for Ireland's success and we'll do everything that we can to be helpful on the path to recovery.

We also wanted to express our extraordinary appreciation to Ireland for all the work that it does internationally. I mentioned that Ireland punches above its weight. It's a small country, but the work it does on a range of issues—in peacekeeping to the trainers in Afghanistan, to this work we're doing together on food security, to its strong voice on human rights—all that makes an enormous difference around the world. And the extraordinary relationship that we have with Ireland is also reflected in the work that it does in the EU, and so we're grateful for that.

Finally I wanted to just express to the Irish people—and I'll have occasion to make some lengthier remarks later—how inspired we have been by the progress that's been made in Northern Ireland, because it speaks to the possibilities of peace and people in longstanding struggles being able to re-imagine their relationships. To see Her Majesty the Queen of the England come here, and to see the mutual warmth and healing that I think took place as a consequence of that visit, to know that the former Taoiseach Fitzgerald was able to witness the Queen coming here, that sends a signal not just in England, not just here in Ireland, but around the world. It sends what Bobby Kennedy once called “a ripple of hope,” that may manifest itself in a whole range of ways.

And so, to all those who have been working tirelessly to bring about peace in Northern Ireland, to those who've been willing to take those risks, we are grateful to them. To your administration, which I know is carrying on that legacy and continues to invest in it, we appreciate it.

We are proud of the part that America played in helping to get both sides to talk and to provide a space for that conversation to take place, and we want you to know that we will continue to be there as that moves forward. And we're confident that it, in fact, will.

So I am extraordinarily grateful to be here. To the Irish people, thank you for the wonderful welcome you're providing my wife and myself.

President Barack Obama and Prime Minister David Cameron delivered these remarks in London, United Kingdom

Prime Minister Cameron. Thank you, and apologies for keeping you waiting. It's a pleasure to welcome President Obama here today.

We've just been having a barbecue in the gardens of Number 10 Downing Street with some of our service—armed-service personnel from the United States and from the UK. And it was a great reminder of the incredible debt that we owe all of them and their families for their service, for their sacrifice, for all they do to keep us safe. It was a great event and it was wonderful to have Barack and Michelle there.

It was also probably the first time in history, as we stood behind that barbecue, that I can say a British Prime Minister has given an American President a bit of a grilling. So I'm going to hold onto that.

Over the past year I've got to know the President well. And whether it's in routine situations like sitting round the G8 table, or the slightly less routine of getting a phone call in the middle of the night, I've come to value not just his leadership and courage, but the fact that to all the big international issues of our time, he brings thoughtful consideration and reason.

And I know that today, Mr. President, you'll be thinking of the dreadful tornado in Missouri and all those who've lost livelihoods and lost their lives and loved ones. And our hearts in Britain go out to all those people, too.

Barack and I know well the shared history of our countries. From the beaches of Normandy to the Imjin River, our soldiers have fought together. From labs in Cambridge, Massachusetts, to Cambridge, England, our scientists have decoded DNA and cured diseases together. And in millions of interactions every day, including our massive business relationship, our people forge friendships together.

That is what makes this relationship special. But what makes it essential is that it's not just about history or sentiment; it is a living, working partnership. It is essential to our security and it's essential for our prosperity.

And I feel every day just how important this partnership is. The President and I, together with my Deputy Prime Minister, have just had some excellent discussions. We've been talking today about the two things we care about most—getting our people jobs and keeping our people safe. Because every night millions of British and American people take the same worries to bed with them. They're asking if they can find a good job, if they're going to get a paycheck next month, and if there will be work for their children when they grow up.

The stark truth of the world today is that no country is owed a living. We've got to pay our way and we've got to earn our way. And that is what the President and I are determined to do. Barack and I did not come into politics to cut public spending, but neither did we seek office to see our great economies decline or to land our children with unsustainable debts. And that is why in the second half of this decade, we're making sure that debt ratios will be falling on both sides of the Atlantic.

At the same time, we're investing in our roads and railways, in science and innovation, and above all, in our young people. And down the line, the success of all this won't be measured in export figures or trade flows; it will be in the feelings of the factory worker, whether they're in Phoenix or the shopkeeper in Liverpool or the engineer in Ohio—the people who know if they work hard, then prosperity will be there for them and the promise of a better life there for their children.

As well as the economy, the President and I had some very good discussions on security. Now, Americans and Brits, you don't need to explain terrorism to one another. Both our people have suffered at its hands, and indeed they have died together.

My wife Samantha was in Manhattan on 9/11, and I'll never forget the five hours of trying to get hold of her. And she'll never forget the New Yorkers that she met that day or the sense of solidarity that she felt that day and that we have felt ever since that day. And today, as we come up to its tenth anniversary, we should remember the spirit of that city and the sympathy we feel with those who lost their loved ones.

Now, there are those who say that this terrorist threat is beyond our control, and we passionately believe that is wrong. We can defeat al Qaeda, and the events of recent months give us an opportunity to turn the tide on their terror once and for all.

I believe there are three actions we must take. First, we must continue to destroy their terrorist network, and I congratulate the President on his operation against bin Laden. This was not just a victory for justice, but a strike right at the heart of international terrorism.

In this vital effort, we must continue to work with Pakistan. People are asking about our relationship, so we need to be clear. Pakistan has suffered more from terrorism than any country in the world. Their enemy is our enemy. So, far from walking away, we've got to work even more closely with them.

At the same time, this is a vital year in Afghanistan. British and American forces are fighting side by side in Helmand, right at the heart of this operation. We've broken the momentum of the insurgency, and even in the Taliban's heartland, in Kandahar and central Helmand, they're on the back foot. Now is the moment to step up our efforts to reach a political settlement. The Taliban must make a decisive split from al Qaeda, give up violence, and join a political process that will bring lasting peace to that country. We are agreed to give this the highest priority in the months ahead.

Second, we must reach a conclusion to the Arab-Israel peace process. Again, I congratulated the President on his recent speech on the Middle East, which was bold, it was visionary, and it set out what is needed in the clearest possible terms— an end to terror against Israelis and the restoration of dignity to the Palestinians; two states living side by side and in peace.

Yes, the road has been, and will be, long and arduous, but the prize is clear. Conclude the peace process and you don't just bring security to the region; you deny extremists one of their most profound and enduring recruiting sergeants, weakening their calling and crippling their cause. That is why whatever the difficulties, we must continue to press for a solution.

Our third action must be to help elevate the changes in North Africa and the Arab world from a moment in history to a turning point in history. We've seen some extraordinary things—protesters braving bullets, bloggers toppling dictators, people taking to the streets and making their own history. If global politics is about spreading peace and prosperity, then this is a once-in-a-generation moment to grab hold of.

It is not a time for us to shrink back and think about our own issues and interests. This is our issue and this is massively in our interests. Those people in Tahrir Square and Tripoli just want what we have—a job and a voice. And we all share in their success or failure. If they succeed, there is new hope for those living there and there is the hope of a better and safer world for all of us. But if they fail, if that hunger is denied, then some young people in that region will continue to listen to the poisonous narrative of extremism.

So the President and I are agreed we will stand with those who work for freedom. This is the message we'll take to the G8 tomorrow when we push for a major program of economic and political support for those countries seeking reform. And this is why we mobilized the international community to protect the Libyan people from Colonel Qaddafi's regime, why we'll continue to enforce U.N. resolutions with our allies, and why we restate our position once more: It is impossible to imagine a future for Libya with Qaddafi still in power. He must go.

In all of these actions, we must be clear about our ambitions. Barack and I came of age in the 1980s and '90s. We saw the end of the Cold War and the victory over communism. We saw the invasion of Kuwait by Saddam Hussein and the world coming together to liberate that country. Throughout it all, we saw Presidents and Prime Ministers standing together for freedom.

Today, we feel just as passionately about extending freedom as those who came before us; but we also know that idealism without realism does no good for anyone.

We have learned the lessons of history. Democracy is built from the ground up. You've got to work with the grain of other cultures, and not against them. Real change takes time.

And it's because of this we share the view that our partnership will not just continue, but it will get stronger. And this is a partnership that goes beyond foreign affairs. At home, we have similar goals— to bring more responsibility to our societies, and to bring transparency and accountability to our governments. In all these ambitions, our countries will continue to learn from each other and work with each other.

And as ever, it has been a pleasure to talk to the President, and an honor to have him with us today.

Mr. President.

President Obama. Thank you, David. Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. I am very pleased to be back in the United Kingdom. I note that you have arranged for typical London weather these past two days, and I am very grateful for that.

I want to thank Her Majesty the Queen, and the British people for the extraordinary welcome that has been extended to me and Michelle. It's a shining example of the genuine warmth and affection that our two nations feel towards one another.

Since David took office last spring, I believe we've now met or spoken at least two dozen times. We may be leaders from different political traditions, but on a whole host of issues we see eye to eye. We even took the same side in a epic match of doubles table tennis against some local students yesterday, and we won't rehash the results of that.

The relationship between our two countries is one that's not just based on warm sentiment or common history, although those things exist. It's built on shared ideals and shared values. As David said, it is a special relationship and an essential relationship. I believe that it is stronger than it has ever been, and I'm committed to making sure that it stays that way.

