Many commentators have put forth the argument that our world is increasingly religious, that the secularization thesis needs to be revisited, that religion is back in politics. In contrast, François Foret's new book on religion in the European Union describes how Europe continues to inscribe itself in a process of secularization (5). Drawing on documentary analysis, interviews with elites, and new survey data from the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), Foret shows that despite this disenchantment, religion remains present in different ways within the European Union. He provides a meticulous analysis of the “traces” of religion by exploring its influence in democratic politics (elections, deliberations, etc.), in the orientation of public policy, in the continuous construction of European identity, and in European Union's foreign policy (2). This book is an important contribution to the study of religion and politics because it is one of the first systematic and comprehensive studies of the place of religion in transnational bodies.

Early in his introduction, Foret explains: “The picture drawn of religion in European politics suggests that Europe is following the path of a European modernity rooted in the Enlightenment … Even at its most combative, modernity has never succeeded in eradicating religion” (5). This clearly illustrates Foret thesis: the European Union is not “post-secular”; it continues to follow the path of modernity, in which religion is not central and yet still plays a secondary role. Modernity, Foret reminds his readers, has never meant that religion would completely disappear, rather it has implications for the role given to religion, which: “is no longer capable of structuring collective identity” (4). With this point of departure, his book is devoted to documenting the place of religion in the European Union. In this project, he does not approach religion as a well-defined object that can be excavated and studied. Not unlike concepts such as party or state, religion is a “black box” (85) that “can take on very different forms depending on the sociohistorical and cultural background” (281).

Religion's definition and role, depends also to where the researcher decides to put her gaze. If the focus is on the influence of religion on the voting behavior of MEPs, then religion might be understood in terms of the denomination of Members of Parliament and their level of religiosity (85–86, see also: chap 3). If the emphasis is on the role of religion in the construction of European identity, then evaluating the power of a common Christian heritage as a “reservoir of meanings” (284) or the coherence of an Islamic “other” (see chap 6) becomes important. Alternatively, if the researcher is interested in the interactions between religious lobbies and European Union policies then she might choose to document the number and profile of these groups, as well as evaluate the impact of their discourse and actions (see chap 4). Foret, in other words, shows us the complexity of documenting the role of religion in the European Union; a complexity that is important to acknowledge for those of us interested in studying the role of religion in politics, and more specifically in transnational polities. Yet while his specific subject of study changes in function of where Foret places his gaze, he remains loyal to his main argument throughout. His discussion, in chapter 4, of the role of religious civil society in the European Union is a good illustration of this constant. He documents how while there is a place for these groups in the European Union, their interactions with European governance require that they adapt their politics and structure, that they go through a secularizing process (133).

Aside from putting in perspective the “resurgence” thesis, Foret's study also presents compelling arguments that challenge the old and often disqualified, but nonetheless entrenched, clash of civilization thesis. This is particularly visible in chapter 7, which focuses on the role of religion in the relation between the European Union and non-member countries. Drawing on a comparison between the United States and the European Union, he explains that religion is less important to understand potential solidarity between countries (i.e., common Christian heritage) than the “nature of [countries] relationship with religion” (242). In Europe, for instance, this solidarity seems to be organized around a “shared cultural liberalism” rather than a common religion (259). Europe is identifiable to others because of its “mild secularism,” which differs from the “messianic unilateralism of the United States” (285). This has an impact on potential member states that are asked to: “put aside [their] national pride and any other cultural passion, including religion, in order to take on the yoke of European reflexivity and self-restraint” (284). Foret's discussion of Turkey candidature is an insightful illustration of this last point. While he recognizes that Islam has been identified in the Turkish accession process as a clear concern, the fact that Turks are identified as being more religious than European (i.e., less “moderate”) has equally been an area of anxiety among Europeans. Thus, Europe is very distinctive in its “manner of relating to life-and-death issues and subjecting absolute religious truth to doubt and discussion” (285). By offering his readership a sensible comparison with the United States, Foret is able to carve out quite a compelling argument demystifying Huntington's thesis.

While Foret's depiction of the European Union as a secular polity is interesting, it is nonetheless unfortunate that he does not engage with the recent literature regarding the politics of secularism (e.g., The Politics of Secularism in International Relations; After Secularism: Rethinking Religion in Global Politics). Doing so would have been important not only to situate his argument in this discussion, but even more significantly to shed light on the impact of the European Union “mild secularism” on religion and religious freedom. For instance, in chapter 2, when comparing the values on which American and European legislators draw on, he explains how American legislators use: “religion as a consensual, permissive, and self-restricted repertoire to discuss the public good and national identity” whereas European use an “open and tolerant secularism … to do the same thing” (71). Yet, he does not explore to which extent this “open and tolerant secularism” is influenced by a certain reading of religion, as well as the impact this has on the management and regulation of religion at the European level. In other words, does it favor a particular reading of the religious? And if so, what impact does this have on religious pluralism?

These questions are important insofar as they are also part of exploring the relationships between religion and politics at the European Union. Moreover, it is possible that this approach would give some perspective to his European exceptionalism argument, or at least offer another entry point of comparison between Europe and other polities. Indeed, if secularism is approached as a mode of religious governance then Europe becomes less singular.

The greatest strength of François Foret's book, in my view, is that it acts as an invitation to consider the importance of documenting the relationship between religion and politics beyond the nation-state. Thus, it stands out as a must read for researchers interested in exploring these dimensions in other transnational spaces (e.g., United Nations, World Bank), especially in so far as it offers valuable methodological insights into the complexity of embarking on such a journey.