During my 45 years as an academic, I have followed the admonition sometimes attributed to the legendary Jedi warrior Obi-Wan Kenobe that political scientists should “use [their] power for good and not for evil.” In this spirit, I have devoted substantial portions of my career to public service by providing strategic advice and campaign management to candidates for small state and local elective offices—state legislature, county commission, city clerk or treasurer, school board, and the like—and supporters of citizen ballot initiatives. These campaigns generally cannot afford the professional campaign assistance that is now virtually a necessity for winning elections at all levels of government.
There is longstanding tension in political science between the principles of active engagement in politics and scholarly detachment. Some scholars argue that “any involvement with political concerns beyond what is strictly necessary for the adequate study of those issues is detrimental to academic standards” (O'Connor Reference O'Connor2007, 4). Others bemoan what they see as the discipline's abandonment of politics in a search for social scientific “truth.” This sentiment is captured in an anonymous statement I heard often in graduate school: “I got into political science because I love politics and I got out for the same reason.” Furthermore, scholars who have followed the industry's growth have voiced substantial concerns about the normative implications of political consultancy, with some suggesting that consultants violate the principles of democratic accountability (Lathrop Reference Lathrop2003; Rosenbloom Reference Rosenbloom1973).
I have found that pursuing politics from both an active and a “detached” perspective has been personally gratifying and has enriched my research and teaching. In this article, I describe how I have worked to combine practical and academic activities throughout my career.
Getting Started
A variety of avenues can lead to campaign consulting, but all are based on the reputation that an individual develops either by performance in some politically relevant activity (e.g., individual campaigns, political party activities, citizen initiative campaigns) or by demonstrated professional competence in some politically relevant skill (e.g., polling, policy research, electronic media management). Even when the person possesses these requisite skills, others must draw a connection between that person and political activism. Therefore, a minimal level of political involvement is likely a prerequisite for entry into the field.
My entrée to consulting came via contacts made over the years through my own volunteer work for numerous candidates and local political parties. A very large percentage of communication in politics occurs by word of mouth, and, as we know from Tip O'Neill, all politics is local. Thus, local involvement led to contacts and friendships with local activists, which led to questions regarding my availability for more formalized involvement. Deservedly or not, it is often assumed that academic political scientists possess knowledge about how to run a political campaign, even if their expertise lies in a field not directly connected to campaigns and elections.
I began my career as a campaign consultant by providing strategic advice to candidates and later expanded to the day-to-day management of campaigns. Most of my career has been spent in the South, where local party organizations are not strong and campaigns tend to be candidate-centered. In this region, local party activists show little resistance toward outside volunteers. In my experience, local—as opposed to state and national—party organizations are relatively resource-poor and welcome involvement from anyone with a modicum of skill and political sensitivity. Full-time campaign consultants tend to be attracted to statewide and federal campaigns in which the stakes are high and more money is available. Thus, when working with local campaigns, I have not faced resistance from professional consultants or party insiders who are jealously guarding their territory. Quite the opposite, my presence has been welcomed.
Nevertheless, not all circumstances are equally hospitable and not all local party organizations are comparable (Cotter et al. Reference Cotter, Gibson, Bibby and Huckshorn1994). Established consultants may see you as a threat to their business, and existing networks of campaign consultants and local party activists may be disrupted by “new blood.” Local and state political parties may exert pressure on candidates to employ “preferred” consultants, and, particularly in small towns, local vendors may expect local candidates to use their services as a matter of “shopping locally.” Successful navigation around and through these obstacles can be achieved with experience, and an air of humility goes far in overcoming skepticism.
How Political Science Informs Local Campaigns
Political scientists possess many skills that are valuable in political campaigns, and they can also draw on a substantial body of theory to help guide specific campaign tasks. Not the least of these useful skills is writing. Political campaigns employ multiple vehicles to communicate with their audiences, and all of them require writing in one form or another. Success in faculty jobs rests to a large extent on the ability to produce publishable writing, and academics are more likely than the average political volunteer to possess such a skill. Written communication can be used to gain access to candidates and campaigns.
Strategic advice for campaigns includes such tasks as articulating overall strategy, developing a message (e.g., writing short campaign statements and the rare 10+-minute “speech”), writing copy for and assisting in the design of direct mailings, and crafting radio and television spots. Although the kind of writing involved in these tasks differs from academic writing, being less precise and more evocative, it still comes more easily to academics than to individuals who may be completely unaccustomed to the task.
Many political scientists—and not necessarily only those whose academic careers are focused on campaigns and elections—are familiar with election and voter registration data, possess data management skills, and understand the premises of strategies to persuade and mobilize voters. These skills are useful in developing voter contact plans and building and managing a party's voter list.
Political scientists who are experts in survey methodology can use their knowledge in a variety of ways, such as drawing samples from voter files or designing polls that allow volunteers to run surveys to further refine persuasion targets in current or future elections.