The successful meetings we've had and the joint initiatives we're announcing today represent the depths and breadth of our relationship. We discussed our efforts to strengthen the global recovery and create good jobs for our people. The investment relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom is the largest in the world, one that accounts for nearly 1 million jobs in each of our economies. We believe we can make that relationship even stronger with deeper cooperation in areas critical to our future prosperity, like higher education and science and innovation; areas critical to our national security like cyber crime; and areas vital to the stability of the world, including international development.

During our discussions today we reviewed our progress in Afghanistan, where our brave servicemen and women have fought side by side to break the Taliban's momentum and where we are preparing to turn a corner. We reaffirmed the importance of beginning the transition to Afghan lead for security this year and completing that transition by 2014.

We discussed the opportunity that exists for promoting reconciliation and a political settlement, which must be an Afghan-led process. President Karzai has made it clear that he will talk to anyone who is willing to end the violence, split with al Qaeda, and accept the Afghan constitution. And we welcome the positive cooperation between Afghanistan and Pakistan on that front.

At the same time, the Prime Minister and I both agree that our nations have a long-term interest in ensuring that Afghanistan never again becomes a launching pad for attacks against our people. So alongside our NATO allies and partners, we're committed to a strong and enduring partnership with the people of Afghanistan.

As historic change unfolds across the Middle East and North Africa, we agree that the pursuit of self-determination must be driven by the peoples of the region and not imposed from the outside. But we are both committed to doing everything that we can to support peoples who reach for democracy and leaders who implement democratic reform.

Tomorrow, we'll discuss with our G8 partners how those of us in the wider international community can best support nations that make the reforms necessary to build a framework for democracy, freedom, and prosperity for their people.

At the same time, we will continue to strongly oppose the use of violence against protesters and any efforts to silence those who yearn for freedom and dignity and basic human rights. And that's one of the reasons that we are working together in Libya, alongside with our NATO allies and partners, to protect the Libyan people. And we will continue those operations until Qaddafi's attacks on civilians cease. Time is working against Qaddafi and he must step down from power and leave Libya to the Libyan people.

We also discussed the situation in Syria, where the Syrian people have shown great courage in their demands for a democratic transition. The United States welcomes the EU's decision to impose sanctions on President Assad, and we're increasing pressure on him and his regime in order to end his policy of oppression and begin the change that people seek.

We discussed Yemen, where the Yemeni people call for greater opportunity and prosperity and a nation that is more unified and more secure, and we expressed our joint concern of the deteriorating situation on the ground there. We applauded the leadership of the Gulf Cooperation Council in seeking an orderly and peaceful resolution to the crisis, and we call on President Saleh to move immediately on his commitment to transfer power.

And at a time when so many in the region are casting off the burdens of the past, we agree that the push for a lasting peace that ends the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever. I appreciate the Prime Minister's support for the principles that I laid out last week on borders and security, which can provide a sound basis from which the two sides can negotiate.

As increasing tensions in the Abyei region threaten to derail Sudan's comprehensive peace agreement, we're working closely together to encourage the parties to recommit to a peaceful resolution to the crisis, and calling on the rapid reinforcement of the U.N.'s peacekeeping presence in the region.

We also reviewed our close cooperation when it comes to countering terrorist threats, preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the means of their delivery to states like Iran, and our unrelenting efforts to keep our people safe.

And finally, we launched a joint initiative to exchange the best ideas and practices when it comes to supporting our veterans and our military families.

Today, before we came here, Michelle and I joined David and Samantha for a outstanding barbecue at Number 10 for active-duty members of our militaries, along with their spouses, who make extraordinary sacrifices as well. It was a wonderful event and a moving reminder of the long line of American and British service members who've made heavy and heroic sacrifices in the joint defense of our shared values that our people hold so dear.

So, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you not only for the barbecue but for the opportunity to spend this very productive time at Number 10 with you and your team. I enjoy my visits here, as always, and I have confidence that our special relationship will continue to grow even stronger in the months and years ahead. Thank you very much.

Prime Minister Cameron. Thank you, Barack. Thank you very much. Nick Robinson from the BBC.

Q. Thank you very much indeed. Prime Minister, can you confirm that you plan to escalate the war in Libya by sending ground attack helicopters? And, Mr. President, can you confirm that United States will sit that particular mission out?

And a general question for you, if I could. You've talked about an old war in Afghanistan and a new one in Libya. Is your partnership really that different than the one between Bush and Blair?

Prime Minister Cameron. Well, thank you for that. Lots of questions in there. First of all, the President and I agree that we should be turning up the heat in Libya. I believe the pressure is on that regime. You see it in the fact that the rebels have successfully liberated much of Misurata. You see it in the success in other parts of the country. You see it in the strength of the coalition. You see it in the growth of the National Transitional Council. So I believe we should be turning up that pressure.

And on Britain's part, we will be looking at all of the options for turning up that pressure, obviously within the terms of U.N. Resolution 1973, because we believe we need to keep enforcing that resolution, protecting civilians, pressurizing that regime so that the Libyan people have a chance to decide their own future. And within that, those are the options we'll look at.

You asked the question about this relationship and past relationships. I think every relationship between a President and a Prime Minister is different. I would say both of us strongly believe in the special relationship. We both called it an essential relationship. But we believe we have—as I said in my speech—we have to learn the lessons of history, about how best we promote the values that we share.

And that means, yes, going with the grain of other cultures; it means, yes, having a patient understanding that building democracy takes time and you have to work on the building blocks of democracy, and not believe this all can be done in an instant. But I believe in that partnership we're extremely strong together in wanting to see the same outcomes, whether that's in Afghanistan, where we want to see a peaceful and stable Afghanistan that no longer requires the presence of foreign troops to keep it free from terrorism, and we want to see a Libya where people have the chance to decide their own future.

But we are doing things in a different way. We have ruled out occupying forces, invading armies. We are doing what we can to enforce Resolution 1973 and allowing the Libyan people to choose their own future. And we're very committed to doing that work together.

President Obama. Well, first of all, I do think that we've made enormous progress in Libya. We have saved lives as a consequence of our concerted actions. I think it is important to note that we did so under a U.N. mandate and as part of a broad-based international coalition that includes Arab countries. And I absolutely agree that given the progress that has been made over the last several weeks, that Qaddafi and his regime need to understand that there will not be a letup in the pressure that we are applying. And the United Kingdom, the United States, and our other partners are putting a wide range of resources within—consistent with the U.N. mandate—in order to achieve that pressure. And I think we will ultimately be successful.

The goal is to make sure that the Libyan people can make a determination about how they want to proceed, and that they'll be finally free of 40 years of tyranny and they can start creating the institutions required for self-determination.

So in terms of historical analogies, I just want to underscore this is not the United Kingdom and the United States alone. We have a broad range of partners under an international mandate designed to save lives and ensure that we did not have the sort of massacre that would lead us then to look back and say to ourselves, why did we stand by and do nothing.

With respect to Afghanistan, similarly, we have a broad-based international mandate and a broad-based international coalition designed to make sure that Afghanistan does not serve as a base for attacks against our people. We've discussed, consistent with what we said in Lisbon during our NATO summit, that this will be a year of transition because of the work that we've done and the enormous sacrifices that both our militaries have given. We are in a position now to transition, to start transitioning to an Afghan-led security process. And at the same time, we're going to be engaging in the sort of diplomatic work that is required for an ultimate political solution to the problems there. And I'm confident that we can achieve it.

I think that there's no doubt that the United States and the United Kingdom have a unique relationship. And that is going to be consistent regardless of who the President and the Prime Minister is, and it's going to be consistent regardless of what parties we come from. There's so much that binds us together that it is not surprising that we are typically, on the international stage, going to be working together as opposed to at cross purposes.

But as David mentioned, I think that the one thing that we have learned is that even as we promote the values and ideals that we care about, even as we make sure that our security interests are met, that we are using military power in a strategic and careful way; that we are making sure that as we promote democracy and human rights, that we understand the limits of what the military alone can achieve; and that we're mindful that ultimately these regions are going to be—that the fate of these regions are going to be determined by the people there themselves, and that we're going to have to work in partnership with them.

And that I think is the best example of alliance leadership and it's something that I'm very proud to be a part of.

Julie Pace.

Q. Thank you, Mr. President. You've said that Muammar Qaddafi's exit from Libya is inevitable and that the U.S. will continue with the campaign until his attacks stop. Does that also mean that you will commit the U.S. to that campaign until Qaddafi is removed from power? And would you be willing to commit additional U.S. resources if that meant speeding up Qaddafi's exit?

And, Prime Minister Cameron, do you believe that the U.S. and other NATO allies should increase their role in the Libya campaign, as other British lawmakers have suggested? Thank you.

President Obama. I have said from the outset that our goal, the reason that we intervened in Libya, was to protect the people on the ground and to give the Libyan people the space that they needed in order to bring about a change towards democracy. And I also was very clear in terms of how we were going to participate.

We moved very heavily on the front end, disabling their air defense systems, carrying the lion's share of the burden when it came to setting the stage for NATO operations; and then that—once the transfer took place to NATO command and control, that at that point our primary role would be a whole range of support that utilized America's unique capabilities. That's what we're doing. I also ruled out us putting any ground forces in Libya.

We have proceeded consistent with that. There are times where, for example, with our Predator capabilities, we have a unique capacity that we've brought to bear, and we will continue to do that. And the Prime Minister and I consistently discuss on a regular basis what can we all do to make sure that that pressure continues to apply.

