Introduction
This article deals with the interplay of sequential organization, embodied participation frameworks, linguistic choices, and categorization processes in the analysis of social interaction within meetings. Focusing on multilingual meetings, it is interested in the way in which speakers mobilize a complex array of linguistic and embodied resources in order to shape opportunities to participate. In multilingual meetings, the election of a linguistic solution—which can be the choice of a lingua franca, the organization of improvised translations, or the adoption of code-switching—has consequences for the way in which participants' engagement in the activity is made easier or more difficult. In order to explore the interactional consequences of linguistic choice and the mobilization of other multimodal, embodied resources, I adopt the perspective of Conversation Analysis to study the way in which the locally situated and emergent use of these resources makes possible, manages, and sustains participation within a meeting. More particularly, I consider the consequences of language choice on the organization of the meeting, the achievement of its goals, and the enablement of collaborative participation.
The empirical contribution of this article is a detailed analysis of a single case—an episode within a meeting in which several radical changes occur: change of language, change in the participation framework, change in the interactional space, change in the categorization of the participants. The analysis deals with an episode in which a change of language occurs reflexively, enabled by and enabling the transformation of the participation framework, allowing a person sitting silently in the last row, who does not speak the language used in the meeting, to stand up, change the language of the meeting and express an expert position. By looking at the interactional work that makes this change possible, this article aims to contribute to the understanding of the interplay of interactional and institutional changes, and the role multimodal and multilingual resources play in their achievement.
After a discussion of current issues in the analysis of multilingual meetings and the presentation of the video-recorded data on which the analysis is based, I focus on the episode of linguistic change, achieving the transition from a monological, English Lingua Franca meeting, to a bilingual event. I explore the way in which this change not only allows a silent participant to speak, but also allows a participant initially treated as a monolingual anglophone to actively display a bilingual identity. In this way, the article offers a multidimensional analysis of language choice, socioinstitutional change and the situated management of the interactional order.
Based on a corpus of video recordings of work meetings, this article contributes to a growing literature on meetings, and more particularly on multicultural and multilingual professional meetings.
The literature on meetings is expanding in a range of fields, from sociolinguistics and discourse studies (Bargiela-Chiappini & Harris Reference Bargiela-Chiappini and Harris1997a,Reference Bargiela-Chiappini and Harrisb; Holmes & Stubbe Reference Holmes and Stubbe2003) to management and communication studies (Cooren Reference Cooren2007), and conversation analysis (Boden Reference Boden1994; Ford Reference Ford2008). In her seminal work on business meetings and faculty meetings, Boden (Reference Boden1994) has shown the importance of talk for the achievement of professional tasks; talk is adjusted to and shaped by the institutional context in which it occurs but, at the same time, it contributes to configure the institutional order, which is brought into being through specific interactional formats.
The fact that meetings take place more and more within a cosmopolitan context, has been considered both by cross-cultural studies (e.g. Halmari Reference Halmari1993 on telephone calls in Finland and the US; Yeung Reference Yeung2003 on Australian and Hong Kong Chinese meetings) and by intercultural studies of multilingual meetings (e.g. Clyne Reference Clyne1994 on multilingual workplaces in Australia; Bargiela-Chiappini & Harris Reference Bargiela-Chiappini and Harris1997b on meetings within an Anglo-Italian joint venture; Marriott Reference Marriott, Bargiela-Chiappini and Harris1997 on Australian and Japanese businessmen).
International meetings are characterized by different linguistic solutions (adoption of a unique lingua franca language, use of various languages, everybody speaking their language, use of code-switching, punctual use of improvised translations, etc.), which have been focused on in various ways in the literature. The use of English as a lingua franca (ELF) has been described in very diverse contexts. In some of them, the choice of ELF has been seen as a “neutral code” facilitating the participation of employees of different languages through a “shared communication code”—as, for example, in the fusion of Swedish and Finnish companies studied by Louhiala-Salminen, Charles, & Kankaanranta (Reference Louhiala-Salminen, Charles and Kankaanranta2005), in which ELF is adopted to avoid asymmetries between native and nonnative speakers. In other contexts, although ELF remains the reference, the switch to other languages has a “solidarity-building function” and fosters complicity and personal relationships in business (Poncini Reference Poncini2004). In other lingua franca settings, miscommunication has been highlighted (Ulijn & Li Reference Ulijn and Li1995; House Reference House and Gnutzmann1999; Li Wei, Zhu Hua, & Li Yue. Reference Wei, Hua and Yue2001). Within a conversation-analytic perspective, Firth (Reference Firth1996) shows that participants negotiate actively and collaboratively and constitute the “lingua franca” character of the language they use, namely by perspicuously disattending nonstandard features of linguistic forms and normalizing them actively, orienting to the work being done skillfully rather than to linguistic deficiencies.
