Issues of identity and difference in the Letter of Paul to the Ephesians have provoked a long history of scholarly debate, particularly around the narrative of Jews and Gentiles becoming “one new humanity out of two” in 2:15,

.
1Eberhard Nestle and Kurt Aland, eds. Novum Testamentum Graece (27th ed.; Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001).

] in relation to Jews and Gentiles in the Roman world,” that reflects “significant engagement with the life and fate of the Jewish people”?
2Margaret Y. MacDonald, “The Politics of Identity in Ephesians,” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 26 (2004) 420.
Andrew T. Lincoln, Ephesians (WBC 42; Dallas, Tex.: Word Books, 1982) xcii-xciii.
This paper contends that in order to do justice to the subtlety and complexity of the relationship between Pauline theology and Eph 2:11–22, one must attend not only to categories such as “Jew,” “Gentile,” and “Israel,” but also to another set of identity categories crucial to the narrative logic of the text: the ancient discourse of citizens, strangers and resident-aliens. Indeed I shall argue that Ephesians' richly textured use of the category “Gentile” needs to be understood in terms of how the text situates its connotative significance within this ancient discourse that marks a particular kind of “otherness” or outsider status. Thus before turning to the text of Ephesians itself, I begin with a brief, more general discussion on the representation of difference and otherness in antiquity.
Representing otherness is a profoundly rhetorical problem, intimately connected to questions of language and politics. In other words, how an individual or a group demarcates difference and talks about that demarcation constitutes a social process, which arises rooted in a context and a network of relationships. As Jonathan Z. Smith points out, “‘Otherness’ is a matter of relative rather than absolute difference…. This is the case because [it] is a relativistic category, inasmuch as it is, necessarily, a term of interaction.”4
Jonathan Z. Smith, “What a Difference a Difference Makes,” in “To See Ourselves As Others See Us”: Christians, Jews, “Others” in Late Antiquity (ed. Jacob Neusner and Ernest S. Frerichs; Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1985) 15 (emphasis added).
Smith, “What a Difference,” 47.
Greco-Roman antiquity generally and the literature of early Christianity more specifically used numerous categories and rhetorical options to represent and to classify alterity. We focus here, however, on the aforementioned strand of the language of resident-alien status and citizenship within ancient Christian discourse that appears in Ephesians. We focus here on the aforementioned strand within ancient Christian discourse that appears in Ephesians—the language of resident-alien status and citizenship. Thus terms that we see in Ephesians such as

“resident alien,”

“stranger-foreigner,” and

“citizenship” (along with other key terms like

“sojourner”) together form a linguistic complex that early Christians used to demarcate difference, to define identity, and otherwise to contribute to projects of persuasion.
6These definitions are commonly accepted but can be found in both H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, H. S. Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon (9th ed., Oxford, 1996); A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (ed. Frederick William Danker, based on Walter Bauer's Griechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch; 3d ed.; Chicago, 2000).
See for example, 1 Chr 29:15: “For we are all resident-aliens (

) before you [i.e., LORD, YHWH,

] and sojourners (

), like all our fathers; as a shadow are our days on earth”; also Ps 39:12//MT 39:13. This and all translations of ancient material are my own unless otherwise noted.
See for example, Plutarch, Moralia, 7.607 (trans. Phillip H. de Lacy and Benedict Einarson; LCL; 16 vols.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959) 7:564–71.
The most common use of this rhetoric in Christian texts of the first and second centuries valorizes the alien-stranger topos explicitly for the purposes of individual and communal identity construction.9
This move to valorization or constructing the self as “other” is part of a larger dynamic within the Hellenistic cultural landscape. Drawing on Platonic ideals, philosophers such as Philo and Plutarch depict the human soul as a sojourner on earth that seeks its true fatherland in heaven. In early Jewish texts, we see the gradual development of the term

(sojourner) within the Hebrew Bible from a purely legal usage to what José Ramírez Kidd has termed a fi gura theologica, applied to collective Israelite identity. As Kidd notes, “this metaphorical use of the term played a fundamental role in Israel's understanding of its fundamental vocation. The Israelites not only kept alive the memory of their forefathers as [