I do think that is it going to be difficult to meet the U.N. mandate of security for the Libyan people as long as Qaddafi and his regime are still attacking them. And so we are strongly committed to seeing the job through, making sure that, at minimum, Qaddafi doesn't have the capacity to send in a bunch of thugs to murder innocent civilians and to threaten them.

I believe that we have built enough momentum that as long as we sustain the course that we're on, that he is ultimately going to step down. And we will continue to work with our partners to achieve that.

So we have not put forward any artificial timeline in terms of how long this will take. My belief is, is that the more resolute that we are now, the more effective the coalition is in rallying all the resources that are available to it, that we're going to be able to achieve our mission in a timely fashion.

One last point, and this speaks to the issue of whether there are other additional U.S. capabilities that could be brought to bear. David and I both agree that we cannot put boots on the ground in Libya. Once you rule out ground forces, then there are going to be some inherent limitations to our air strike operations. It means that the opposition on the ground in Libya is going to have to carry out its responsibilities. And we're going to have to do effective coordination—and we are doing that—with the opposition on the ground.

But I think that there may be a false perception that there are a whole bunch of secret super-effective air assets that are in a warehouse somewhere that could just be pulled out and that would somehow immediately solve the situation in Libya. That's not the case.

The enormous sacrifices that are being made by the British, by the French, by ourselves, by the Danes and others—we are bringing to bear an array of air power that has made a huge difference. But ultimately this is going to be a slow, steady process in which we're able to wear down the regime forces and change the political calculations of the Qaddafi regime to the point where they finally realize that they're not going to control this country; the Libyan people are going to control this country. And as long as we remain resolute, I think we're going to be able to achieve that mission.

But there's not a whole host of new and different assets that somehow could be applied—partly because we've been extraordinarily successful in avoiding significant civilian casualties. And that's been part of our goal, that's been part of our mission, is making sure that we are targeting regime forces in a way that does not result in enormous collateral damage. And that means we may have to sometimes be more patient than people would like. But ultimately I think it promises greater success, and it sustains our coalition and support for it, not just here but in the Arab world as well.

Prime Minister Cameron. Thank you. I so agree that the two key things here are patience and persistence. That is what the alliance is demonstrating and needs to go on demonstrating.

Julie, I'd just make two points. First of all, I think the President and I completely agree on this point of, of course, the U.N. resolution is not about regime change; the U.N. resolution is about protecting civilians from attack and taking all necessary measures to do so. With that said, most political leaders, including the two here, have said it's hard to see how you implement U.N. Resolution 1973 with Qaddafi still in control of his country, which is why we've been so clear about Qaddafi needing to go and needing to leave Libya.

In terms of the U.S. role, I would make this point, which I'm not sure is widely understood in Britain or in Europe—is already a huge number of the sorties and the support and the air assets that are actually bringing the pressure to bear are U.S. assets. There was this enormous effort at the beginning, as the President said, but also a sustained amount of assets that have been used.

And as the President said, there are also the unique assets and capabilities that the U.S. has that others don't have that are so vital. And as he said, we all have to ask what is it that we can all do to make sure the pressure is really brought to bear. That is what the British are doing, the French are doing, the Americans are doing. And I know we'll discuss this in the margins of the G8.

But I'd just make this point, as well. As well as the military pressure, don't underestimate the pressure of building up the opposition, the contacts we have with the National Transitional Council, the fact that they are opening offices and building support and strength from the allies. Don't underestimate the extent to which we're now cutting off oil products to the regime because they're using them in their tanks and their other military equipment—and also the other steps that I know Americans and others are taking to try and release Libyan assets back into the hands of the National Transitional Council and recognizing them as the right interlocutor for us to speak to.

So in all those ways, we can keep this pressure up over the coming period while showing patience and persistence at the same time.

President Barack Obama delivered these remarks to Parliament in London, United Kingdom

President Obama. Thank you very much. Thank you.

My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons:

I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall. I am told that the last three speakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela—which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke.

I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known. It's long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we also share an especially active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of stress or strain.

Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs. Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes. There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was set on fire during the War of 1812. But fortunately, it's been smooth sailing ever since.

The reason for this close friendship doesn't just have to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments. Our relationship is special because of the values and beliefs that have united our people through the ages.

Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned over much of the world, it was the English who first spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta. It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first developed, courts were established, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their leaders.

Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights, and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that's gathered here today.

What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world. But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists on the other side of the Atlantic. As Winston Churchill said, the “…Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.”

For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents has sometimes been difficult, has always been a work in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or American or Western—it is universal, and it beats in every heart. Perhaps that's why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom.

We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war. And with the founding of NATO—a British idea—we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security for over half a century.

Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace from a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there was strife in the Balkans, we worked together to keep the peace.

Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment once more. A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, the United States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combat mission there has ended. In Afghanistan, we've broken the Taliban's momentum and will soon begin a transition to Afghan lead. And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader—Osama bin Laden.

Together, we have met great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, profound challenges stretch before us. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy. As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat famine and disease. And as a revolution races through the streets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that longs to determine its own destiny.

These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century. Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this development, for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around the globe, and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations.

And yet, as this rapid change has taken place, it's become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European influence around the world. Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the future, and the time for our leadership has passed.

That argument is wrong. The time for our leadership is now. It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could thrive. And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peaceful, more prosperous and more just.

At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action. In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens, that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared. As millions are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, or what they believe, or the kind of government that they live under, we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity.

Now, this doesn't mean we can afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times. As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world's problems over a glass of brandy— although I'm sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink. In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era.

That begins with our economic leadership.

Adam Smith's central insight remains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women. That's what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley. That's why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly—because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced.

In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely of our own making. And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens.

That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies. We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and universities on Earth. But to maintain this advantage in a world that's more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workforces.

We've also been reminded in the last few years that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with such market failures—safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were established to prevent the pollution of our air and water during the 1970s.

But in today's economy, such threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any one country. Market failures can go global, and go viral, and demand international responses.

A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prevent future excesses and abuse. No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner.

Moreover, even when the free market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us. And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security—health care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work. That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world.

And now, having come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we're not consuming—and hence consumed with—a level of debt that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies. And that will require difficult choices and it will require different paths for both of our countries. But we have faced such challenges before, and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilities we have to one another.

And I believe we can do this again. As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can serve as an example for emerging economies—that it's possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces, and from the investments it makes in its people and its infrastructure.

And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we must safeguard their security. Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world. Hitler's armies would not have stopped their killing had we not fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds, in the fields and on the streets. We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war. It was won through the courage and character of our people.

Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough to defend this continent while deterring our enemies. At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article Five: that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own; that allies will stand by one another, always. And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful alliance in human history.

Today, we confront a different enemy. Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and in London. And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West, we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims—men, women and children—around the globe. Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam. Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies. In that effort, we will not relent, as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned. And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war, we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard—by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process that we so ardently defend.

For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of these efforts. Throughout those years, you, the British people, have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by our side.

Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who have served and sacrificed over the last several years—for they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy. Because of them, we have broken the Taliban's momentum. Because of them, we have built the capacity of Afghan security forces. And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead. And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan constitution and lay down arms. And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong, sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet.

Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed to meet new threats—threats like terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks and ballistic missiles. But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations have both rights and responsibilities, and all nations share a common interest in an international architecture that maintains the peace.

We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials so they never fall into the wrong hands—because of our leadership. From North Korea to Iran, we've sent a message that those who flaunt their obligations will face consequences—which is why America and the European Union just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership of the United Kingdom and the United States. And while we hold others to account, we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons.

We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder. In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of violence and choose the path of peace. And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine.

And we share a common interest in development that advances dignity and security. To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity. Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctors who care for the sick. We should support countries that confront corruption, and allow their people to innovate. And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they allow women and girls to reach their full potential.

We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against fascism and our twilight struggle against communism. And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Africa. In country after country, people are mobilizing to free themselves from the grip of an iron fist. And while these movements for change are just six months old, we have seen them play out before—from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia.

History tells us that democracy is not easy. It will be years before these revolutions reach their conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without a fight—particularly in places where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect. We also know that populism can take dangerous turns— from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century.

But make no mistake: What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don't want to be free, or need to have democracy imposed upon them. It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda, which smothers the rights of individuals, and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty and violence.

Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free. And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds. That means investing in the future of those nations that transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt—by deepening ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity. And that means standing up for universal rights—by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society, supporting the rights of minorities.

We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa—a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past. For years, we've faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse. And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring interests in the region—to fight terror, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions of the world's energy supply. But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy. For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history—that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are more successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have.

It is that truth that guides our action in Libya. It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this was our business—that a nation's sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians within its borders. That argument carries weight with some. But we are different. We embrace a broader responsibility. And while we cannot stop every injustice, there are circumstances that cut through our caution—when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is calling for action. That's why we stopped a massacre in Libya. And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.

We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad. Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from without. But we can and must stand with those who so struggle. Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people's children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more free—from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interests and our ideals. And if we fail to meet that responsibility, who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on?

Our action—our leadership—is essential to the cause of human dignity. And so we must act—and lead—with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today.

For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable to this moment in history. And that is how we define ourselves as nations.

Unlike most countries in the world, we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity. Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it's about believing in a certain set of ideals— the rights of individuals, the rule of law. That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders. That's why there are people around the world right now who believe that if they come to America, if they come to New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans; if they come to England, they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God Save The Queen just like any other citizen.