Multilingual and multicultural meetings enhance the plurality of identities of the participants, who often also have multiple expertises (Housley Reference Housley2003) and various institutional roles. Thus, categorization and identity issues are central in meetings, where the question of the relevant category under which a participant acts and is considered by his recipients is crucial, as shown by many discussions about gender, leadership, and expertise (Holmes Reference Holmes2005; Clifton Reference Clifton2006; Pomerantz & Denvir Reference Pomerantz, Denvir and Cooren2007; Ford Reference Ford2008). Categories and identities also play a role in building teams, alliances, and groups, which can stabilize but also modify and evolve dynamically through sequences of negotiation, discussion, and (dis)agreement (Kangasharju Reference Kangasharju2002).
Multilingual meetings also rely on other resources. The multimodal dimension of social interaction—consisting of gaze, facial expressions, gestures, and body postures—has been generally neglected in the analyses of meetings (but see Ford Reference Ford2008; Schmitt Reference Schmitt2004; Deppermann, Schmitt, & Mondada Reference Deppermann, Schmitt and Mondada2010; Markaki & Mondada Reference Mondada2012; Mondada & Oloff Reference Mondada and Oloff2012). Likewise, the use of artefacts and other material resources has only begun to be studied systematically (see Rendle-Short Reference Rendle-Short2006 and Knoblauch Reference Knoblauch2008 about PowerPoint presentations; see also Mondada Reference Mondada2006, Reference Mondada2012; Ochs, Jacoby, & Gonzales Reference Ochs, Jacoby and Gonzales1994 about the use of visualizations).
This article focuses on multilingual and multimodal resources as they are mobilized in a meeting in order to enable various forms of participation. In the turn-by-turn organization of the meeting, participation can be facilitated or obstructed, access to the floor can be enabled in a distributed or in a centralized way (Ford Reference Ford2008). Turns format and access to the floor define participants' categories, such as “chairman,” “speaker,” “expert,” or “guest star” in a locally situated way (Sacks Reference Sacks and Sudnow1972, Reference Sacks1992; Antaki & Widdicombe Reference Antaki and Widdicombe1998). As shown by Goodwin & Goodwin (Reference Goodwin, Goodwin and Duranti2004) revisiting Goffman's classical work on participation framework (Reference Goffman1979), participation is designed in a highly dynamic way. Participation is made possible by the step-by-step opportunities offered by the sequential organization of talk, which emerge and are taken (or not) thanks to various multimodal resources (Goodwin Reference Goodwin2007). In meetings, these are deployed (i) gesturally, by displaying the status of imminent speaker (Mondada Reference Mondada2007; Ford Reference Ford2008), (ii) visually, by gazing and orienting bodily towards the next speaker, recognizing them as such (Ford Reference Ford2008; Markaki & Mondada Reference Mondada2012), or (iii) by moving around (Deppermann et al. Reference Deppermann, Schmitt and Mondada2010; Mondada & Oloff Reference Mondada and Oloff2012). This article is interested in participation as it is not only configured through multimodal resources but also through multilingual resources, by looking at the way in which participants orient to linguistic choices, such as favoring or not the expression of some speakers. It focuses on the reflexive establishment of these multiple dimensions of participation, taking into consideration the local emergence, negotiation, establishment, and recognition of a speaker in conditions in which it has been difficult for them to be selected and take their turn. More specifically, this article shows how participation can be changed radically, and how the interactional work of some facilitators can enable silent participants to speak, and for monolingual speakers to be recategorized as bilingual speakers.
The data and the phenomenon
This study focuses on a single-case analysis of an episode in which a change of language occurs, made possible by a transformation of the participation framework and the interactional space of the meeting. This article deals both with the interactional work needed for this change and with the interactive consequences of this change.
The meeting was recorded during fieldwork observing an emergent network of scientists gathering together in order to launch a new important research project in the field of biomedicine involving partners from different countries (especially France, England, and the USA), as well as interdisciplinary collaborations. The meeting took place in a big university town in France. The participants were mostly French-speaking researchers, with an invited speaker from England and a chairman and animator of the group, an immunologist working in the US but of French origins. The meeting (which lasted the entire day), as well as other previous ones, were recorded with two video cameras, one directed towards the chairman and the main speakers and the other towards the remaining participants. Participants gave their informed consent for the recording (all names and institutional affiliations have been changed by using nicknames).