There are other campaign activities that demand less specialized political science knowledge but do require general skills that may be developed in a scholarly career. These activities include budgeting, purchasing media time, and navigating sometimes complex campaign finance regulations. Archival research skills are clearly useful when conducting opposition research.
In addition to the hard skills they possess, political scientists have developed numerous theories that have direct value for political campaigns. Two such theories have become especially important to the development of campaign messages: spatial theories of voting and the “strategy of ambiguity.” Spatial theories suggest that campaigns should appeal to the median voter, and the strategy of ambiguity argues that when talking about themselves, candidates should be ambiguous, but when talking about the opponent, they should be specific. This strategy, first articulated by Kenneth Shepsle in 1972, has become the basis for the “message box” now widely used by campaigns in the first stages of creating their political message (Shepsle Reference Shepsle1972; Pelosi Reference Pelosi2007, 86–89).
While an uninformed campaign may try to contact all voters, scholarly research on habitual voting (Fowler Reference Fowler2006; Gerber, Green, and Shachar Reference Gerber, Green and Shachar2003; Green and Shachar Reference Green and Shachar2000; Plutzer Reference Plutzer2002) provides guidance for targeting decisions in small, underfunded races, especially in off-year elections. Theory suggests that when there is money for only a few direct mail pieces, the preferred target is those individuals who have voted regularly in the past.
Experimental work that has been carried out in recent years illuminates the comparative value of specific voter mobilization techniques such as door knocking, direct mail, and telephone calls (Gerber and Green Reference Gerber and Green2008; Panagopoulos Reference Panagopoulos2009). Not the least value of this information is its ability to dissuade candidates and supporters from spending money on robo-calls or leaflet drops instead of focusing on direct door-to-door contact with residents. (If someone wants to conduct a randomized experiment about the value of lawn signs as a tool for influencing the direction of the vote, they will earn the undying gratitude of all campaign managers.)
Most local candidates do not have the resources to conduct polls on policy preferences. In their absence, candidates for lower-ticket offices can rely on theories regarding “candidate image” and focus their campaigns around favorable personal attributes as a risk-averse strategy for holding together the party base and attracting wavering voters (Sniderman, Glaser, and Griffin Reference Sniderman, Glaser, Griffin, Ferejohn and Kuklinski1990).
To shape a candidate's general strategy and targeting, a political scientist may also rely heavily on the social and psychological theories that have been a staple of studies of American voter behavior for over 75 years. These theories suggest that individuals from particular social classes, age groups, genders, races, and places of residence are more likely to vote for one candidate than another, and they can offer particularly effective guidance to campaign managers. Psychological theories relating voting decisions to a voter's psychological predispositions or attitudes, especially his or her party identification, can also have great utility. The knowledge that can be gleaned from these theories is especially important in small, down-ticket races in which money is tight and targeting must be precise.
The accumulated academic knowledge about American political party organizations created over decades of research (Cotter et al. Reference Cotter, Gibson, Bibby and Huckshorn1994; Eldersveld Reference Eldersveld and Crotty1986; Shea and Green Reference Shea, Green, Green and Coffey2007) can also help inform the political scientist as a campaign manager. Information from this work is largely descriptive and focuses on the understanding of parties as organizations; the complex interrelationships between candidates and their organizations and those of other entities; precinct-, county-, district-, state-, and national-level parties; and the relationship between the candidate's own electoral organization and the “network of organizations” that surround political parties (Schwartz Reference Schwartz1990; Bernstein and Dominguez Reference Bernstein and Dominguez2003). Such information is particularly helpful when explaining to candidates and their supporters what can and cannot be expected from a party organization or party officials during a campaign. In addition, the political scientist's ability to put this information into a comparative framework allows candidates to anticipate reactions to their own behavior and possibly avoid conflict with other activists. While longtime activists may be somewhat aware of such information, most inexperienced candidates for public office (who are the majority of my clientele) possess very little of this knowledge.
Campaign Management as the Integration of Two Careers
Faculty who are interested in applying their academic training to the resolution of any practical issue, campaign-related or otherwise, face substantial problems in making time for these activities and integrating this work into their ongoing teaching and research responsibilities. At low levels of involvement, the provision of advice to candidates about general strategy can be scheduled and fit into a normal university schedule. However, deep involvement in or management of a campaign, particularly small campaigns in which the campaign manager may be the only staff member, will likely require substantial rescheduling of university obligations.
Organizing and Integrating Consulting with Teaching
Consulting with political candidates is not the exclusive province of academics who teach within the areas of political parties and campaigns or other related subfields. As suggested earlier, a variety of skills developed over the course of an academic career are politically relevant and can be put to use in campaigns, although faculty who teach campaign-related courses may have more opportunities for integrating their campaign activities into their teaching than faculty who teach other, less-relevant courses. Nevertheless, both groups face similar issues. The first challenge pertains to course scheduling and the creation of time for campaign work, and the second involves issues of course content and the integration of campaign activities with classroom activities.