Yes, our diversity can lead to tension. And throughout our history there have been heated debates about immigration and assimilation in both of our countries. But even as these debates can be difficult, we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an enormous strength—that in a world which will only grow smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals, instead of divided by their differences; that it's possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass; that it's possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies to sit here as members of this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the British Army to stand before you as President of the United States.

That is what defines us. That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimes differ with our policies. As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the world, we must always remember that the true source of our influence hasn't just been the size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we've claimed. It has been the values that we must never waver in defending around the world—the idea that all beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.

That is what forged our bond in the fire of war—a bond made manifest by the friendship between two of our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences. They were keen observers of each other's blind spots and shortcomings, if not always their own, and they were hard-headed about their ability to remake the world. But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on the battlefield. It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human freedom and human dignity—a conviction that we have a say in how this story ends.

This conviction lives on in their people today. The challenges we face are great. The work before us is hard. But we have come through a difficult decade, and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big or too many, let us turn to their example, and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was freed:

“In the long years to come, not only will the people of this island but…the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in [the] human heart, look back to what we've done, and they will say ‘do not despair, do not yield…march straightforward’.”

With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope, with faith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march straightforward together, enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just.

Thank you very much.

President Barack Obama and President Dmitry Medvedev delivered these remarks in Deauville, France

President Obama. Let me just make a brief statement. It is good once again to see my friend and partner, Dmitry Medvedev. Over the past two years, I think that we have built an outstanding relationship and, as a consequence, we've been able to reset relations between the United States and Russia in a way that is good for the security and the prosperity of both of our countries.

We're implementing the New START treaty. We're cooperating on nonproliferation, on nuclear security, on intelligence and counterterrorism. We're enforcing strong sanctions on Iran. And we're cooperating on Afghanistan, where Russia has been very helpful in establishing supply lines for our troops there.

But our cooperation has extended beyond the security areas, and much of our discussion today revolved around economics. We're pleased that we've established working groups around issues of rule of law and innovation, both of which are key priorities of President Medvedev as he continues to modernize the Russian economy. And our teams have been working intensively around the issue of Russian accession to the WTO.

We think that Russian accession to the WTO will be good for the Russian economy, will be good for the U.S. economy, it will be good for the world economy. And we are confident that we can get this done. And it will be a key building block in expanding trade and commerce that create jobs and benefit both countries.

We also discussed the situation in the Middle East and North Africa, and shared our ideas about how we can manage the transition process that's taking place throughout the region in a way that enhances prosperity and opportunity for people there and ensures stability and resolves conflicts in a peaceful way.

And finally, we continued our discussions around the issue of missile defense. And we committed to working together so that we can find an approach and configuration that is consistent with the security needs of both countries, that maintains the strategic balance, and deals with potential threats that we both share.

We look forward to obviously additional discussions with the Russian President in the G8 process around the world economy, world finances, issues like nuclear security. But I just want to emphasize that my interactions with President Medvedev have always been excellent. I think that he is doing fine work in moving Russia forward on a whole range of issues. And I appreciate the excellent cooperation that's been established between our governments.

And so, Dmitry, it's good to see you again. And I look forward to our work over the next day and a half.

President Medvedev. My counterpart and political partner, Barack Obama, has just precisely covered the issues discussed by us during the meeting, but I would like to also emphasize that I am satisfied with our personal relationship that helps us advance the relations between our two countries.

Over the last several years, we have done a lot to make our relations different from what they used to be, and we stand high chances to continue this positive trend and develop it further on.

It requires a lot of effort, and it requires continuing in the same vein, full of trust— with relations full of trust between the two Presidents. It does not mean that we'll have common views and coinciding views on all the issues. It's impossible, and I believe that it's not worth trying. Each and every country is sure to have its own national priorities and interests. But a lot depends on our relations. It's about maintaining the strategic balance of forces in our plans, which we have been able to keep this balance in place and after the New START treaty it has improved I think.

Today we talked about how to keep on filling out these achievements and how to develop our relations in, well, quite sensitive issues including anti-missile defense. I have told my counterpart, Barack Obama, that this issue will be finally solved in the future, like, for example, in the year 2020, but we, at present, might lay the foundation for other politicians' activities. And this would be a sound foundation for cooperation between our two countries in the future. We will, of course, pursue this track, but political impetus are necessary.

We have talked of Middle East and North Africa. We'll continue the discussions, especially in the framework of G20. We have dealt with settling the Iran issue. We also talked of the necessity and we have emphasized the necessity of improving economic cooperation between our countries and stepping up Russia's WTO accession. I hope we'll be able to conclude this process finally. But we need motivation and impetus for that. And we have agreed as a result of these talks to instruct respectively our teams.

Let me once again emphasize that I'm quite happy about the way our personal relationship develops. I hope it will have a positive impact on our bilaterals. We have a lot to do together.

President Obama. Thank you, everybody.

President Barack Obama and Prime Minister Donald Tusk delivered these remarks in Warsaw, Poland

Prime Minister Tusk. Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, before the visit of President Barack Obama, I learned that Ralph Waldo Emerson was your favorite American thinker. And certainly at the time I tried to search for some association, some quotations, some connections. And out of all these ideas, the one that talks about enthusiasm—that nothing great was ever achieved without enthusiasm—it seems to be especially fit for our way of understanding the world.

When I was thinking about our understanding of the world, I'm thinking about both of us as people, but first of all, about our nations and about our states. I want to tell you that Poland today is the place where we have lots of enthusiasm. We have gone through the previous years, the difficult, critical years, also in the global dimension, with a faith in our own power, our strength. And it's faith and enthusiasm that allow us to overcome the difficulties. It is also the effect of our cooperation.

You Americans have invested in Poland. But you have invested also in the whole region and with lots of your enthusiasm. Some money, too, some other types of assistance habitually works. But just as enthusiasm was needed to create the great Solidarity movement in Poland, it was also needed when, except for enthusiasm and freedom, we had nothing else in 1989. But people with enthusiasm and freedom are enough when you have friends. You have invested in the region and it works.

We talked, amongst others, about Enterprise Fund that was so good for jobs in Poland. But that investment was actually the investment in freedom and the related prosperity for 100 million people— because today we are speaking about Eastern partnership, we are speaking about our cooperation that could help those nations and those people in the region that are waiting for their chance, their opportunity and their freedom.

Mr. President, I want to say what we say in Poland quite often: It works. When friends are ready to help, when people have enthusiasm, and when there is freedom, then it really works.

And the fact that Poles today can speak with so much pride about ourselves on the eve of the presidency in the European Union, that we were also able to show to Europe how to manage—how to operate also under the conditions of the financial crisis, it was possible, amongst others, thanks to the fact that we together have invested in our future with so much of American and Polish enthusiasm.

I want to tell you—and this is what we declared during our conversation—that our experience, the certainty that it worked, can be translated and we can translate this, and we do this when we think about those nations whose leaders you met yesterday—but also those who are waiting for freedom and democracy for even longer. I am speaking here about the region of North Africa and some of the countries of the Middle East.

So I'm really very happy that together we were able to accept this ambitious project so that the experience resulting from Enterprise Fund and other experiences that Poles and Americans could implement together give to those who are waiting for such assistance.

I also would like to thank you very much for understanding and your kind approach to the idea of another stage of this cooperation, which is an innovation fund. And this is the idea which came into being during our conversation. Both of us think that there will be the follow-up of this innovation fund, which here in Poland will also result in the form of modernity, new technologies and human intellectual capital.

We have been already operating in this area. We have been spending dozens of millions of zloty for education of the most skillful managers at American universities, people of technical skills, engineers. And I think that it will also bring results for the future.

We have confirmed our solidarity also in the context of our joint operations in the most difficult places of the world. We spoke about Afghanistan. For Polish security, that's important that the memorandum on the presence of the American air detachment in Poland systematically, gradually is becoming a fact of life. And I would like to thank you very much for your readiness to finalize the project.

And shale gas—well, for obvious reason, it was a subject of important talks— and nuclear power. We agreed with President Obama that these undertakings are really an excellent area for Polish-American cooperation. And I am sure that it will bring good results. To the Polish people, American people, it will be both joint business and joint common energy security. And it will also be of use to a united Europe, this cooperation that will also give to Europe more stability in terms of energy.

I would like to thank you once again, Mr. President, for your visit is another help because your enthusiasm and your ability in the future is proverbial in the world, and we feel in Poland that you are one of us, thanks to the fact that we believe very strongly in our own strength and our future.

Thank you.

President Obama. Thank you very much, Mr. Prime Minister. Once again, I just want to thank you and the people of Poland for the extraordinary welcome that I've received since I arrived. And I have to tell you that my wife Michelle and the girls very much want to come back, because I've told them on the phone what an extraordinary country this is.

And you're right, in some ways I am part of Poland because I come from Chicago, and if you live in Chicago and you haven't become a little bit Polish, then something's wrong with you.

You know, Poland is one of our strongest and closest allies in the world— and is a leader in a Europe. And I believe that Poland's story demonstrates how a proud and determined and enthusiastic people can overcome extraordinary challenges and build a democracy that represents the great strength and character of this nation, while now serving as an example for Europe and the world.

During our conversations, we reaffirmed the strength of our alliance. Our alliance is rooted in shared history, shared values, deep ties among our people. Our alliance is cemented through NATO and the ironclad commitment that Article 5 of NATO represents.