The episode in the analysis occurred in the early afternoon and is a pivotal moment in the meeting, where the participants switch from English—which has been used until then—to French, in order to enable the participation of a person who does not speak English. This article focuses on this language shift, the conditions and contingencies preceding it and making it possible, as well as on the consequences for the organization of the meeting, the achievement of collaborations, and the categorization of the participants. This moment occasions a visible-observable-accountable transformation, achieved collaboratively by various participants using various multimodal resources, as well as changes in the participation framework of the meeting, the interactional space, the language, and the identities of the participants. This transformation reveals different possible alternative modes of organization of the embodied social interaction in the meeting, offering alternative opportunities to participate. It is also a vivid example of the interactional work it takes to promote a speaker who is normally excluded from speaking, and of changing the language once the meeting has been defined a “lingua franca English only meeting.” In addition, it is a vivid example of the interactional consequences of a radical change in the established ways of doing in the course of the activity.
The single-case analysis (see Schegloff Reference Schegloff and Tannen1988 on the analysis of a single case vs. a collection) of this event allows us to observe a range of transformations and, therefore, to compare the situation before and after the language shift. This concerns not only language use, but also the linguistic competences involved and recognized by the participants themselves, the evolving identities and categories made progressively relevant by them, as well as the monolingual vs. bilingual interactional practices characterizing the organization of the meeting. Thus, the analysis of a moment of change highlights two contrasted interactional formats, characterizing the meeting before and after change has occurred.
The analysis focuses on the sequential environment in which the occasioned switch from Lingua Franca English to French is accomplished, on the consequent establishment of a bilingual mode of interaction, enabling the participation of a francophone who was silent until that moment, and, finally, on the subsequent active bilingual conduct of a person previously treated as a monolingual anglophone by the other participants.
The embodied achievement of an occasioned switch from English lingua franca to French
The meeting analyzed is chaired by Gilbert, a French immunologist who migrated to the US where he became the director of a prestigious scientific research laboratory. He hosts Mary, a well-known biologist from London, who has been invited to present some of her recent results. The other participants are French researchers in medicine and biology, as well as doctors working in large hospitals and the pharmaceutical industry. Previous meetings with Gilbert have been held in French, but this one centers around the exchanges with Mary, who does not speak French. As a consequence, even if most of the participants are not fluent in English, the meeting is held in English Lingua Franca. English is the unique language used from the beginning of the workshop in the morning. The episode under study happens seventy minutes after the beginning of the afternoon discussions.
We join the event as a member of the local medical team, Mederic, is doing a short talk based on a PowerPoint presentation projected on the wall. In the presentation, he mentions a category of hospital patients who could be good candidates for collecting the human samples necessary for the experiments planned within the project. In excerpt (1) Gilbert interrupts his presentation in order to make an observation about the necessity of obtaining the adequate ethical authorizations.
Gilbert self-selects and looks at the actual speaker, Mederic, while he mentions the ethical issues. In this way, he clearly addresses Mederic in the first place. Although Gilbert's turn is presented as an observation, it can also be understood as a request, which projects a response next. But after a pause (line 3), Mederic only acknowledges this minimally, without offering any solution to the problem presented by Gilbert.
At this point, Gilbert pursues the issue: he repeats his point about the ethical issues and changes his addressee, now turning to the audience (line 5), thereby disqualifying Mederic as a possible interlocutor for obtaining an answer. Overlapping with his turn post-completion “I mean,” another participant, Robert, who is the director of the local research program and is sitting behind Gilbert, also turns back towards the audience. He nominates another person, Blandine (line 6), who is selected as the next speaker and as a person who was supposed to do something to solve the ethical problems.
In sum, in this short excerpt, a suspension of Mederic's talk is achieved by the chairman, and a progressive reorientation of the interactional space occurs. The relevant interactional space, designed by the disposition of the participants' bodies (Mondada Reference Mondada2009), is no longer oriented towards the front where the official speaker stands, but is reoriented towards the back, with the selection of a member of the audience. These participation shifts and explorations within the interactional space of the room correspond to the search for a person able to give a response to the problem raised by Gilbert. Interestingly, the camera goes along with these switches, following step-by-step the participants' gazes and gestures: interactional space is also constituted by the movement of the camera.