], but also understood their own existence as peregrinato.” José E. Ramírez Kidd, Alterity and Identity in Israel: The “

” in the Old Testament (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1999) 132. For Kidd, the key to this gradual theological development is Israel's own physical experience of Babylonian exile. Here his reconstruction is dependent upon a particular source-critical framework for dating layers within the Pentateuch. However, regardless of potential ways one might critique this reconstruction, Kidd's basic point about the function of alien rhetoric in Hebrew Bible texts (as well as the Septuagint) remains convincing.
See 1 Pet 1:1, 1:17, 2:11; Heb 11:8–16, 13:12–14; Shepherd of Hermas, Similitude, 1 (trans. Ehrman, The Apostolic Fathers 2, LCL); Diognetus, 5–6 (ibid.). Here I am indebted conceptually to Laurence Moore's fascinating study of a similar dynamic in nineteenth and twentieth century America. See R. Laurence Moore, Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986).
See John H. Elliott, “1 Peter, Its Situation and Strategy: A Discussion with David Balch,” in Perspectives on 1 Peter (ed. Charles H. Talbert; NABPR Special Studies Series 9; Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1986) 61–78; idem, 1 Peter: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 37b; New York: Doubleday, 2000); idem, A Home for the Homeless: A Sociological Exegesis of 1 Peter, Its Situation and Strategy (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1981).
See as representative: Paul J. Achtemeier, 1 Peter (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996); Reinhard Feldmeier, Die Christen als Fremde. Die Metapher der Fremde in der antiken Welt, im Urchristentum und im 1. Petrusbrief (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1992); idem, “The ‘Nation’ of Strangers: Social Contempt and its Theological Interpretation in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity,” in Ethnicity and the Bible (ed. M. G. Brett; Leiden: Brill, 1996) 247–70.
To my mind, both positions have their merits and do not mutually exclude one another. Indeed each one no doubt applied in varying degrees, possibly overlapping, to some early Christians across Asia Minor and other parts of the Roman world. At the same time, however, we should not miss the rich rhetorical and strategic dimensions whereby the alien-stranger topos could function to construct Christian identity in diverse ways. Indeed a close examination of the kinds of rhetorical work that the language of alien status does with regard to the formation of Christian identity in texts of the first and second centuries reveals a complex situation. Alien rhetoric in early Christianity did not, in fact, function as a fixed and univocal response to some singular external situation, such as being marginalized by the surrounding Roman society. Rather it served as a versatile rhetorical resource that early Christians could use for the purposes of identity formation in strikingly different ways—with respect to both internal self-definition and the external situating of Christian identity within the vast range of social, philosophical, and cultic identities and practices that proliferated in the Roman world.
Furthermore, the claim to be an outsider is not necessarily always a transparent one. So for example, in 1 Peter and Hebrews, we see that each text juxtaposes a strong outsider rhetoric alongside a more conventional ethical paraenesis, which thereby marks Christian identity as distinctive while actually reinscribing the place of Christians in Roman society. Thus the text of Hebrews in chapter 11 constructs a kind of “usable social identity”13
See Moore, Religious Outsiders, 46.
For a somewhat differently inflected perspective on this tension in the literature of early Christianity more broadly, see Rowan Greer's discussion of the “marvelous paradox” in Rowan A. Greer, “Alien Citizens: A Marvellous Paradox,” in Civitas: Religious Interpretations of the City(ed. Peter S. Hawkins; Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1986) 39–56.
But turning back to Ephesians, we can see that constructing the Christian self as other or outsider was not the only game in town with respect to the use of alien rhetoric at the end of the first century. Not all Christians in this period were using this rhetoric to claim resident-alien identity as a means of marking Christian distinctiveness on the ancient cultural landscape. Because the “self-as-other” is a fundamentally relational category, in the sense that stranger status always occurs in relation to something or someone else, one can just as easily disavow it as claim or appropriate it. In fact we see exactly this in Ephesians, which puts the language of alien and stranger identity to a very different use and maintains that the text's addressees are no longer strangers and aliens but something else besides. As Eph 2: 19–20 asserts,
So then you are no longer strangers and resident-aliens but instead you are fellow-citizens with the saints and members of the household of God, built on the foundation of the apostles and prophets, with Christ Jesus himself being the cornerstone.
Here questions of Christian distinctiveness and identity are no less paramount than in the texts referenced earlier. Yet Ephesians uses the alien-stranger topos to approach Christian difference in a different way from other uses of the topos (i.e., valorizing ones) in the same time period. At least one interpreter (Lyall) has explained this incongruity in terms of divergent authorial circumstances. As this argument goes, the author of Ephesians talks about Christian identity as citizenship, because the tradition considered Paul a Roman citizen.15
See Acts 16:37–38, 22:25–29.
Paul's reference to Christian citizenship in heaven in Phil 3:20 is also used to support this argument. See as representative of this position, Francis Lyall, “Roman Law in the Writings of Paul—Aliens and Citizens,” Evangelical Quarterly 48 (1976) 3–14. (Note that Lyall views Ephesians as Pauline.)
For a recent critique of the historiographical assumptions undergirding this sort of conclusion, see Elizabeth Clark, History, Theory, Text: Historians and the Linguistic Turn (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004).
‘No longer strangers’: The Use of Alien Rhetoric in Ephesians
Thus we come to the key passage for this inquiry: Eph 2:11–22. Here the deployment of alien rhetoric functions not to valorize the self as other but rather as a useful means for thinking about how cultural multiplicity becomes unity or even singularity. Furthermore, as I shall argue, it also works to make the basic rhetorical contours of Pauline theology translatable and compelling to a non-Jewish audience. But first, how does this deployment fit within the larger “space of possibles” (to borrow a term from Pierre Bourdieu)
18For Bourdieu, the space of possibles is the framework shared by cultural actors within a given discursive field that defines the kinds of positionings that are possible at any particular socio-historical moment. Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production: Essays on Art and Literature (ed. and introd. Randal Johnson; New York: Columbia University Press, 1993) 179.
I use the term “parasitic” here to highlight the connotative dependency of the concept “alien” on its positive counterpart “citizen.” For a fascinating discussion of the historical relationship between the term “parasite” and notions of otherness, see Smith, “What a Difference,” 5–14.