Of course, our alliance is also rooted in shared interests, and we, during our lunch, reviewed a wide range of issues. I want to congratulate Poland on behalf of the United States for reaching the incredible milestone of assuming the presidency of the European Union. This is Poland's first opportunity to take on this leadership role since joining the EU. And it speaks to the incredible progress that Poland has made both politically and economically during this period of time. And we look forward to working closely with Poland as it assumes these new responsibilities.

Along those lines, we are interested and excited about Poland's plans for the Eastern partnership as a priority of its EU presidency. And I understand that it will host a summit this fall to raise awareness and support for Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus. And the dinner that I had yesterday was an indication of Poland's leadership in helping to shape a vision for the region that continues down a path that offers more opportunity and more prosperity to people. And obviously one of the important roles that Poland can play is not just as a promoter of ideas but as a living example of what is possible when countries take reform seriously.

We're also aiming to expand our bilateral economic relationship with Poland, as the Prime Minister mentioned. Poland's economy was the only economy in the EU not to fall into recession during the economic crisis, and has enormous potential for economic growth. So far, as a consequence, this fall we will hold a high-level U.S.-Poland business roundtable, which brings together private and public sector leaders to identify and promote new opportunities to boost economic growth. And the idea that was raised by the Prime Minister about a potential innovation fund that is a part of this fall summit I think is an excellent idea, and so we're going to pursue that actively.

We also discussed the potential for us to cooperate on a wide range of clean energy initiatives, including how we can, in an environmentally sound way, develop natural gas in both the United States and Poland and how we can cooperate on the technology and science around that.

The United States is also fully committed to supporting safe nuclear power generation in Poland, and we're prepared to offer our expertise of the largest and safest nuclear power industry in the world.

And finally we discussed the issue of how jointly we can promote democracy. The session that I had this morning with democracy promotion experts, including many of the founders of Solidarity, who recently traveled to Tunisia to share their advice and assistance, is just a symbol of why Poland is so important. It has gone through what many countries want to now go through, and has done so successfully. And so the United States wants to work with Poland, and we welcome their leadership in reaching out to North Africa and the Middle East.

At the same time, as Prime Minister Tusk mentioned, here in this neighborhood we still have challenges. We discussed in particular the unacceptable situation in Belarus. President Lukashenko has shown a total disregard for democratic values, the rule of law, and the human rights of his own people. And his brutal crackdown included the conviction and sentencing of presidential candidates who challenged him in the presidential election, and the repression and imprisonment of members of the free press, including one of the Polish press.

So since this crackdown has begun, Poland and the United States have coordinated closely on Belarus, both bilaterally and through the EU. We appreciate Poland's leadership on this issue, including the strong support of Belarusian civil society and the generosity to its people. We are looking forward to strong cooperation on this front.

Last point I guess I would make, we discussed our respective relationships with Russia. And I am a strong believer that the reset between the United States and Russia has benefitted this region, as well as the United States and Russia, because it's reduced tensions and has, I think, facilitated genuine dialogue about how each country can move forward.

We very much appreciate Poland's pragmatic approach to their relationship with Russia. I applaud the Prime Minister for his determination to continue these efforts, even if it is not always the most politically popular thing to do.

We both believe that we cannot compromise on our most cherished principles and ideals, but we should also seek to cooperate where we can—for example, in areas like counterterrorism, counternarcotics, the spread of nuclear weapons and materials, and the support of our joint operations in Afghanistan.

So this has been an excellent visit. It's fitting that I conclude my trip here in Poland. At each stop I've affirmed the fact that America's transatlantic alliance is the cornerstone of our engagement in the world. It's indispensable to the peace and prosperity of the world. It helps to uphold the principles of rule of law and individual liberty around the world. And I think that Poland is a leader on all these issues.

So, congratulations, Mr. Prime Minister, for your outstanding leadership. And to the Polish people, thank you so much for your incredible hospitality.

Prime Minister Tusk. Thank you very much.

And now I would like to ask—get a question from the Polish Press Agency.

Q. Good afternoon. We know that the American administration plans to liberalize the visa system for the Polish people. What are the ideas? When can they come into force? In other words, when will the people of Poland will be able to do shopping at Fifth Avenue in New York?

And my second question is how do you see the cooperation in the area of energy security between Poland and America, and between America and the European Union? And my third, last question is did you talk about political repressions in Belarus, and as far as the arrest of journalist of Gazeta Wyborcza, Andrezej Poczobut?

President Obama. Well, I'm going to try to remember all those questions. With respect to the visa issue, this is a topic that was brought up by your President when he visited the White House. And I promised at that time that we would begin to try to find a solution.

The problem has to do with the existing law that had a very specific criteria for who gets the waiver visa system, and that criteria was based on the rejection rate of visas. Poland didn't qualify under that law and I could not simply waive the law. But what I've now done is put my support behind legislation in Congress that would change the criteria so that we're looking at the overstay rate of visas, and our expectation is, is that by this change in the law, we can be in a position to resolve this issue in a way that is satisfactory to Poland, but also meets the security concerns of the United States.

We very much want you to shop on Fifth Avenue and anywhere else in the United States.

With respect to—see, I've already forgotten the other questions. It was Belarus, energy—

Q. Yes—

President Obama. As I mentioned earlier, we had an extensive discussion about both shale gas and nuclear power. I think Prime Minister Tusk and I both believe that it is important for us to diversify our energy sources. The United States doesn't want to be energy-independent [sic] on anybody. And Poland doesn't want to be energy-dependent on anybody. And what that means is that there has to be a broad set of energy approaches.

Shale gas is an opportunity; it has to be developed in an environmentally secure and sensitive way. We believe that there is the capacity technologically to extract that gas in a way that is entirely safe, and what we want to do is to be able to share our expertise and technology with Poland in a fully transparent and accountable way— because we think that consumers, environmentalists, everybody should be able to look at the data and say this is something that can actually work.

With respect to nuclear power, similarly, we have to do it in a way that is safe and secure. Obviously, all of us are mindful of what happened in Japan. And we have a great track record and enormous expertise in the United States of developing nuclear power in a way that is safe and secure. And we are happy to consult with the Polish government, and have our companies consult with the Polish government, in terms of how to approach that.

That does not eliminate the need for us in both countries and all around the world to continue to develop other clean energy sources like solar, like wind, biomass. And we are putting a lot of basic research dollars into this clean energy space because we think it's going to be important not only for our individual countries but for dealing with greenhouse gases and climate change.

And the final point, with respect to Belarus, we had, as I indicated, a very extensive conversation. I am familiar with the case of the journalist that you just mentioned, and we agreed that we have to apply as much pressure as we can on Belarus to change its practices. And that's going to require close coordination between the United States and Poland, but also between the United States and all of Europe. And I think Poland is uniquely situated during its presidency to be able to show extraordinary leadership on this issue.

Prime Minister Tusk. One sentence only for me to refer to the three issues raised by you. As far as the last one is concerned, I stated with satisfaction that our views we are one hundred percent aligned. There is no future for such dictatorships as the one which is represented today by Lukashenko in Belarus.

Both the United States and Poland will be ambitiously setting forth—the conduct for the international community so that the Belarusian people do not have to pay too high a price and for too long a period. I also informed President Obama about our interpretation of the events in the Belarusian economy.

Talking about the arrests of the regime, including our journalists—whether your journalists or our journalists—and your colleague, Mr. Poczobuta—already President Komorowski and myself, too, both informed President Obama about this particularly Polish problem.

Talking about the visa waiver and Fifth Avenue, what is, and what should be important in Poland is that more and more Polish people make enough money to be able to afford shopping on Fifth Avenue. And that means that it is in the interest of the United States to make sure that as many Polish people as possible could get to not just the shops on Fifth Avenue, but all over the United States, in the easiest possible way. Because this is bad business for both parties.

I want to already say, Mr. President, that there are many other places in the world where you can buy things and where you can spend your money, so I'm really very glad that there are very clear signs and your personal engagement, Mr. President, in this will most probably also let American people to make more money on Polish tourists and Polish buyers.

Talking about national security, this is a breakthrough moment. And I'm not talking about our conversation here, but it is simply that reconfirmation of the fact that we are approaching, or that we are participants of the energetic breakthrough. It's literally joking anymore, or kidding—we are speaking about technological cooperation. We are talking about joint investments. And we are talking about political cooperation of the two nations, out of which one is an absolute leader in the area of technology, and the other one, Poland, turned out to be one of the leaders in terms of deposits, resources.

That is why it was with a great satisfaction that I received the words of the United States that in the United States, people think very seriously about cooperation. We want to combine our ideas about innovative cooperation and technological cooperation with the sectors that will be cooperating in real terms with each other. It's mainly about power sector.

And we also want to reconfirm the full will of the Polish party to be fully open in the area of nuclear power. American people will be a very valuable partner to us as a country, which is really experienced and with goodwill.

Q. Thank you. Mr. Prime Minister, can you tell me if Poland today feels reassured about the U.S. commitment to Poland's security, and if coming into this meeting you felt that reassurance was required?

And, Mr. President, you've talked a lot this week about inspiration—inspiration in Northern Ireland for the Middle East peace process; inspiration in Eastern Europe for the Arab Spring. I wonder if you take home with you also some cautionary lessons about the challenges in the experience here and in Northern Ireland, and what you can do as President to maintain that Emersonian enthusiasm at a time of fiscal austerity in the U.S. and Europe?

