The recent years have seen a growth in the numbers of critical studies focused on the phenomenon of old age in the Middle Ages. Only a few decades ago scholars generally assumed that in the early Middle Ages people did not become very old, but our perceptions have become so complex as a result of new archaeological, historiographical, art-historical, and literary-historical research that none of those previous concepts can be upheld any longer. First, there were many very old people in the early Middle Ages, the period that is Thijs Porck's research area. Secondly, many old people were still active as warriors, leaders of their people, and as counselors. Old age, however, was not necessarily a wonderful time, just as today, so the evaluation of this late stage in human life by poets, philosophers, and theologians depended very much on the intentions of the narrative and the genre itself. The average age of people, as determined by archaeological findings at cemeteries, does not tell us too much because the large number of children who died very young skews the figures. In short, the topic of old age requires an extensive and discriminating approach, which Porck here develops by means of a close reading of numerous early medieval, that is, Old English, sources. Those, of course, were consistently composed by members of the aristocratic and clerical elite, which makes it virtually impossible to say much about old age among the lower social classes. Nevertheless, even among the elites senescence was regarded with rather mixed feelings: much depended on the circumstances and purposes of the discourse regarding old age.
Even the concept of old age was rather contested (chapter 1), as the various models of that stage in life indicate that were developed in the early Middle Ages (here and throughout always pertaining to England). Porck demonstrates a solid knowledge of Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Latin literature, which allows him to develop sophisticated notions and to avoid simplifications that have hampered much of earlier research (see, however, the contributions to Old Age in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Albrecht Classen [2007], which Porck cites).
In chapter 2, Porck highlights the projection of old age as a time of wisdom, leadership, and spiritual superiority (the old as teachers), whereas in chapter 3, he illustrates the negative side of old age, which early medieval authors also did not hesitate to present. St. Boniface, for instance, openly admitted that his eyesight had become weak and that the letters addressed to him should be written in large letters with few or no abbreviations. Alcuin also voiced a rather negative opinion of old age and complained about his own physical shortcomings. Many preachers also commented on old age and used this theme as a clear memento mori for their audiences (among them the Blickling homilist, Ælfric, Pseudo-Basil's Admonitio ad filium spiritualem).
In chapter 4, Porck deals with the treatment of old age in Anglo-Saxon hagiography, although this is rather a rare phenomenon. By contrast, the puer senex motif appears more often, and the presentation of old saints as spiritual guides also proves to be a common aspect. Some old saints took good care of their age-specific ailments, while others tried to demonstrate their sanctity by overcoming their physical frailty due to their old age.
Most interesting proves to be the chapter on old warriors who still led their people and were the first to fight. Burial goods often consist of weapons, but it remains an issue difficult for archaeologists to determine whether those were regarded as symbolic or whether they indicated the true heroism of those old men who died in war at the height of their strength. Porck also takes into consideration the evidence in the Harley Psalter and in the Bayeux Tapestry, where quite a number of depicted warriors are identified as old men. Historical documents confirm that Anglo-Saxon armies were made up both of old and young men, and it thus seems erroneous to assume that old age prevented those individuals from continuing with their traditional roles as military leaders, as political advisors, and as the prime warriors. One of the best examples for this phenomenon dates from the European mainland, the Old High German “Hildebrandslied,” where the old man appears as a most fearsome fighter who suddenly faces his own son and stands to kill him in their battle against each other. Porck is a little unclear about the subsequent history, however, because in the “Jüngere Hildebrandslied,” for instance, the two men do not kill each other, and there is a kind of happy end with the entire family ultimately being reunited (162). “The Battle of Maldon” also presents the military leader as an old man who is, however, not affected by his age and knows how to fight as the first of his men. The evidence of Beowulf appears to be more problematic in this context, and this contrary to Porck's opinion, because the protagonist does not arrive as an old man in Denmark to fight the monsters. However, King Hrothgar has indeed lost his strength and must rely on Beowulf because he himself is too old to defend his court from Grendel, which is not simply a sign of weakness or failure.
As Porck then points out by means of a rich web of data, early medieval literature knows of many figures of old kings, especially the most famous one, Charlemagne himself. Porck also comes to Beowulf's rescue when he defends him against various critics who have charged the protagonist with having some serious flaws in his old age (206–8). I would disagree with Porck in this regard, especially because Wiglaf's assistance in the fight against the dragon proves to be decisive. If Beowulf's other retainers had been allowed to oppose the dragon together with their lord, the outcome might have been very different. It does not make sense to claim that Beowulf tried to protect his men when he stood up to that monster. What is the function of those retainers, in the first place? Certainly not to be shielded from danger, but the very opposite.
In closing, Porck examines a number of other old rulers and warriors, and he also considers the presentation of old women, mostly in monastic life, some positive, some negative. Altogether, as this excellent study indicates, in conformity with other research (again, see the contributions to Old Age in the Middle Ages), the topic of old age was treated in a rather complex manner by Anglo-Saxon authors, and we would be well advised to abstain from absolutist claims. Much depends on the circumstances, the genres, and the intentions pursued by the various writers.
This rich and highly informative book concludes with an extensive bibliography and a rather detailed index. It is a joy to learn so much about old age in early medieval England through Porck's meticulous research. He has consulted a vast range of relevant sources and offered convincing analyses.