), which functioned in antiquity as the insider term that gave the outsider term meaning. The character, politics, and boundaries of Roman citizenship varied according to time and place throughout the Empire. Yet regardless of these historical and geographical shifts, its function as a category remains clear: to denote ultimate insider status.
20Adela Yarboro Collins, “Insiders and Outsiders in the Book of Revelation and Its Social Context,” in To See Ourselves, 188. Collins's discussion focuses on the cities of Western Anatolia at the end of the first century C.E. as the context for Revelation, but her point about the function of the citizen category to mark insider status holds true more generally.
In this context, the basic coding of alien rhetoric constructs the profoundly negative realm of the “un-citizen.” As Dio Chrysostom (ca. 40–120 C.E.) tells us, “[t]o the disenfranchised, life seems with good reason not worth living, and many choose death rather than life after losing their citizenship.”21
Dio Chrysostom, Or. 66:15 [1 Glor.] (trans. H. Lamar Crosby; 5 vols.; LCL; 1951) 5:103.
Lucian, Patriae laudatio, 8.
Ibid., 9–10.
For a figurative usage, see the second century C.E. writing of Marcus Aurelius, Meditations 4.29 (trans. C. R. Haines; LCL; 1953), where alien rhetoric is deployed in the interests of forceful polemic against those who do not recognize and pursue the Stoic emperor's conception of the unitary rational life: “If the one who does not recognize the things which are in [the cosmos] is an alien (

) in the cosmos, no less an alien is the one who does not recognize the things which are taking place [in it]. He is an exile (