Prime Minister Tusk. Well, these were my first words during the meeting with President Obama. I spoke about the security of Poland. The security of Poland has different dimensions. People every day feel safer and more secure if they do not have to pay too high prices. This dimension of security will be achieved by us when we have energy independence and when both of us act effectively for stability and peace in different regions of the world.

Risk, danger, high living costs—they are born or conflicts are born, while speculation feeds on unrest and war. And that's why this dimension of security of both Poland and the United States requires our cooperation so that we could stabilize the situation in the world, especially in the regions which are really very much suffering from the conflicts.

Talking about the direct security of Poland, I have to tell you that it is a very important sign for us to reach an agreement which will be finalized by the signing of the memorandum of understanding, the memorandum that in the future will mean the presence of American troops on the Polish soil. The order of magnitude is not really large, but the gesture is very significant.

Secondly, we spoke about the future of the installation, the so-called missile defense. (Inaudible)—informed also public opinion in—well, in Poland long time ago. And I want to stress very strongly that the words that I heard from him today give us the sense that together we work also for the sake—for the purpose of Polish security. These words, that NATO is to defend NATO, these words are very much binding, binding for all the members of NATO. And I also wanted to thank for these words.

Definitely after this meeting, with absolutely pure conscience I can tell you that our cooperation with the United States, both bilaterally and within NATO, leads to the fact that every year Poland becomes a country which is more and more secure. And our political cooperation, as was mentioned by President Obama, leads to the point when perhaps never in the future we will have to use arms in this part of Europe.

Both of us focused very much on political methods of conflict resolution and solving threats, and I believe that this is the best way to guarantee security to Poland. But, you know, you have to be cautious and you have to be ensured. That is why we always speak also about the military aspects of security.

President Obama. Just a point about security. As I said, Poland is one of our closest and strongest allies. That's been demonstrated time and again. Really what we did here today was simply to reconfirm what Prime Minister Tusk and I have discussed before, which is that NATO is the strongest alliance in history, primarily because it has a very simple principle, and that is we defend each other. That's what Article 5 is all about.

And when I came into office I indicated to all the NATO members that there's no such thing as a new NATO member or an old NATO member; there are just NATO members. And everybody is the same and everybody has the same rights and the same responsibilities. And as a consequence, one of the things that I initiated was making sure that we have actual contingency plans for each country, including those in Eastern Europe and Central Europe that obviously are coming out of a fairly recent and difficult history of security issues.

Now, as the Prime Minister mentioned, that evolution of our security relationship continues to evolve. The aviation detachment that is being finalized will be significant, and we're proud that we've gotten that completed. Our missile defense plans that we have laid out that involve Poland will allow us to deal with shared threats. And what we want to do is to create an environment in this region in which peace and security are a given. That's not just good for this region; it is good for the United States of America. And we will always be there for Poland.

Now, I wasn't sure, because it was such a clever question, what exactly cautionary notes you wanted me to address. Were you referring to cautionary notes about what's happening around the world? Were you talking about cautionary notes and any reflections I have about what's taking place back home? So I want to make sure I answer your question.

President Barack Obama and President Bronislaw Komorowski delivered these remarks in Warsaw, Poland

President Komorowski. Mr. President, I would like to express my satisfaction and my gratitude because of your presence at our summit of Central and Eastern European states. It was an important event for the leaders of my region of Europe, our region of Europe.

Your words were also very important, when you said that in the process of European integration you can see an opportunity to reenforce the world of Western values. Other words were also very important—the words about keeping up an open character of both NATO and the European Union. I know that these words go very deeply to the hearts and minds of many of the leaders of this part of Europe.

This part of Europe has its successes; it also has its problems. And I'm very glad that there was also a meeting directly between you and the President of Ukraine. I would like Ukraine to be a country which consistently, perhaps not very spectacularly, but still consistently striving at deepening its relations with the Western world.

I'm very happy that we could exchange our opinions about the engagement in the construction of democracy in the environment of Europe, both to the East—for example, in Belarus, where there was a dramatic collapse of democratic processes. So we are having to deal with the arrests and convictions of the combatants or the opposition to the current presidential elections and we also saw the harassment of the correspondent of the Polish press in Belarus. I'm also very glad that our views are absolutely identical as far as a very firm presentation of problems of civil and human rights in Belarus.

I also would like to point out very clearly the issues connected to the security— for the security policy. And with satisfaction, I would like to note that the arrangements that were made in Lisbon are fully reflected in that practice of political actions taken up by the United States and NATO as a whole.

I mean here, first of all, the—prospect of NATO missile defense program, which will take into account the possibility of cooperation with Russia, but it will continue to be an element or the tool of the alliance that will also be capable of performing tasks connected to Article 5 of the Washington Treaty.

President Obama. Let me once again thank President Komorowski for his wonderful hospitality, and to the Polish people, thank you for the warmth and generosity with which you've greeted me.

Yesterday was a excellent day. I was glad to be able to commemorate the extraordinary sacrifices of the Polish men and women in uniform, to meet some of the veterans from previous wars; to go to the memorial of the Warsaw ghetto uprising, which was extraordinarily moving, and to meet some of the survivors of that period, and to see the enormous investment that the city of Warsaw and the Polish people have made in remembrance that I think will end up being a site that is important not only for Polish history but will end up being an attraction for people from around the world who need to know the history of that period and before.

The dinner last night I thought was excellent. It was a good, frank conversation with leaders from throughout the region. As the President indicated, what I emphasized was that a strong, integrated Europe is very much in the security and economic interests of the United States. And we want to encourage that process as much as we can.

We want to make sure that NATO and EU membership remain open. We think that's important. We think that Poland, because of its extraordinary success, both as a democracy and as a market-based economy, is a model and example for the region. And the incredible transformation that's taken place over the last 25 years here in Poland is now making it a leader in Europe—as we look forward to an EU presidency for Poland, that's an example of the leadership that it's taking—but also as countries like Ukraine look to Poland, and Poland I think exerts a very helpful influence in showing a pathway for modernization and democratic reform.

In our meetings today, as the President noted, a country like Belarus is backsliding, and it's important that we work together, as we've already committed to doing, to encouraging civil society, encouraging reformist trends within Belarus. The kind of depressive actions that we've seen in Belarus can end up having a negative impact over the region as a whole, and that makes us less safe and makes us less secure.

We had an extensive discussion about our respective relationships with Russia. I'm very proud of the reset process that has helped to stabilize relations between the United States and Russia, and President Medvedev I think has been an important partner in this process.

As I indicated at the Lisbon Summit and I reiterated over the last two days, we believe that missile defense is something where we should be cooperating with the Russians because we share external threats, and this would not be a threat to the strategic balance that Russia is concerned with. But as you just heard from the President, we think it's very important that NATO remains in charge of NATO defense capabilities. That's one of the central principles of NATO.

We also discussed how we can strengthen Polish and American commercial ties. President Komorowski presented some interesting ideas that we will be pursuing on that front. We discussed how we can more regularize the visa process between our two countries, and I indicated to him the work that we are doing in the United States to be able to achieve that.

And we also discussed NATO operations both in Afghanistan, as well as in Libya. And I want to again thank the Polish people and the Polish armed forces for consistently meeting their responsibilities.

In sum, I think the relationship between our two countries has never been stronger. I am very proud to come here in order to say thank you to the Polish people for their friendship and to assure them that there are millions of Americans who understand that Poland is one of our closest and strongest allies.

We congratulate Poland for its extraordinary successes under your leadership, Mr. President. And we trust that the next 25 years are going to be bringing as much extraordinary progress to this great country as the previous 25 years, and again, thank Poland for the leadership it's taking not just in the region but around the world when it comes to promoting democracy not just through word but also by example.

Vice President Joe Biden and President Giorgio Napolitano delivered these remarks in Rome, Italy

President Napolitano. Good afternoon. On the occasion of tomorrow's celebration here in Rome for the 150th anniversary of the Unification of Italy, we have with us the Vice President of the United States of America, Senator Biden.

We have just had a very fruitful meeting, and, of course, we'll be meeting again tomorrow morning at our celebration and at the events that will take place here at the Quirinale Palace tomorrow afternoon and tomorrow evening.

I must say that we had a very simple talk. In fact, this is one of the many steps of what I would define as a continued talk; in other words, an open-ended dialogue, a relationship between Italy and the United States. And I must say that we've had many opportunities, and I've also had the opportunity to meet at the highest level the representatives of this great country, of this great people. And I must say that if there was one country that we could not have not invited for our celebrations that would definitely have been the United States of America because America is so close, is so tied to the history of Italians—of Italy's unification. And it is also very close to the rebirth of Italy after fascism. And there's always been a very strong tie of friendship, of cooperation and alliance with the United States of America.

And as I said, it wouldn't have been possible at all; it would have been unthinkable to hold our celebrations here in Italy without the participation of the United States. And, in fact, we were told that we would have the Vice President of the United States, a very high-level representative—Vice President Biden.

Now, with regard to our talk, I would say that we focused on the recent developments, international developments. And, of course, we know what has happened with uprisings in North Africa, in the Middle East. This is a very novel situation, very disrupting situation. And of course, we also talked about the attack by Colonel Qaddafi against his own people. And with that attack, he was trying, of course, to thwart the attempt to establish freedom and autonomy in that country, in Cyrenaica, in such a very vital and vibrant part of Libya itself.

