Rethinking Class in Russia portrays a painfully forming, new hybrid of post-Soviet society in Russia. Drastic changes in the post-Soviet space over the last quarter century have transformed the socio-economic structure of the society. Thus, the need has emerged to revise the existing socio-cultural and anthropological foundations of class and society in post-Soviet Russia. A dramatic increase in inequality, unemployment, poverty, homelessness, health problems, alcoholism, drug addiction, and crime, added to already existing problems inherited, and indeed aggravated, from the Soviet era. All these changes presented a challenge not only for the society, but for scholars as well: research and explanations were needed. In order to try and address this challenge, Suvi Salmenniemi assembled a strong team of scholars who are acclaimed experts in a range of social sciences.
The market transition of the 1990s was signified by the transformation from a socialist to capitalist society, with all the accompanying changes in class structure taking place swiftly, within just a few years. Changes in the class structure were signified by worsening socio-economic conditions. As Salmenniemi points out in Chapter 3, Post-Soviet Khoziain: Class, Self and Morality in Russian Self-Help Literature, “The explosive growth of income disparities and the concomitant social differentiation have been amongst the most palpable and significant consequences of Russia’s social transformation [...] It has disrupted the sense of human worth, redefined conceptions of morality and social justice, and created gaping chasms between people who not so long ago shared the same social milieu and ideological universe” (80). In these circumstances, a classical interpretation of class becomes an excellent example of bounded rationality. The book argues that class today crosses national boundaries and absorbs layers of social strata. The symbolic dimensions of class are signified by perceptions and ascription of characteristics and identities, both negative and positive. The authors present a highly nuanced look at specific issues in public discourses and practices of class.
The authors offer a plethora of interesting thoughts on such problems as income differentiation, lack of social services, social prejudice, self-identification, middle-age crisis, gender gap, domestic labor, and political parties. In addition to these problems, the authors also mention corruption, so widespread in Russia, and the need for informal payments in access to supposedly free healthcare and medications. Methodologies used by the authors vary as well: surveys, focus groups, semi-structured and open-ended interviews, and snow-balling in selecting interviewees. The authors use the class framework as a lens to study the newly-evolving post-socialist society.
Another merit of the book is that each chapter is distinct, with its own extensive literature review, which includes both Western and numerous Russian sources. Sometimes this may even be overdone, as Chapter 3 is simply overwhelmed with references to Sinel’nikov and citations of his works. Views expressed in this literature vary widely, from calls to pro-Western modernization to more realistic views on Russian potential for Slav nationalism, when “Sinel’nikov presents a variety of conspiracy theories on how the US has consciously and systematically sought to humiliate and destroy the Slavs by importing its corrupting norms and values” (70). The authors also present some nice background data with social indicators.
When it comes to party politics, Russian political parties are most interested in attracting Russia’s middle class. For instance the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) is no longer catering exclusively to workers and peasants, instead being interested in other social strata as well. This change in priorities is indicative of changes in the class structure. United Russia (ER), also known as the party of power, sees the middle class as its prime electoral base. Sirke Mäkinen in Chapter 5, Political Parties and the Construction of Social Class in Russia, concludes that “the value-related dimension does emerge as central in the political parties’ definitions of class. In addition to conventional criteria of class, such as occupation, income and property, UR also suggests certain ‘moral values’ and a certain way of life as class markers” (120). The middle class is being considered as a basis for the ruling party. However, the category of middle class is distinct not only by its quality, but also its quantity, of share in the total population. By different estimates, the Russian middle class constitutes somewhere between 15 to 22 percent of the population. In order to achieve the benchmark of 60 percent, it would have to triple in size. In political discussions, the middle class denotes stability, while in reality Russia is portrayed as a deeply divided society (117) and the authors emphasize the “out-there-ness” of the ruling class (209). In such circumstances, different attributes, including clothing, are used to amplify the sense of belonging and class self-identification. In Chapter 7, We are Not Rich Enough to Buy Cheap Things: Clothing Consumption of the St. Petersburg Middle Class, Olga Gurova argues that “clothing consumption is at the core of identity formation of the middle class. Attention to and reflexivity towards the body and appearance are key dimensions of this process” (150). This issue also corresponds to the place of glamour in Russian society.