), the one who flees from civic reason … the one who splits off his own soul from that [soul] of rational things which is one” (my translation).
Yet this conclusion can be complexified by an examination of the ways in which the discourse of Roman citizenship and alien-status emerged and functioned within the context of imperial expansion, as well as practices of extending citizenship as the Empire grew. Through a complex historical process from the fourth to first centuries B.C.E., Rome expanded over the Italian peninsula and eventually united Italy politically as a Roman state.25
While the origins are obscure, by the fourth century B.C.E., Roman expansion in Italy was proceeding in the context of a group of communities called the Latin League (of which Rome was the most powerful member). Early on Roman tribal colonies and so-called “Latin communities” lived side-by-side and intermixed. Indeed in this period, Roman colonists would leave Rome (and their Roman citizenship) to be part of the development of Latin communities. But in 338, a conflict arose between Rome and the Latin League, ending with the total domination of Rome, the end of the league and the enfranchisement of the Latin communities (but note—not full citizenship). The third and second centuries B.C.E. saw Italy emerge as a patchwork of Latin states as well as socii (allies). Through the course of the second century B.C.E., the Romans became increasingly domineering towards the Latin communities and allies, treating them simply as subjects and a source of Italian manpower. Tensions rose and the result was the so-called Social War of 90–88 B.C.E., in which the communities of the Latin name and the allies/socii fought against the Romans. The Romans managed to divide their opposition by offering full Roman citizenship/status to the Latin communities, which they immediately accepted. The historical details are unclear, but Rome eventually offered citizenship to the allies as well and Italy became united as a Roman state. See Michael H. Crawford, “Citizenship, Roman,” in The Oxford Classical Dictionary (ed. Simon Hornblower and Anthony Spawforth; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999) 334–35; Henrik Mouritsen, Italian Unification: A Study in Ancient and Modern Historiography (London: Institute of Classical Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 1998); Peter Riesenberg, Citizenship in the Western Tradition: Plato to Rousseau (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992) 71–73; Adrian N. Sherwin-White, The Roman Citizenship (2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973); idem, “The Roman Citizenship: A Survey of Its Development into a World Franchise,” ANRW I.2 (1972) 23–58.
Cicero, De legibus 2.2.5 (trans. C. W. Keyes; 29 vols.; LCL; London: William Heinemann, 1928).
The events of these centuries put in place a paradigm of gradual Romanization and acquisition of citizenship that the Romans would hold to throughout the rest of the Republic and into the first two centuries of the empire. Gradually a system emerged in which communities could move up a scale of status. Various grades existed along this scale (civitas, municipium, colonia, etc.), and the Romans could promote communities through petition or as a reward for military service.27
It should be noted that this system of promotion was utilized primarily in the western provinces. However, the possibilities for cultural connotation emerging out of this institutional framework for shifting the civic status of a community would have held across the empire.
Thus the deutero-Pauline author of Ephesians appropriates the connotative possibilities of Roman citizen and alien discourse as a matrix in which to understand the Christ event. As he or she argues in 2:12–13,
[Remember] that you were at that time without Christ, being alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers to the covenants of promise, having no hope and without God in the world. But now in Christ Jesus, you who formerly were far off have been brought near by the blood of Christ.
Here Ephesians 2 understands Christian identity in terms of movement. As 2:19 avers, this is a movement from alien-status to citizenship with the saints and membership in the household of God brought about by the efficaciousness of Christ's death:

.
But whereas alien status functions as a foundational category of Christian identity in texts like 1 Peter and Hebrews, one should not characterize the deployment of the topos in Ephesians as a simple inversion of this move. We cannot capture the complexity of the situation by simply arguing that in 1 Peter and Hebrews, the Christian as resident-alien constitutes the basic building block for identity, while in Ephesians, the Christian as “no longer resident alien” serves a similar purpose. Rather the situation is decidedly more complicated for two reasons: 1) Ephesians is working with all kinds of identity categories (i.e. saints, sinners, adopted children, children of wrath, to name only a few), and the disavowal of resident-alien identity is only one discursive strand in a very elaborate picture; 2) I would argue that, contra Hebrews and 1 Peter, the stranger-alien designation in Ephesians is not fundamental in and of itself, but rather important insofar as it works to explain and fill out the meaning of an even more basic identity marker—the designation ‘Gentiles'. This becomes clear when we read 2:12 in the context of verses 11 and 12 together:
Therefore remember that formerly you Gentiles in the flesh, those who are called “the uncircumcision” by those who are called “the circumcision” (that is, one done by human hands in the flesh), [remember] that you were at that time without Christ, being alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers to the covenants of promise, having no hope and without God in the world.
Here the key category that we need to examine is not “strangers and aliens” but “Gentiles” (