And again, we were working side by side with the United States of America, and Italians were trying to make their contribution even to the military operation that had been authorized by the United Nations Security Council so as to make sure that the freedom movement could continue to operate.

This, of course, is an important part of this general process of reawakening in the Arab world. I must say that we share many assessments and opinions, and once again, I wish to express my gratitude to Vice President Biden for being here today, as well as tomorrow. Thank you.

Vice President Biden. Mr. President, thank you very much. It's a genuine honor to be here. I and President Obama—I'm delighted that President Obama spent last week in Europe and meeting with you in Warsaw, because that meant I could come to Italy. He was unable to stay out of the country much longer, and I am flattered that I am able to be here.

And as President Obama said in his proclamation marking the anniversary of the unification, he said, “We join with Italians everywhere to honor the courage, sacrifice and vision of the patriots who gave birth to the Italian nation.”

Folks, it has been—we've had a great meeting. And our ambassador presented the President with a replica of a letter written by General Garibaldi to Abraham Lincoln in 1861, when at the beginning of our Civil War and the beginning of your unification, where he talked about the relationship—Garibaldi did—between our nations. And under the leadership of your Prime Minister Berlusconi and the President, Italy has been an incredibly important partner, not only in the past—because I'm not here to talk about the past—I'm here to celebrate the unification, but to talk about the future. Both in NATO, and in the G8, and the G20, Italy has been a key coalition ally. From the beginning in the crisis of Libya, Italy has stood with the United States and others in strong support of the U.N. Resolution 1970 and [19]73.

As I said to the President, Italy has deeper roots and a—I think a greater knowledge of the circumstances in Libya than probably any other country in the world. And its planes are now helping protect the Libyan people from the brutality of the Qaddafi regime. And those bases here in Italy that host over 14,000 Americans and 17,000 dependents; those bases are also supporting coalition aircraft; together providing a critical humanitarian assistance to the Libyan people.

And, Mr. President, even as Italy has supported calls for greater democracy in North Africa and the Middle East, and has helped deal with the humanitarian crises, it's maintained a critical contribution to Afghanistan, as well as Iraq and Lebanon.

The sacrifices that Italian troops are making is evident by the injuries recently both in Lebanon and Iraq and Afghanistan, and the President sends his sympathy and good wishes to those who God willing are recovering and to the families of those Italian soldiers for the sacrifices they're making on behalf of the coalition efforts.

Let me add that we're also grateful of the hard work gone in to training Iraqi security forces and Afghan security forces by probably what is recognized as an organization second-to-none, the Carabinieri are second-to-none in the ability to train in paramilitary conditions what is badly needed in both Iraq and in Afghanistan.

Italian generosity in helping to develop schools and hospitals and cultural institutions are also enabling Afghanistan to build a more secure future and prepare them better as we transition to all-Afghan lead. And so, again, on behalf of the 14,000 Americans stationed here and over 16,000 family members, we're profoundly grateful to you, Mr. President, to the Italian government, and to the Italian people for their generosity, their friendship and their partnership.

And it is truly an honor for me. I was kidding the President, I said, I may be of Irish heritage, but I was smart enough to marry an Italian girl, an Italian-American.

And so not all of us are slow, Mr. President. Some of us pick it up very quickly. And I just want you to know it's an honor for me. And we sent you our best. We sent you David Thorne as our ambassador who you know well. David lived in—in all his formative years here in Rome; I think 17 years or so. And when we were elected, I think there only—the most sought-after job in American diplomacy, Mr. President, is to be ambassador to Italy. And David said he was coming home. So just make sure you send him back when the term is over, so—

Again, congratulations on the anniversary. I look forward to the festivities. And it's a great pleasure to be with a man of such integrity, Mr. President. Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Karel Schwarzenberg delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Good morning, everyone, and it's a particular pleasure for me to welcome the foreign minister back to Washington. I've had the opportunity of working with Minister Schwarzenberg in the beginning of my term as Secretary of State and now have that pleasure once again. And the close partnership between our countries dates back to the beginnings of the Czech Republic, and we are very proud of the long ties of kinship and friendship, of the shared values and mutual respect, and our joint pursuit of individual freedoms, democracy, economic opportunity, and human rights. And the minister is well known as a champion of those values.

We had a broad-ranging discussion. I expressed the gratitude of the United States to the Czech people for their ongoing contributions to the ISAF mission in Afghanistan and our sympathy for the loss of a Czech soldier just a few days ago. By leading the Provincial Reconstruction Team in Logar Province, Czech troops are providing invaluable support for the Afghan people as they rebuild their country and take responsibility for their own security. And we greatly appreciate the Czech Republic's decision to increase its troop contributions this year. We are going to be working closely together as we begin a transition to Afghan-led security.

We also discussed our joint efforts to promote democracy and human rights around the world. After the crackdown on democracy activists and opposition leaders in Belarus last December, the Czech Republic led 14 countries, including the United States, in working with the OSCE to conduct a fact-finding mission. That report was issued earlier this week and it marks an important step forward in our efforts to stand up for democracy in Eastern Europe and beyond. And we look forward, Minister, to working together in many different venues to promote democratic transitions and institution building.

Finally, the minister and I exchanged ideas for continuing to strengthen our economic and security relationships. We have a strong foundation on which to build. Over the past year, we have launched an Economic and Commercial Dialogue, signed a Joint Declaration on Civil Nuclear Cooperation, and began technical research and development discussions with the Department of Energy. We have an opportunity to expand our commercial relationship through ventures such as the Temelin Nuclear Power Station. It's a project that could create thousands of high-paying jobs in both countries over the next several years while improving both Czech and European energy security. And the minister and I agreed today that our countries would begin talks in September on a new, enhanced bilateral investment treaty. We know it's been a long-time goal that has not yet been realized, but the minister and I are determined that we're going to bring it to completion.

And I am grateful for the many ways that we cooperate, and I thank the minister again for his lifetime of service and express our great appreciation for your being here today.

Minister Schwarzenberg. Thank you so much. I mean, you (inaudible) everything we have talked about. I think it was a profound and very good conversation, discussion about (inaudible). And as Secretary Clinton said, we have in many, many aspects of international projects the same view. And of course, it's a difference of a world power and a small country like the Czech Republic; nevertheless, the aspect we can cooperate very usefully, we're doing it and we intend to do it even more in the future, not only Afghanistan, there are other areas in the world we are discussing greater involvement of the United States in projects of the eastern (inaudible) of project of the (inaudible) and so on and so on. And we are discussing (inaudible) scientific and commercial cooperation. I do think our alliance is in a good way into the future.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you very much, Minister.

Q. Good morning. As for the bilateral investment treaty, could you give us some timeframe when you expect these negotiations to be closed? And also, do you think you will be able to pass this enhanced agreement through Congress?

And also another pressing topic: It seems that the early warning system center, which would be in Prague as part of the new missile defense system project, has stalled a bit in the last year. What is the reason for this? Are there any problems on the Czech sides or—I don't know, are there any new options in the Strategic Dialogue? This is to both of you.

Secretary Clinton. First with respect to the bilateral investment treaty, it is the intention of Minister Schwarzenberg and myself that negotiations begin in September and move as quickly as possible. I regret that we've not been able to reach an agreement for 10 years with one of our closest friends, partners, and allies. But we are going to drive this process forward, and I'm putting everybody on notice, both in the State Department and in the rest of the United States Government, this is a very high priority. And I believe that if we can finalize negotiations, we will be able to get a favorable response in both of our—his—your parliament and our Congress.

With respect to the shared early warning system, we greatly appreciated the Czech Republic's strong support of a European missile defense and NATO missile defense system. We are proceeding on that. We have discussed in detail at the highest levels of our defense cooperation what role the Czech Republic might play if it so chooses. But that is something that we are in constant consultations about, and we will continue to work toward a mutually satisfactory outcome.

Q. Is there something concrete on the table right now?

Secretary Clinton. I'll let the minister respond.

Minister Schwarzenberg. For the moment, we don't have any concrete (inaudible). We had to expect, of course, to (inaudible) the talks between the United States and Russia and about the missile defense, and (inaudible) its consequence of the missile defense resolution we had in Lisbon in the NATO. We can now get concrete (inaudible) and we are in discussion in Brussels with (inaudible), we are in discussion with the United States. But I can't tell you for the moment what the concrete result will be.

Secretary Clinton. Thank you all very much.

President Barack Obama and Chancellor Angela Merkel delivered these remarks in Washington, DC

President Obama. As I said earlier, Germany is one of our strongest allies. We see our partnership in the drive of our workers and businesses who sustain the largest trade relationships in the world. We see it in the students and teachers, the scientists and researchers who are unlocking new innovations, including the clean, renewable energy sources that we need to combat climate change and create the industries of the future.

We see our partnership in the courage of our service members who stand shoulder to shoulder in Afghanistan—where Germans serve under Americans and Americans serve under Germans. Chancellor Merkel, I want to thank you and the German people for your strong commitment to this vital mission, and our hearts go out to the wounded warriors and all the families, American and German and others, whose loved ones have given their lives to keep us safe. We remember and honor them all.

We see our partnership in the skill of our diplomats who prevent the spread of deadly weapons and stand up for democracy in Europe and beyond; and in the passion of our development experts as they work to avert suffering in countries like Sudan.