When she responds, Blandine contributes to a further enlargement of the interactional space, by introducing a new person, Anne Rambeau, who is supposed to have a solution to the problem.
Blandine responds first by securing her turn (line 9) while she turns back. Her body torque (Schegloff Reference Schegloff1998) maintains her orientation forewards, to Gilbert and Robert, and adds a new orientation backwards, to Anne Rambaud. The latter is introduced after Blandine's body torqued position is completed by a pointing gesture (emerging line 10), towards her (Figure 3). Blandine reveals Anne's name (line 11) while she points at her. As she initiates an utterance about her, she suspends it as she is overlapped by Gilbert telling something to Robert, asking him to pursue the issue at hand. She does not immediately continue her initial utterance and instead inserts information about Anne's linguistic preferences (line 13), thus accounting for her silence and raising a problem of language for the progression of the activity. Gilbert aligns in French—“oui” (line 15)—with this insertion, thereby confirming the possibility of a change of language. Then Blandine reintroduces Anne (line 14), with a try-marked intonation (Sacks & Schegloff Reference Sacks, Schegloff and Psathas1979) checking the shared knowledge of Gilbert and Robert about her—“you know” (line 14). In the absence of a confirming response from them, she goes on introducing the person by her first and second names and, after a pause, still in absence of their response, describes her tasks and responsibilities (line 16). The problem encountered here by Blandine is that neither Gilbert nor Robert seem to recognize the person she is introducing, as she goes on tentatively trying various personal reference formats, naming Anne and then describing her (cf. Schegloff Reference Schegloff and Fox1996; Enfield & Stivers Reference Enfield and Stivers2007). Nevertheless, she succeeds in progressively turning Gilbert's attention to Anne.
Finally, as Blandine is about to describe Anne's task, Gilbert stands up and turns towards her (Figure 4), producing a mild acknowledgement. His invitation to continue includes an authorization to change the language, uttered in French (line 17). At this point, even if Gilbert still does not seem to recognize Anne, he clears the way for her selection in French. Anne is established as the next speaker by him as well as by other participants turning towards her, like Mary (Figure 4). Anne's first response acknowledges the change of language (line 18), with laughter. Others join in with this laughter (Jefferson Reference Jefferson and Psathas1979; Glenn Reference Glenn2003; Markaki, Merlino, Mondada, & Oloff Reference Markaki, Merlino, Mondada and Oloff2010), displaying an affiliation concerning the problem of language choice.
Nonetheless, Anne cannot continue with the announced information about human sample collection. Instead, in the next slot, Gilbert comments further on the consequences of the linguistic choice, this time turning to Mary.
Before Anne speaks, and as her turn in French is projected and expected, Gilbert makes a comment about Mary (line 20), making publicly relevant the fact that the change of language from English to French could be a problem for her. He categorizes Mary as a person in need of translation, both by addressing her—he is behind her and approaches, touching her shoulder (line 20)—and the audience (the repetition is addressed to the other participants, line 20).
Interestingly, overlapping with Gilbert's turn, Mary self-selects and addresses Anne directly (21). In this way, she performs various actions: she does not respond to Gilbert, who is referring to her supposed monolingualism; instead, she turns to Anne and asks her a question in French, displaying her adaptation to Anne's language. In this way, she is refusing Gilbert's categorization of her as speaking English only, as well as his offer to interact with Anne by means of translation. She engages in an alternative mode of interaction, which is a bilingual mode. At this point, three linguistic models of interaction are confronted: the monolingual model (English Lingua Franca only); the translation model (French translated into English); and the bilingual model (French and English). Mary actively chooses the last model.
In line 22, as Anne does not answer the question she asked in French (line 21), Mary orients to possible trouble related to her use of an English term, “ethic,” and corrects it (line 23), searching for a French word. Her search becomes public (Goodwin & Goodwin Reference Goodwin and Goodwin1986) as she turns towards Blandine, thus categorizing her as a bilingual speaker and a possible facilitator. Other persons participate in offering the solution (lines 24–27) and finally Mary is able to amend and complete her initial question by using a French expression (line 28), which is addressed to Anne, to whom she turns (line 28).
Again, although Anne has been selected by Mary, the next action is not Anne's answer but Blandine's instruction about the expected format of her answer (lines 29–31). Blandine has turned again to Anne as soon as the word searched for by Mary has been found (line 25); she continues her facilitating work by specifying the kind of information Anne is supposed to give, ratified by Gilbert (line 32). Finally, Anne answers, engaging in a long turn in which she describes her previous experience with the collection of human samples (from line 33 on).