). At the most basic semantic level, it simply means something like “groups of people who live together” or later “the nations,” but already in the Septuagint and in other pre-Christian works the term often functions with a sense of “nations other than one's own.”
28See “Gentiles” in Gerald F. Hawthorne et al., eds., Dictionary of Paul and His Letters (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1993) 335. Also “

” in TDNT II, 364–72.
Shaye J. D. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999) 1.
While the Jew/Gentile binary is the basic division that drives the use of this terminology, we should also note another use of

in New Testament texts. This usage replaces this Jewish “us” term with a Christian “us,” making the Christian/Gentile contrast into the key opposition (in the Pauline literature, see the following examples: 1 Cor 5:1, 12:2, 1 Thess 4:5). In this case

is often translated “pagans” or “unbelievers.”
Krister Stendahl, Paul Among Jews and Gentiles and Other Essays (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976) 81, 84.
The question is not about how many good deeds an individual must present before God to be declared righteous at the judgment, but … whether or not Paul's Gentile converts must accept the Jewish law in order to enter the people of God or to be counted truly members.32
E. P. Sanders, Paul, the Law and the Jewish People (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1983) 255. See also Caroline Johnson Hodge, “‘If Sons, Then Heirs’: A Study of Kinship and Ethnicity in Paul's Letters” (Ph.D. diss., Brown University, 2002).
This is what it is all about for Paul: how what happens in Christ overcomes the Jew/Gentile distinction that has historically excluded Gentiles from membership in the people of God (as well as what that means for the practical life of the church in terms of disputes over circumcision and table). But when we turn to Ephesians (deutero-Pauline and thus roughly 30–40 years later), we see none of this concrete concern with the lived practices of Jewish-Gentile integration. A number of scholars have noticed the lack of interest in these issues on the part of Ephesians. As Nils Dahl notes, highlighting the text's surprising lack of anti-Jewish sentiments or warnings about “Judaizing” customs, “the author of Ephesians had a keen interest in the Jewish roots and origin of the church but failed to show any concern for the relationship of his audience to contemporary Jews in or outside the church.”33
Nils Alstrup Dahl, Studies in Ephesians: Introductory Questions, Text & Edition-Critical Issues, Interpretation of Texts and Themes (ed. David Hellholm et al.;WUNT 131; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000) 446. For a comparison of Ephesians with Galatians and Romans on this issue, see Andrew T. Lincoln, “The Church and Israel in Ephesians 2,” CBQ 49 (1987) 619–20. Note that Margaret MacDonald has recently argued against the view of Dahls and others, reading Ephesians as an attempt to negotiate “permeable boundaries and ambiguous categories” among Jews and Christians in the context of resistance to imperial domination under Domitian. See MacDonald, “Politics,” 442.
With that being the case, my interest here is in the function of the designation “Gentiles” throughout the letter. Some scholars have argued that the usage of this term in Ephesians has an ethnically generic sense of “non-Christians” or “unbelievers”—a usage that replaces the Jewish “us” term, of the Jew/Gentile binary, with a Christian “us,” thereby making the Christian/Gentile contrast the key opposition.
34This way of using the term “Gentile” is common in slightly later Christian texts and is not unknown in the undisputed Pauline literature (although it appears rarely). See 1 Cor 5:1, 12:2; 1 Thess 4:5.

) functions in this one case to mark the ethnically specific meaning of “non-Jews.” As Andrew Lincoln points out, however, verses such as Eph 3:1, “this is the reason that I Paul am a prisoner for the sake of you Gentiles”; Eph 3:6, “the Gentiles have become fellow heirs, members of the same body, and sharers in the promise in Christ Jesus through the gospel”; and Eph 3:8, “this grace was given to me to bring to the Gentiles the boundless riches of Christ,” all clearly seem to use the term

in a way that follows Paul's predominant usage as meaning “non-Jews.”
35The qualification “in the flesh” most likely serves to emphasize the physical dimension of the Jew/Gentile distinction, especially insofar as the phrase “in the flesh” is repeated in the second half of v. 11 to characterize “the circumcision … done by human hands.” See discussion in Lincoln, Ephesians, 135.