This is the essence of our alliance—two peoples, bound by common values and committed to the security, the prosperity, and the dignity not just of our own citizens, but those far beyond our borders. And that's also the essence of my partnership with Chancellor Merkel.

Angela, I believe this is our tenth meeting together. That doesn't include the many phone calls and video conferences that we seem to have at all hours of the day and night. There's hardly any global issue where we don't consult one another. I've said before I always value Angela's pragmatic approach to complex issues, her intelligence, her frankness. I trust her. And as she's said herself, it's just fun to work together. And it has been, again, fun today, even as we've addressed some very urgent challenges.

Germany is one of our largest trading partners, and we discussed how to keep our economies growing and create the jobs that our people need. As Angela mentioned in her remarks at the opening ceremony, hundreds of thousands of American jobs are supported by our exports to Germany; hundreds of thousands of Americans work for German companies that have chosen to invest in America. I'm pleased that billions of dollars more in German investment is making possible new plants—steel in Alabama, manufacturing in Tennessee—all of which go to create thousands of new American jobs.

The Chancellor and I discussed the need to eliminate regulations and barriers so we can unleash even more trade and investment, including in the area of electric vehicles, where both our countries are leaders and where the possibilities of American-German cooperation are enormous. And of course, I very much appreciated the Chancellor's views on the financial situation in Europe, which we agree cannot be allowed to put the global economic recovery at risk.

With regard to security, we discussed our progress in Afghanistan, where we've broken the Taliban's momentum, trained Afghan forces, and are now preparing to turn a corner in our efforts. We're scheduled to begin the transition to Afghan lead. And I reiterated that we'll begin reducing American forces this summer, even as we join with Germany and our NATO allies in supporting Afghans in their political and economic efforts to forge a lasting peace.

I thanked the Chancellor for her support for the principles that I laid out last month as the basis for negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. And I want to commend Angela for her personal efforts to bring the parties back to the negotiating table. Just as we agree that both sides will need to make difficult choices, we agree that unilateral actions—such as Palestinians seeking a vote on statehood at the U.N. General Assembly—should be avoided.

We agreed that Iran's continuing nuclear program, and its refusal to engage in any meaningful talks with the international community, remain a very serious concern. So we agreed that if the International Atomic Energy Agency this week determines again that Iran is continuing to ignore its international obligations, then we will have no choice but to consider additional steps, including potentially additional sanctions, to intensify the pressure on the Iranian regime.

Finally, we discussed the historic changes underway in North Africa and the Middle East. With regard to Libya, I'd note that Germany's deployment of additional resources and personnel to Afghanistan has allowed other NATO allies to increase their support for the mission to protect the Libyan people. The Chancellor and I have been clear— Qaddafi must step down and hand power to the Libyan people, and the pressure will only continue to increase until he does.

And following our agreement with our G8 partners in Deauville, the Chancellor and I discussed our support for political and economic reform across the Middle East and North Africa, especially in Tunisia and Egypt. The United States and Germany are the two largest donors of assistance—largest donors of assistance to the region, and we agree that this historic moment must not be squandered.

Along with the entire world, we have an enormous stake in seeing that these transitions to democracy succeed. And given the Chancellor's own remarkable life story—and her experience helping to heal the wounds of the past and build a united Germany—I very much appreciate her leadership and her partnership in this effort.

So, again, I'm very grateful to the Chancellor for being here. I'm confident that the great alliance between our nations is going to remain an indispensable pillar of a world that's more secure and more prosperous and more just. And I very much appreciate the personal friendship that I enjoy with the Chancellor. So, Angela.

Chancellor Merkel. Well, ladies and gentlemen, Mr. President, dear Barack, I would like to use this opportunity to thank you most warmly for this wonderful reception. I'm saying this also on behalf of the members of my delegation.

This reception I say to the White House is welcome that I see as a testimony of our very close friendship, of our partnership. If we remind ourselves of the fact that every fifth American today rightly points and perhaps also with a certain degree of pride to his German ancestry or her German ancestry, we can safely say that we, indeed, share common roots. And if we look at the names that loom large in American history, Frederick Steuben, but many leading leaders of the German—of the American business community, Guggenheim, Steinway, Strauss, Singer— all of these German names. So that is a broad foundation on which we can build.

And we are still grateful that so many Germans found asylum and a safe place to live during the Second World War in the United States. We have a broad-based exchange of students. We have cooperation in science. We work in air and space with the ISS. We share a lot of successes. I mentioned the 50,000 soldiers—American soldiers—that are present today in Germany are very welcome, indeed, in my country.

Let me say this on a personal note. Without the United States of America, I would in all probably not be able to stand here before you today. Overcoming the Cold War required courage from the people of Central and Eastern Europe and what was then the German Democratic Republic, but it also required the steadfastness of Western partner over many decades when many had long lost hope of integration of the two Germanys and Europe. Many perhaps didn't even want this anymore. But the then-President George Herbert Walker Bush said German unity, European unity, is indeed something that deserves our support.

So there are a lot of tasks that we have in common, a lot of challenges that we need to meet together. We're doing this in this spirit of freedom, of shared values. We want to bring these values to bear on the international agenda. We're dealing and—ever since the month of January with these issues, the Arab Spring in Syria, in Tunisia, in Egypt, in Libya. That is a very great challenge.

But if I remember—let me take you back perhaps to the period after the Second World War when, through the Marshall Plan, Germany was able to get back on its feet again. I see this also as our common task, as a task of the Europeans and of the Americans and the Germans to support this change, to make it possible for these young people to have a perspective for the future.

We talked about this. We talked about Germany in particular with its experience and vocational training schemes, offering an alliance for jobs, for training and education. We're working together with the Egyptians and the Tunisians on this with our foundations. Building up institutions, for example, is something that we want to do.

I said that we after all opened up an office in Benghazi that will serve as a clearinghouse for training schemes, for example, for the security forces, the police there on the ground, and we will also, through an additional commitment to Afghanistan, lend a contribution to mastering the common challenges.

We talked about economic issues in the G20. We worked very closely together, and I believe we have been able to make a lot of progress there and be successful. The situation in the Euro group in Europe obviously is also of very great interest over here. Finance ministers talked about these issues, but we, too, talked about this at some length. And I said, yet again, for Germany, Europe is not only indispensable, it is part and parcel of our identity. We've always said German unity, European unity and integration, that's two parts of one and the same coin. But we want, obviously, to boost our competitiveness.

We are very much aware—very well aware of the fact—both of us, I think— that we are in a tough competition with the emerging economies. So Europe needs to be competitive and we also need to be competitive if we wish to remain an interesting economic partner for the United States. This has to be done on the basis of strength, of competitiveness. So this is why the Germans are pursuing a policy of a competitive Europe, and this is—and it is also an approach of solidarity, so we need to show solidarity to the countries that need it, but they also need to come to enhance competitiveness.

We talked about the Middle East peace process. I think this was a very important initiative to point out yet again that the United States of America, just as Germany and the European Union, wish to promote a further development of the peace process. We're saying this to both countries: We want a two-state solution. We want a Jewish state of Israel and alongside a independent Palestinian state. Unilateral measures are not helping at all to bring about this cause, and we agree that we wish to cooperate very closely on this, because as we both say, time is of the essence. And looking at the changes in the Arab area and the Arab region, it would be a very good signal indeed if it came out that talks between the parties are again possible.

The commitment we take in Afghanistan shows that we're very close. We're very grateful for the close cooperation in the north of Afghanistan; that has turned out excellently. We share the opinion that in Afghanistan we wish to approach an—the matters in the sense of an integrated security approach, a network security approach. It was said we want to build up not only the military side of it, but the civil side of it. We wish to go in together, out together. Afghanistan will need our support, however, in the long run. So we will not abandon them.

Barack, thank you very much again for the very friendly talks, for this very warm atmosphere, for making it possible to have this exchange of views in a very candid manner. I think even though we make look differently than our predecessors we have a lot in common, I think, and we have a lot to discuss.

Thank you.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. The United States is disappointed by the refusal of the Russian Ministry of Justice to register the Party of People's Freedom (PARNAS) today, effectively barring it from legally participating in Russia's upcoming Duma elections. We are troubled by reports of pressure from authorities in the regions designed to intimidate PARNAS supporters, prompting them to resign positions or disavow their signatures on required lists. The right to hold free, fair, competitive elections is a universal principle that the Russian Government has repeatedly endorsed.

It is hard to understand how this decision today by the Ministry of Justice is consistent with Russia's international commitments and recent statements by Russia's own leaders. We urge the authorities to investigate the reports of irregularities in the PARNAS registration process to ensure that the procedures used to deny registration of this party were consistent with Russian laws and international standards.

Secretary Hillary Clinton delivered this statement in Washington, DC

Secretary Clinton. Today marks an important milestone in Croatia's journey toward membership in the European Union. While the work to reform Croatia's governing institutions will continue, the United States congratulates Croatia on this hard-won success.

This is the result of years of negotiations, hard work, and political and social sacrifices. Croatia has shown by example that European and Euro-Atlantic integration is not only a worthy goal—but is also attainable—for all Western Balkan countries. The United States and the European Union are united in our belief that Europe will not be complete until all of the countries of the Western Balkans are full EU members. We welcome Croatia's offer of advice and support to neighboring countries in their continued efforts toward European integration.

The conclusion of accession talks for Croatia creates a positive momentum which I hope will spread throughout the region. I applaud Croatia's accomplishment today and look forward to our continued partnership.