Philip Q. Yang's Asian Immigration to the United States provides a social-scientific synthesis of historical and contemporary Asian migration to and adaptation in America. In explaining the book's purpose, Yang states, “Overall, there is a lack of a comprehensive theoretical framework that can explain Asian immigration to the United States, and research on the demographic, economic, political, and social impacts on American society after 1965 is very thin” (xi). Ambitiously framed, he undertakes to introduce an expansive theory of Asian migration, while also examining “simultaneously all the important dimensions … for all major [Asian] groups” (xi).

The book proceeds in three parts, addressing the questions posed in the Preface: “What causes Asian immigration to the United States? How do post-1965 Asian immigrants impact American society? How do new Asian immigrants and their children adapt to American life?” (xi). As Yang is aiming for a broad audience, these questions are a good starting point. He reviews theories that have been used to explain Asian migration, such as push–pull theory and equilibrium theory, commenting on their strengths and limitations. In their place, he offers his own theory, called “macro–micro interactive and cumulative causation theory” (12), and argues that it improves upon existing models because it accounts for broad structural and small-scale factors driving migration, as well as the ways that these varied dynamics interact to initiate and sustain movement. Yang then seeks to test his theory via overviews of pre- and post-1965 Asian immigration. The last chapters survey how Asians have impacted US society, through statistical evidence relating to areas such as population, education, professional achievement, and political participation. He also weighs theories of adaptation, such as classic assimilation theory, melting-pot theory, cultural pluralism, and segmented assimilation, to determine which best capture the Asian American experience.

Yang writes clearly and pulls together a great deal of information from different areas in Asian American history and social science, particularly with regard to migration and socioeconomics. He has also done a service in compiling and presenting a wealth of statistical data on historical and contemporary Asian migration, making the book a handy reference for instructors in Asian American studies. As a social and cultural historian, I welcome Yang's overview of migration theories and post-1965 immigration, as social scientists tend to be more attentive to theoretical frameworks and structural details than narrative-driven historians are. In this regard, Asian American studies specialists trained outside sociology can benefit from incorporating some of Yang's approaches toward a more interdisciplinary and multi-textured understanding of Asian America.

While the book will be informative for readers new to Asian American sociology and Asian American studies, specialists may find it conceptually and analytically wanting. For instance, in a chapter on the impact of Asian Americans on American life, Yang provides lists of notable Asians in fields from volleyball to AIDS research, but this discussion lacks a strong interpretative or critical lens. Further, he begins each section with a set of important questions (e.g. “What is the impact of post-1965 Asian immigration on political partisanship and political orientation in America?” (174)), but too often follows these with the contention that existing research is too sparse to answer them. The reader is then left with unexamined observations rather than intriguing conclusions. For instance, the upshot of the section on political participation does not push beyond the statement, “Asian immigration favors the [Republican Party] and conservatives more than the [Democratic Party] and liberals, as Asian immigrants are somewhat more likely to be Republicans and to identify with conservatives” (178). Moreover, his “macro–micro interactive and cumulative causation theory” seems to be less a distinct explanation of migration than an agglomeration of existing ones. Finally, Yang's ahistorical and transhistorical application of theory raises questions. Theories such as the melting pot and cultural pluralism are historically specific, were informed by the ideological prejudices and blind spots of the people who formulated them, and are widely regarded by immigration historians as intellectual artifacts. This leads one to wonder about the productiveness of weighing these against more recent and refined theories such as segmented assimilation.

These criticisms aside, Yang has written a solid work that provides a good introduction to key issues in the study of Asian immigration to the United States. Nonspecialists will find the book especially helpful, but specialists in Asian American studies and immigration studies should also appreciate Yang's effort.