in Eph 2:11 as a special exception. Rather I would maintain that when Ephesians talks about Gentiles, it works with a Jew/non-Jew binary and does not make a distinction between Christians and unbelievers.
With that said, I want to note that only Ephesians, of all the letters in the New Testament, explicitly uses terms of direct address to designate its audience as Gentiles
36In making this claim, I do not mean to ignore scholars who argue that other New Testament texts address Gentiles. For example, Stan Stowers maintains that “the encoded audience [of Romans] … is gentiles at Rome who know something about Jewish scripture and Jesus Christ.” See Stanley K. Stowers, A Rereading of Romans: Justice, Jews, and Gentiles (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994) 21. Rather my point is strictly limited to a particular way of encoding an implied audience—that of second person plural direct address.
See Rom 11:13; cf. also Rom 1:5, as well as the usage of

in 1 Cor 12:2 to refer to an implied audience's former status.

, “Judaeans/Jews,” in one way or another. Many commentators go further. Andrew Lincoln, for instance, argues that an author who “ascribes to Gentiles [in v. 12] deficiencies they would not themselves have recognized, and yet who at the same time distances himself from these distinctions, is likely to have been a Jewish Christian disciple of Paul.”
38Lincoln, Ephesians, 136. Another argument often put forward in support of this position is the presence of shifting pronouns—i.e. the text's purported tendency “to distinguish between ‘we’ (Jewish Christians associated with the author) and ‘you’ (Gentile recipients of the work; e.g. Eph 1:2).” (Ibid.) A majority of Ephesians' commentators hold to his position. Indeed Margaret MacDonald goes so far as to characterize Jewish-Christian authorship of Ephesians as a “virtually universal conviction among commentators.” MacDonald, “Politics,” 432.
While this may or may not be the case, one can push the logic of Lincoln's point further, beyond the interests of drawing conclusions about the text's authorship. For it is noteworthy not just that Ephesians 2 “ascribes to Gentiles deficiencies they would not themselves have recognized,” but that it calls its audience “Gentiles” at all. On one level, this quite likely represents an allusion to the prophetic tradition of addressing the

as seen in the Septuagint.
39See for example, Isa 34:1 (LXX):