In distinction to both developed and developing countries, one’s level of education and personal income are somewhat disconnected in Russia. According to Marja Rytkönen and Ilkka Pietilä in Wealth Brings Health? Class, Body and Health in Russia, “One of the peculiarities of Russian social stratification is that education and income do not go hand in hand, and this may have an effect on socio-economic health inequalities in the country” (188). Another feature of modern Russian society is a significant gender gap in life expectancy at birth, with male life expectancy being around 12 years lower than that of females.
The authors use much Russian terminology throughout the book. Their choice of terms is excellent, but could at times be even more precise. For instance, they could use word gopota rather than gopnik to denote poor youth (3) or rather even youth with poor consumer and lifestyle choices (225). Also, terms such as “sphere of employment” (227), which are widespread in Russian literature, may not be very familiar to the Western reader. In Chapter 4, titled Doing Class in Social Welfare Discourses: ‘Unfortunate Families’ in Russia, Elena Iarskaia-Smirnova and Pavel Romanov write about neblagopoluchnye sem’i or “unfortunate families,” but also mention their juxtaposition to “fortunate families,” which is a not less widespread term in Russia. Other related terms that the authors should consider using are iz poryadochnoj sem’i (from a decent family), iz blagopoluchnoj sem’i (from a well-to-do family), iz prilichnoj sem’i (from a good family). The same applies to the concept of “unfortunate children” (neblagopoluchnye deti) to present their comparison to “fortunate children.” Social programs are not on par with those offered during Soviet times, while families with multiple children are often considered as “unfortunate” by default. Against these circumstances, the authors argue, “the governmental propaganda promoting multiple children and family values seems hypocritical and contradictory, to say the least” (96).
As with all works based on contributions from various authors, this book is somewhat weak on concepts, an overarching theme, or a unifying approach: cohesion is always a challenge. It appears as a set of papers that come from different disciplines and belong to different journals. Nevertheless, the book is a combination of very interesting reviews and empirical research undertaken on topics of high priority to Russian society. Its strength may lie in its diversity, plurality of forms, themes, and approaches. Despite its fragmented character, it provides a good portrayal of modern Russian society.
After reading this book, the reader gets an impression that one of the central ideas of the book is to show the dominance of consumerist culture, the prevalence of conspicuous consumption, and the imposition of the view that “money can buy everything.” Thus those who have money are real citizens, members of society, fully participating and enjoying life, while those who do not have money are all the opposite, supplied with negative characteristics, and eventually outcast. The most shameful thing in today’s Russia is to be poor. Everything else, including being dishonest, cheating, prostituting, stealing, giving and receiving bribes, using and abusing and exploiting others is acceptable as long as one is not poor. Appeals to the new middle class for high morale and core values remain largely unfulfilled. This is quite in contradiction with the Soviet-era’s ideological orientation of society. The major task of Soviet society was to create a new man, a new type of human. This attempt failed dramatically. The new post-Soviet society does not even attempt such an ambitious goal, focusing instead on well-being, consumption, and creation of a so far largely illusory middle class. Judging by the widespread use of the term “manager” in Russia, applied to numerous occupations that have nothing to do with managerial functions, production of a manager, not a new man, is the prime task of the new Russian society.
This book will be of interest to those who want to look beyond the statistical data, the myriad of economic and social indicators and time trends, and the scholarly discussions on Russian domestic politics and Putin’s regime, and learn something new about the lives of ordinary Russians from a more personalized perspective. Readers will be able to better understand Russia’s new class structure, as well as how Russians live, what they wear, why and how they take care of themselves, what they think of others, and how they see their lives in the future.