In these fragments, the recognition of Anne as a legitimate participant is the result of intensive interactional work. Sequentially, a first observation about the lack of an ethical framework for the collection of human samples is treated as a request to search for a solution, projecting a response granting it. This response is delayed by the search for a knowledgeable participant able to produce it. Within this search, one participant has a key role as a mediator and a facilitator, making possible the selection of the expert. This implies a radical change of the participation framework. Whereas at the beginning of the excerpt everyone was turned to the front of the scene where Mederic was giving his talk, Anne's selection is possible when everyone turns back, focusing their attention on the last row of the room. Blandine makes this change possible, thanks to a variety of resources: her body torqued position mediating between the chairman and requester, Gilbert, and the respondent, Anne; her gesture pointing to the back; her multiple descriptions of Anne, making her identifiable in a situation where she is not recognized; and her bilingual skills. Once Anne's legitimacy has been recognized, and once the participation framework has been radically changed, the linguistic regime “English only” is dissolved, and French is recognized as a possible linguistic resource. This shift to a bilingual mode also implies a different treatment of the participants: if the monolingual English mode excludes Anne, the bilingual French-English mode is supposed to exclude Mary. This is the case as long as she is treated (by Gilbert) as a monolingual speaker. However, she actively refuses this categorization, by adopting a bilingual mode, with some facilitators helping in the word search (among which Blandine is again a central resource person). Thus, a change in participation implies a change not only in the linguistic regime, but also in the linguistic competences ascribed, recognized, and exhibited to and by speakers.
The collective achievement and sustainement of the bilingual model of interaction
Once the participation framework and the linguistic regime have been changed, the issue for the participants is to maintain the bilingual interactional mode that has been established. In the next step of the analysis, the techniques making Mary's participation possible are described, and reveal how Anne's talk orients to them.
Anne's explanation goes on for quite a long time: the participants listen, some turn back to her (such as Gilbert, Mary, Blandine; see Figure 5), displaying their attention to her.
In line 105, Blandine turns to Mary and leans in her direction, beginning to translate (Figure 6), offering a condensed version of what she is relating. Translation in a soft whispered voice is a first solution that Blandine finds to facilitate Mary's understanding of Anne's contribution. This translation, however, does not last for the entire multi-unit turn and as soon as Blandine stops to whisper, both Mary's and her attention is refocused on the speaker. In this way, Mary displays that she is following what Anne is saying, even without translation.
Another way in which Blandine facilitates communication is observable in the continuation of this fragment (line 115).
In line 113, Anne mentions a French institution, using an acronym, CPP (Comité de Protection des Personnes). Blandine orients toward it as a possible trouble source for non-French-speaking persons: in line 115, she immediately stops Anne (with a gesture, open horizontal palm), initiating repair with a negative order. By pointing at Anne, she allows her to self-repair her turn, which Anne does immediately by providing the exact wording of the acronym (line 117), in overlap with another participant other-repairing it (line 116).
Mary reacts to this side sequence as a privileged addressee, by looking at Blandine, then by turning back towards Anne and by nodding as soon as the repair is achieved.
At the end of this side sequence, Gilbert also produces a facilitating comment, by offering a comparable acronym, that corresponds to a similar institution in the Anglo-American context—IRB (Institutional Review Board; line 119), but he does it in French. Mary shows again her recipiency and responsiveness to it (line 120). In this case, Gilbert self-categorizes as “Anglo-American” by the use of the possessive pronoun (“notre”). Thus, translation sequences, side sequences, repairs, and metalinguistic comments occasion displays not only of linguistic competences but also of linguistic, ethnic, and national categorizations and affiliations (Egbert Reference Egbert2004; Mondada Reference Mondada, Gardner and Wagner2004).
Another way in which Mary shows her participation is through the timely production of continuers, such as in excerpt (6).
As Anne goes on, Mary produces continuers (in French, line 124) and nods (line 126) displaying her understanding of the ongoing explanation.
In this part of the meeting, while Anne continues to speak, the participants actively sustain the bilingual participation mode initiated for her. The procedures they use—which are, in fact, essentially mobilized by Blandine, confirming her facilitator's role—comprise improvised, occasioned, synthetical translation, side sequences and repairs treated in a recipient-oriented way as being possibly obscure, as well as other intercultural glosses. In this way, participants show an attention to the linguistic resources, being treated locally as more or less transparent or opaque, from the perspective of their fellow participants.