. Also Jer 6:18, Joel 4:11 (LXX) as representative.
Current scholarly consensus places Ephesians in Asia Minor. See discussion in Lincoln, Ephesians, lxxxi–lxxxiii. However, fixing the text's provenance defi nitively is not necessary for the point I wish to make here.
Here I am indebted conceptually to Jonathan Z. Smith and Karen King.
Thus we can ask, what work does the category “Gentile” do? What is the significance of the exhortation in 2:11, “Remember that formerly you Gentiles?” Here I would argue that the direct address of the audience as Gentiles serves two main functions. First, it constitutes an implied audience, in all its potential unruly and chaotic diversity of possible identities, as a singular and unified group. Second, it pulls that audience into the discursive orbit of Pauline theology, wherein the categories of Jew and Gentile have such crucial importance.
So how does this work exactly? As a starting point, Louis Althusser's theoretical notion of interpellation or hailing proves helpful. In Althusser's famous formulation, “ideology hails or interpellates individuals as subjects.”42
Louis Althusser, “Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes towards an Investigation),” in Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays (trans. Ben Brewster; New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971) 175. By ideology, Althusser means “the system of the ideas and representations which dominate the mind of a man or a social group.” This system has a material existence, grounded in “an apparatus, and its practice, or practices.” See Althusser, “Ideology,” 158, 166.
Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (New York: Routledge, 1997) 32.
The mark interpellation makes is not descriptive but inaugurative. It seeks to introduce a reality rather than report on an existing one; it accomplishes this introduction through a citation of existing convention. Interpellation is an act of speech whose ‘content’ is neither true nor false: it does not have description as its primary task. Its purpose is to indicate and establish a subject in subjection, to produce its social contours in space and time.44
Butler, Excitable Speech, 33–34.
Daniel Boyarin, Borderlines: The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004) 9–10; Virgina Burrus, “Hailing Zenobia: Anti-Judaism, Trinitarianism, and John Henry Newman,” Culture and Religion 3 (2002) 163–77.
At the same time, Ephesians' act of interpellation has the effect of pulling the implied audience into a discourse in which the name “Gentile” functions meaningfully—in this case, the discourse of Pauline theology. As discussed earlier, this is a discourse that is concerned first and foremost in its earliest manifestations (i.e., the authentic Paulines) with how Jews and Gentiles can share in the covenant promises of God. But how is this theology meaningful in a cultural context that is not significantly determined by the identity categories of Judaism? It is here that Ephesians' use of stranger and alien language becomes so crucial. Indeed I would argue that the primary function of alien rhetoric in Ephesians is to help make sense of Pauline theology to an audience that is not (and never has been) wrestling with the issues that produced that theology in the first place—“saving Paul for the non-Jewish context,” if you will.
Thus the rhetoric of alien/stranger identity serves to fill out the sense of the designation “Gentile,” making it meaningful for Ephesians' implied audience. While the Jew-Gentile binary is not the difference that makes a difference except from a Jewish point of view, the alien/citizen distinction is a category that would resonate deeply across the Roman Empire. As we heard from Dio Chrysostom earlier, many would rather die than lose their citizenship. The connotations in play here are powerfully emotive, both socially and politically. And Ephesians marshals this potent sense of resonance to explain why its interpretation of Pauline theology matters—that is, it uses alien and citizen categories to imbue the overcoming of the Jew-Gentile divide with a connotative force meant to be vigorously life-giving.
The larger project here is the construction of Christian identity and the domesticating or disciplining of difference in a very specific way—one which has as its ultimate goal the production of a vision of unity embodied in the church. To this end, Ephesians 2 offers its narrative interpretation of the Christ event—one in which the difference that the text itself has called into being as the only significant difference is then subsequently erased. In other words, Ephesians first constitutes its audience as Gentiles, and then gives that designation meaningful significance using the language of alien status, in order to proclaim triumphantly that this status is no longer the case. As verses 13–15 tell us, Christ's blood has brought near the strangers who were far off (

). He has made both groups into one by breaking down the dividing wall (perhaps the Jewish law, or more generally the Jew-Gentile boundary).
46Rudolf Schnackenburg, Ephesians: A Commentary (trans. Helen Heron; Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1991) 113. See the discussion of possible parallels in the Letter of Aristeas and Qumran texts in Pheme Perkins, Ephesians (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1997) 71–72. Other possibilities for the referent of the “dividing wall” include the Jerusalem temple balustrade separating the Court of the Gentiles from the inner courts or the curtain that cordoned off the Holy of Holies in the temple. See Markus Barth, Ephesians (AB 34–34A; 2 vols.; Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1974) 1:283–87.

or “peace.” While Ephesians does not use explicitly the language of a third race that became prevalent in second and third century Christian discourse, the logic of the narrative moves in this direction.
47On Christianity as a new or third race, see Denise Kimber Buell, Why This New Race: Ethnic Reasoning in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 2005).
Jonathan Z. Smith, “Fences and Neighbors: Some Contours of early Judaism,” in Imagining Religion: From Babylon to Jonestown (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982) 11. With respect to Ephesians, Lincoln argues, “the Gentiles' former disadvantages have been reversed not by their being incorporated into Israel, even into a renewed Israel of Jewish Christians, but by their being made members of a new community which transcends the categories of Jew and Gentile, an entity which is a new creation, not simply a merging of the former groupings.” Lincoln, “Church and Israel,” 615.
Ephesians 2 thus presents the rhetorical disciplining of difference on two levels: first, the text draws boundaries that determine which difference matters (i.e., the Jew/Gentile difference) through an act of interpellation; then, it proclaims the erasure of that difference “in one body through the cross” (2:16) and thereby creates a platform to launch a specific vision of unity as embodied in the church. The result is the conclusion of Ephesians 2:19: these Gentiles are “no longer strangers and aliens but fellow citizens with the saints and members of the household of God” (emphasis added). Stranger and alien identity has been replaced by citizenship—all three of these being culturally compelling categories in the late first century C.E. for framing Pauline theology as significant and meaningful in a non-Jewish context. With this replacement in place, the more specifically Pauline identity category of “Gentiles” also becomes superfluous. It has done its work, both to constitute the audience as a unified group and to bring that group into the discourse of Pauline theology. Therefore, having served its purpose, in the text's logic, it can and should be discarded. So 4:17 in fact exhorts the audience: you must “no longer live as the Gentiles live, in the futility of their mind” (

