First published in 2007 as a special issue of Social Policy and Administration (Volume 41, Number 6), this edited volume fills an important gap within the comparative literature on social policy by focussing on recent reforms in ‘conservative’ or Bismarckian welfare states. Not only have systematic comparative analyses of this regime been missing so far, but within the comparative literature these countries have also the image of being rather ‘reform-resistant’. This book is able to demonstrate that, on the contrary, Bismarckian welfare states have changed quite a bit. In fact, they have seen structural, institutional and even paradigmatic change, leading them towards the same objectives as those defined for other welfare systems by the main international agencies such as the World Bank, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the European Union. But continental welfare states have lagged behind the other welfare regimes and followed a specific reform trajectory, consisting of four different stages and of ‘cumulative but transformative’ changes.

In old-age pensions, for example, formerly ‘pure’ social insurance systems have slowly been turned into multi-pillar structures. Hassenteufel's and Palier's chapter demonstrates that Bismarckian health insurance systems have become hybrid through more universal coverage, more tax-financing, the development of New Public Management devices and more control over patients’ circulation within the system. With regard to social policies towards lone parents, there has been a shift away from the model of supporting lone mothers to be full-time mothers at home towards an employment-based model. In fact, Knijn, Martin and Millar argue that lone parents are increasingly seen similar to, rather than different from, other social assistance recipients and therefore part of a wider group of the ‘hidden’ unemployed. According to Nathalie Morel, the increase of female employment has become a major policy goal in child and elder-care policy since the mid-to-late 1990s. Taken together, social policy changes may stand for a general paradigm shift in Bismarckian welfare states, away from systems aimed at income and status maintenance towards activated and employment-friendly welfare systems. However, beneath this major transformation in accordance with the global social policy agenda, conservative welfare states have kept a ‘Bismarckian core’ of welfare state objectives and instruments. The overall result is a ‘dualisation’ of these welfare systems. This is also mirrored in a ‘dualisation’ of the population protected – separating the ‘insiders’ with full-time permanent jobs from less well-protected groups – which seems to be an outcome peculiar to the Bismarckian world of welfare.

Clearly, this is an excellent and extensive book. In contrast to many other comparative books on the welfare state, it not only covers its ‘core’ (pensions, health insurance and labour market policies) but also childcare and elder care, family policy more generally, and social policies towards lone parents. It brings together a number of well-known experts for the different policy fields which makes it the first to investigate the Bismarckian world of welfare in such great detail and with such interesting conclusions about its capacity for change. Still, some critical remarks have to be made.

First of all, the fact that all chapters use different country samples makes it rather difficult for readers to assess the overall level of change and resemblance in the Bismarckian world of welfare. While France, Germany and to a lesser extent the Netherlands are treated extensively, readers interested in countries like Italy, Belgium or Austria will find only very limited information on their reform and resemblance to the rest of the conservative world of welfare.

Secondly, in order to demonstrate the specifics of Bismarckian reform trajectories and their results, a recurrent contrast with the other two welfare state regimes (based on the existing comparative literature) would have been useful. This is particularly true for the ‘dualization thesis’. The argument as well as the empirical evidence could have been made much more explicit in the introduction as well as in the different chapters. A rare exception is the chapter by Daniel Clegg, which demonstrates that welfare state change in continental unemployment policies combined enhanced protection for those with long work histories and a strengthening of the ‘contributiveness’ of benefit entitlements with activation, but only ‘at the margin’ of the benefit system. Clegg consistently makes his point by contrasting Belgium, France, Germany and the Netherlands with non-Bismarckian countries such as Denmark and the UK.

Third, the structure of the volume is rather to its detriment. The fact that there is no real concluding chapter tends to focus the reader's interest on the common trends and trajectories of Bismarckian welfare states as stated in the introduction by Palier and Martin. As a consequence, the different chapters may be perceived as simple illustrations instead of genuine contributions. This is particularly unfortunate as several chapters also reveal interesting differences between conservative welfare states and the fascinating effects of welfare state change beyond the focus on common trends and trajectories. Examples include interesting insights on employment and working conditions (Da Roit, Le Bihan and Österle on long-term care policies), specific explanatory models (such as the emergence of new ‘welfare policy elites’) or feasible political strategies for major policy change (e.g. Bonoli and Palier on pension reform). A ‘real’ introduction and a ‘real’ conclusion would have upgraded the chapters in between.

Finally, the volume is to some extent descriptive; explanations however are rather rare. As a consequence, some questions remain unanswered. For example: What are, finally, the major determinants of welfare state change in these countries? Why exactly did continental welfare states lag behind? And why is ‘dualisation’ a specific feature of these regimes but, presumably, not of the others?

Notwithstanding these criticisms, this volume clearly is highly recommendable to both readers interested in comparative welfare state reform and in the developments of particular countries. Last, but not least, it is a good read.