Moreover, this context enables Mary to display a flexible and enhanced bilingual competence: she looks attentively at the speaker, produces continuers in the language of the speaker, and nods during her talk. Through her embodied demonstrations of understanding, Mary achieves her status of recipient, even of first recipient for Anne's talk. She also exhibits her identity as a bilingual, able to follow a complex turn in French. She actively displays her status as a participant, which was partially contested by Gilbert, when he proposed a translation for her as soon as French emerged.
Whereas in the previous excerpts, these demonstrations were mostly limited to her comprehension of Anne's talk in French, in the next stretch of talk, Mary will demonstrate her ability to actively produce a contribution in French within an exchange with Anne, at a crucial moment in the meeting.
The final negotiation of collaboration and partnership
As Anne has finished her long explanation, a general discussion follows in which it appears that Anne could serve as the central collector of human samples for the project. Mederic continues his presentation, but this is again suspended by several questions concerning the way in which the ethical authorizations will be collected at the national level in France. Ten minutes after Anne has finished her explanation, Mary asks a series of questions, turning again towards Anne.
Mary asks her question by looking at Gilbert, who manages the turn-taking during the discussion, and by pointing simultaneously at the PowerPoint presented by Mederic, where a list of patient cohorts planned for the experiment is visible. The object of the question is introduced in English with a demonstrative referring to his slide (line 900). The subsequent part of the question is formulated in French (line 901), as Mary turns to Anne, to whom the question is addressed. After Anne responds by a positive confirmation, treating the question as a presequence, Mary asks another question in French (line 904), still looking alternately at Mederic's PowerPoint and at Anne. After a delay (line 905), Anne gives a response, mentioning blood samples of 7ml (line 906–8). Thus, Mary initiates two adjacency pairs, asking questions in French, recipient-designed for her Francophone addressee.
The quantity of blood indicated by Anne in her response is further questioned by Mary.
In line 909, Mary explicitly queries the answer given by Anne, by repeating the quantity (7ml). This is treated by Gilbert as a problem of comprehension, repaired by a translation in overlap (line 910). But Mary continues, asking if this quantity is obtained subsequently. She looks at Gilbert and alternatively at Anne and this time Gilbert offers a comment aligned with the gist of her question (line 913), explicitly formulating 7ml as a small quantity. Anne admits it and aligns with them too (line 914).
As Anne continues her response (line 916), invoking the constraints set up by the ethic committees, Mary in overlap (line 915) initiates another question in French, but leaves it incomplete. Anne continues her turn (line 917), giving a new quantity, indicating the maximal quantity of blood samples admitted by the ethical committees, and mentioning 30 ml. Mary offers another, slightly superior number, 40 or 50 ml, first gestually, in overlap (line 917), then verbally (line 919); Anne aligns with 40 ml (line 920), referring to the quantity that is generally admitted for blood donations. Thus, a negotiation about the maximal quantity of blood that is possible to collect is going on here between Anne and Mary. Mary tries to push the number as high as possible, whereas Anne keeps it lower, invoking ethical constraints. Mary uses gestural as well as linguistic resources in this negotiation, mobilizing hand gestures indicating numbers in a very efficient way during Anne's formulations.
As soon as Anne has admitted that 40ml could possibly be sampled, Mary turns to Gilbert and, in English, formulates the consequence of this information for the ethics form of the project (lines 921–22).
Finally, in line 924, Mary turns again towards Anne and formulates the conclusive statement, again beginning in English but then switching to French as she looks at her: she officially proposes to send her the ethics form and to let Blandine translate it. In this way, she gives them the responsibility of obtaining the ethical clearance for the blood collections.
The episode is closed as Mary turns again towards the front of the room.
In this last fragment, a negotiation takes place about the volume of blood that can be taken legally from patients for scientific purposes. This negotiation is held in a bilingual mode, with Mary code-switching according to her addressee. When she looks at Gilbert, she speaks English, when she turns to Anne she chooses French (a form of what Auer (Reference Auer1984) calls a participant-related code-switching). Whereas Gilbert continues to interpret some of Mary's questions as repairs related to a problem of comprehension—that is, to treat her as an incompetent speaker (line 910)—Mary actively initiates new sequences in French, addressed to Anne. She negotiates the final quantity of blood actively and agonistically, by using her available resources in French and by combining them efficiently with gestural resources; namely, showing numbers with her fingers. As a consequence, a cooperation contract is agreed upon by Mary and the French team composed of Blandine and Anne: the episode ends in the establishment of a new cooperative relationship, which further fieldwork has shown continues in a durable way.