).
What remains in the wake of this disposal of identities? The rhetorical unity of the universal church remains, under the auspices of Pauline theological authority. As 3:10 aptly summarizes, the issue of crucial concern all along has been “that the diversified wisdom of God might now be made known through the church” (

). On the other side of this narrative of shifting identities articulated in Ephesians 2, the audience is no longer strangers, no longer resident-aliens, by 4:17 no longer even Gentiles. But they remain a unified subject to be addressed—only now the categorization of that subject has been shifted from “Gentiles” to “the church” or

, a rhetorical entity powerfully figured throughout the letter in terms of a singular body (see especially 4:4–16). The second half of the text will turn to filling out the shape and contours of this “vision of a unified universal Church,”
49Lincoln, Ephesians, xcv.
Space does not permit a full-scale critical reading of this overall vision, often lauded by commentators as a noble picture of cultural unity and reconciliation. In this vein, however, I would question Carmen Ubieta's recent argument that Ephesians exhibits “[t]he dialectics between particularism and universalism through a universalism that respects and integrates plurality and differences,” a balance that Ubieta sees maintained in the early Pauline tradition but later subsumed under an imperialist rhetoric. See Carmen Bernabe Ubieta, “ ‘Neither xenoi nor paroikoi, sympolitai and oikeioi tou theou’ (Eph 2:19): Pauline Christian Communities: Defining a New Territoriality,” in Social Scientific Models for Interpreting the Bible (ed. John J. Pilch; Leiden: Brill, 2001) 279.
In closing, however, we should note that chapters 4–6 do in fact turn to issues of audience diversity and difference. Unity for Ephesians does not mean the ignoring or erasure of all difference but rather its organization and control. Therefore in chapters 4–6, the text introduces those differences that it will not erase, the differences that are in fact meant to make a difference—specific roles in the church, household code hierarchies of husbands over wives, parents over children, masters over slaves. There is much here that is deeply problematic, and as Clarice Martin has pointed out, much that has “exerted a malefic and far-reaching impact” historically.51
Clarice J. Martin, “The Haustafeln (Household Codes) in African American Biblical Interpretation: ‘Free Slaves’ and ‘Subordinate Women’,” in Stony the Road We Trod: African American Biblical Interpretation (ed. Cain Hope Felder; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991) 206.
Thus I would disagree wtih Sarah Tanzer's conclusion that the household code of Ephesians is a secondary addition that “does not break down dividing walls but rather establishes them and teaches one to live within those hierarchical bounds [and as such] seems to clash fundamentally with a very key theme in Ephesians.” See Sarah Tanzer, “Ephesians,” in Searching the Scriptures, Volume Two: A Feminist Commentary (ed. Elisabeth Schüssler Firoenza; New York: Crossroad, 1993) 2:341.
Conclusion: Thinking Difference Differently
In conclusion, the varied deployments of alien rhetoric in early Christian texts raise important questions for thinking about the politics and representation of Christian identity both in antiquity and today. This analysis has looked closely at Ephesians as an example of one distinctive deployment of that rhetoric. In Ephesians alien rhetoric functions as part of a larger project, both to make Pauline theology intelligible to a non-Jewish audience and also to discipline difference and identity in a particular and potentially problematic way. Insofar as this rhetoric plays a part in constituting the text's audience as a unified subject to be addressed (i.e., the universal church), it helps to pave the way for the program of hierarchy and control that follows in chapters 4–6. Thus the text's disavowal of alien status does not lead to a morally unambiguous vision of cultural harmony and reconciliation. Rather the narrative of Ephesians 2 points us to the need for a thorough and reflexive rethinking of what is at stake in the use of this rhetoric (both when valorized or disavowed) to articulate the boundary lines along which early Christian difference/distinctiveness was constructed.