One of many enigmas in the Philippines is that while a quarter of the population lives below the poverty line, the country consistently ranks among the happiest in the world. William Peterson presents a rich and ethnographically grounded analysis of how participation in localised, performance-based events in the Philippines provide and express culturally specific values that are uniquely Filipino, such as the way the self only exists in relation to others. He argues that celebrations and rituals (especially Pasyon theatrical activities that empathise with the martyrdom of Christ and various forms of street dancing) specifically link individuals not just to others in their community, but also to the larger Filipino nation in ways that contribute to happiness (p. 4).
Theoretically, the book relies on three primary and interlocking frames drawn from Filipino sociology, anthropology and linguistics, as well as the work of psychology to explore the internal and embodied dynamics of what participation in communal dancing, theatre or singing conveys. The first frame focuses on Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi's concept of ‘flow’ activities, which include play, art, pageantry, ritual and sports and whose primary function is to provide intensely enjoyable or gratifying feelings (p. 7). The second frame focuses on the Tagalog concept of kapwa, which stresses the shared or porousness of the identity of one's self with that of others (p. 9). The third framework focuses on the concept of bayan, or ‘place’; it is a geographically transcendant term that can mean the local community, the nation or even the Filipino diaspora (p. 12). In that sense, bayan expresses both location and relationships to which identity is expressed. Though not a precise theoretical lens, William Peterson brings Philippine politics into his analysis by noting that the political-economic oligarchy's reputation is typically heightened or lowered through community performances owing to funding and connections between popular ceremonies, tourism revenue, religious overtones and the necessity of elite donations and sponsorship.
Peterson's fieldwork spans a decade during which he participated in and studied a variety of festivals in Luzon and the Visayas, including the Holy Week theatrical performances and dances associated with local fiestas. He describes the sinakulo, or passion plays, in two areas of Manila and one in Marinduque, which enable him to highlight the characteristics of traditional, civic-based, and activist forms of performance (p. 19). He also provides an in-depth examination of the popular Moriones festival in Marinduque, the Ati-Atihan festival in Kalibo, and the 2013 Aliwan Fiesta or national street dancing competition in Manila. He argues that dance is the most important way that Filipinos perform their relationship to local, national and international imaginaries, offering an insightful genealogy of dance that includes the history of how cultural dances became required primary school competencies and how the national dance troupe known as Bayanihan focused on five regional dance suites. He provides further analysis of the reasoning and meaning behind the performance of the ‘Cordillera Suite’ and the ‘Muslim Suite’ in their repertoire. The final chapter offers a slim historical review of how theatre has been used to agitate for political and economic change in the Philippines since the time of martial law under Ferdinand Marcos and continuing in 2018 with the performances of Juana Change (Mae Paner), a political satirist and activist.
Almost half of the book focuses on how the Pasyon re-enactments throughout the Philippines continue to provide an experiential set of activities that enable participants in these dramas to identify with the sufferings of Christ. Rather than focus on the headline-grabbing news depictions of Filipinos being nailed to the cross, Peterson relies on various scenarios to highlight his detailed descriptions of Holy Week activities in his three case studies. Pasyon in the Philippines is a hybrid form that plays out in practices that are highly localised and so are best understood as repertoires. Preparing for Pasyon takes weeks and months with local government units and elites sponsoring much of the materials needed for the productions, hence some of the most spectacular presentations are in areas of high unemployment or underemployment (p. 48). All participants in the traditional presentations say they participate in various roles in order to fulfil a vow, or panata. Common reasons given for undertaking a vow are to ensure future blessings, to offer thanks for blessings received, or to seek a cure for themselves or a family member. Other reasons for participation are equally significant, including the pleasure that comes from working with other members of the community, being watched while wearing exciting costumes, and getting public recognition in the post-Pasyon period for having played a particular role (p. 37).
The strengths of this book consist in Peterson's careful linking of historical and contemporary sources with his own and his participants’ reflections on their internal, communal feelings experienced during the busy and enthusiastic peaks of the performances. While the level of detail in some of his chapters may be too much for a non-specialist, this book is a remarkable contribution to Philippine studies and the ethnography of performance art.