Discussion: Documenting change in social interaction
The single-case analysis developed in this article offers the opportunity to observe a multi-dimensional process of change within social interaction.
Confronted with an initial request, participants look for a participant able to fulfill it. Progressively, they discover that the competent participant able to respond to the initial problem is a person who does not speak the language currently being spoken in the meeting, who is sitting in the back row of the room. Thus, they adjust the current language choice, activity, and interactional space in order to adapt to her and make it possible for her to speak in her own language. The episode documents the multiple changes achieved by the participants in order to give the floor to this expert. Ultimately, her talk will not only grant the initial request, but also initiate a durable collaboration between the groups present in the room.
The multi-dimensional changes involved in this process concern the following aspects:
• A change of linguistic regime, from a monolingual regime (English Lingua Franca only) to a bilingual regime (French and English). This change is not automatic and takes time. It is conditioned by other changes in the activity, the interactional space, and the participation framework.
• A change of activity, from lecture to discussion, implying also a change from prepared topics presented on PowerPoint to topics constructed online within the discussion.
• A change of participation framework, from the focus on a speaker lecturing in front of an audience, to a focus on the participants scattered around the room, and finally on a participant among the others becoming the main speaker.
• A change in the interactional space, from an activity oriented towards the front row, where the speaker and the PowerPoint presentation projected on the wall are located, to an activity focused on the back row of the room.
• A change of participants' categories, concerning their medical-institutional expertise and their linguistic competences. At the beginning of the episode, the “expert” is the speaker giving a talk; as soon as he does not respond to the chairman's request, a search for a competent member is undertaken. At the end of the episode, the “expert” is found in a person of the audience sitting silently in the last row, speaking progressively with an authorized voice in her own language. Likewise, at the beginning of the episode, the invited expert is a monolingual person at the center of attention for whom everybody speaks English. At the end, she displays her bilingual skills, rejecting her categorization as a monolingual speaker.
• A change of categories related to the management of interaction: at the beginning, the organizational work of the chairman is central; progressively, the work of another figure, acting as a mediator or as a facilitator, becomes crucial.
Changes show how these different aspects are embedded within the organization of social interaction. The sequential organization, participation framework, interactional space, and categorization processes are deeply intertwined, mobilize a diversity of linguistic choices and multimodal resources, and evolve reflexively by mutually shaping each other.
Sequential organization (Schegloff Reference Schegloff2007) is based on emergent and incremental dynamics (Auer Reference Auer2009), in which turn-constructional units, turns, actions, and sequences of actions are built moment by moment, projecting the next step and a range of constrained possible choices. Linguistic choices, as well as, more generally, the mobilization of multimodal resources, take place in these sequential slots; retrospectively, they exhibit the interpretation of previous actions and, prospectively, project further opportunities and constraints for the next action.
Opportunities to participate are shaped by the way in which a next action is formatted and is recipient-designed. A participant is selected to accomplish it, and a range of multimodal resources are treated as available. Participation frameworks are highly dynamic configurations (Goodwin & Goodwin Reference Goodwin, Goodwin and Duranti2004), changing flexibly within the moment-by-moment organization of action; they are not predefined formats established once and for all. A participation framework evolves constantly in time, sensitive to the participants' talk but also to their embodied conduct, especially their gaze and body orientations. It can evolve by restricting the next action to a small range of participants or by maximally opening the opportunities to participate.
The choice of linguistic resources is treated by the participants as being consequential for the management of these opportunities. English as a lingua franca is often regarded as the solution for maximizing participation (Seidelhofer Reference Seidelhofer2009). However, this supposes that all of the participants can and will somehow speak English. In the episode analyzed here, Blandine's comment, “she really prefers to discuss this in French” (line 13), reveals a contradiction between the fulfillment of Gilbert's request and the monolingual language choice adopted within the discussion. The consequent change of linguistic regime, with the adoption of a bilingual mode, is also treated (essentially by Gilbert) as implying a problem of participation, concerning Mary. This problem is dissolved by her rejecting her categorization as a monolingual speaker and not only claiming but also demonstrating her bilingual identity. This solves the problem of participation and rearranges the interactional space of the meeting too. The situation analyzed here shows the plasticity of linguistic resources and of linguistic choices, adjusting in real time to the local constraints and dealing with them as having interactional consequences. However, these adjustments can require intensive interactional work in order to be achieved.
The embodied organization of participation is inscribed reflexively in space and shapes it in return. It is sensitive to the localization of participants within the spatial and material environment, to the arrangement of their bodies, and to their orientation. Interactional space (Mondada Reference Mondada2009) is built through the reciprocal dispositions of the interactants' bodies (as in the F-formation; Kendon Reference Kendon and Kendon1977), taking into consideration the graphical and material constraints of the environment, as well as the objects and other artefacts manipulated by the participants (Goodwin Reference Goodwin2000). In a meeting, the interactional space is achieved within the organization of the activity, exploiting the disposition of the architecture of the room for constraining particular bodily orientations. For example, the audience can focus its attention on the front row, acting as a unique party in front of a speaker delivering a talk; but the speaker, walking among the audience, can singularize and differentiate various groups (Markaki & Mondada Reference Mondada2012; Mondada & Oloff Reference Mondada and Oloff2012). During discussions, activities of collaborative conception, and collective decision taking, and so on. the assembly of participants can be reorganized in a more distributed way, eventually adapting the disposition of chairs and tables within the room. Interactional space is made of both action and materiality; it is not merely determined by the preexisting architecture and it is always actively achieved through the way in which embodied actions are orienting and coordinating within space. In the episode analyzed here, interactional space evolves from a focus of attention directed centrally on the front row, to a focus of attention distributed in the room and eventually ending on the back row. The promotion of a speaker in the last row takes some interactional work and progressive shifts of attention from the front to the back.
The way in which participants act in situ and move within the sequential organization of interaction, participation framework, and interactional space makes their action accountable and contributes to building the local category under which their action is intelligible. Membership categorization processes are flexible (Sacks Reference Sacks and Sudnow1972, Reference Sacks1992) and are shaped by local action. Sacks speaks of “category-bound activities,” but we could also speak of “activity-bound categories,” for example, in cases in which the participant is “doing being the expert,” that is, acts as a typical representative of a recognizable categorical identity. Being able to respond to the challenges publicly pointed at in the meeting allows Anne to adopt the posture of expert. Being seen under a given category is not only something that happens when a person is indicated as belonging to the category (as here, Anne is pointed at by Blandine), but requires the production of an action consistent with the rights and obligations of that category. Thus, belonging to a category is not an intrinsic identity feature of the person, but an enacted feature of their action (Antaki & Widdicombe Reference Antaki and Widdicombe1998). Similarly, being a monolingual or a bilingual speaker is not only something that can be merely claimed, but something that has to be exhibited through consequential action, as Mary does by acting as a competent recipient when producing continuers and nods at relevant moments within the interaction in French, or by acting as a competent speaker when initiating turns and sequences in French. Linguistic competence is both ascribed by others—as Gilbert does when he proposes to translate from French to English for Mary—and claimed and demonstrated by self—as Mary does when she actively negotiates the quantity of blood samples. Linguistic competence is also collectively and collaboratively achieved (Psathas Reference Psathas1990; Mondada & Pekarek Doehler Reference Mondada and Doehler2006), and distributed among participants (Goodwin Reference Goodwin2004), as Blandine does when helping Mary with a short unofficial translation, or when asking Anne not to use acronyms, or instructing Anne what to say.
Thus, the detailed analysis of an episode of change within an interactional event casts some light on several issues that are consequential for the management of meetings, such as the sequential organization of interaction, linguistic choice, participation framework, interactional space, and participants' categorization. The focus on a moment of transformation within a social event shows the challenges of a micro-analytic study of change in both the interactional order and the institutional order.
Appendix: Transcript conventions
Talk has been transcribed according to conventions developed by Gail Jefferson. Translation is indicative and aims at supporting the reading of the original.
English is transcribed in bold and French in bold and italics. An indicative translation is provided line per line. Multimodal details have been transcribed according to the following conventions (see Mondada Reference Mondada2007).
- * *
delimit descriptions of Gil's actions
- % %
delimit descriptions of Blandine's actions
- + +
delimit descriptions of Anne's actions
- † †
delimit descriptions of Mary's actions
- ı ı
delimit descriptions of Robert's actions
- *— >
action described continues across subsequent lines
- *— > >
action described continues until and after excerpt's end
- —- > *
action described continues until the same symbol is reached
- >> –
action described begins before the excerpt's beginning
- ….
action's preparation
- ,,,
action's retraction
- Gil
participant doing the action is identified in small characters when he is not the current speaker or when the gesture is done during a pause
- fig
figure; screen shot
- #
indicates the exact moment at which the screen shot has been recorded