The ability to schedule teaching in ways that reinforce rather than compete with campaign work will vary according to individual faculty circumstances, but accommodations can be made to merge these activities in at least two ways. First, campaign activities may be focused on the summer months, when the academic workload is typically lighter, tension is lower, and faculty are less constrained by university-related responsibilities. In these cases, instructors have an obligation to ensure that the campaign is not left short-staffed when the fall semester begins and the campaign revs up for the November election. Second, departmental teaching assignments may be arranged to allow less demanding courses to be scheduled during campaign season or courses to be grouped into particular semesters in exchange for more freedom in other semesters coinciding with campaigns. Obviously, campaign season is not the time to prepare new courses.
One of the primary benefits of active involvement in political campaigns is the opportunity that such involvement provides for integrating practical experience into academic courses. By integrating work on campaigns into courses, faculty can offer students opportunities to volunteer their own time and talents to the campaign in exchange for some amount of course credit. Because many campaigns are small and enjoy little professional assistance, students can play major roles in them and develop substantial résumés in the process.
The activities that can be integrated into such courses do not need to be restricted to those that are related to partisan campaigns. Participation in nonpartisan efforts related to citizen initiatives, general voter mobilization, and the like can also be incorporated into courses.
Another prime benefit that arises from the integration of campaign work and academic coursework is the opportunity provided to students for involvement in the creation of products that they might eventually be called upon to provide as professional political consultants. For example, courses on campaign management typically cover topics such as targeting and message development. Involvement in specific campaigns offers students opportunities to engage in the process of producing targeting plans and message boxes in real-world environments under realistic time constraints. Other kinds of campaign activities can be integrated into a variety of courses on other topics, such as “earned media” plans in political communications courses or voter contact plans in geographical information systems courses.
The important point here is that the courses that best allow integration of campaign experiences are directly related to consulting and are not competitive. Faculty are not required to forgo coursework for campaign work. Instead, such courses offer an opportunity to bring consulting work into the classroom. Furthermore, as the most recent academic and professional literature is reviewed for incorporation into a syllabus, the new knowledge arising from political science research can be introduced into campaigns.
The participant-observer status involved in campaign consulting provides an opportunity to expand, clarify, and flesh out the knowledge communicated through traditional academic textbooks and research papers. Such experiences provide colorful and useful examples to illustrate arguments made in course-related reading and, I find, generate interest and excitement on the part of students.
One last point: consulting for political campaigns can be viewed in the same light as other professional development activities that are routinely considered part of the merit retention process.
Organizing and Integrating Consulting with Academic Research
While there is no imperative to integrate research with consulting, there are two primary benefits to such integration. First, campaign consulting may raise new and interesting research questions to be pursued; second, managing a campaign and being actively involved with campaign professionals and political party activists may offer opportunities for testing important hypotheses.
Gillespie and Michelson, writing in this symposium, offer examples of political scientists who have worked with campaigns to execute voter mobilization experiments and describe how their interactions with practical politics have opened doors to new research questions for themselves and others. I have had similar experiences. In the course of my involvement in Florida party politics, I was asked to help identify state legislative races in need of support from the state party. This task required re-thinking the usual measures of party competition at the state legislative level. The traditional measures employed in such analyses have been the relative numbers of party registrants in the district or the percentage of the vote that a party has enjoyed in previous legislative elections. In Florida, however, registration figures are often unreliable indicators of support for a particular party, especially among Democrats, and previous competition for a legislative seat is heavily influenced by candidate rather than district characteristics. Working with a student who was deeply involved in Florida electoral politics, we developed a new conceptualization of party competition that more accurately reflects the underlying partisan dynamics of a district (Crew and Bayliss Reference Crew and Baylissforthcoming). We hope to test this measure in the near future.
Theoretically, holding a position as campaign manager enables opportunities for testing hypotheses related to campaigns and elections. While Gillespie and Michelson must negotiate their opportunities to work with campaigns as scholars, a campaign manager can sometimes make the choices necessary to carry out the test and thereby ease the research process. I stress sometimes, however, because there are limits even to a campaign manager's authority. For example, my most cherished research project, which I had hoped to test in the fall of 2010, fell victim to candidate insecurity. The project related to the effect of lawn signs on voter choice and required the selective placement of lawn signs in some areas of the district. Unfortunately, the candidate who had initially agreed to the experiment reneged at the last minute after considering the chance of losing votes in the control areas. This decision served as a reminder to me that campaign managers' authority is never absolute.Footnote 1
Active involvement in politics may lead an academic to change the focus of his or her research. My own involvement in Florida led me, perhaps inevitably, to pay closer attention to broad academic questions related both to Florida politics and to campaigns and elections in general, and to focus on these areas in my academic work. As a result, I have recently published a book-length analysis of the gubernatorial administration of Jeb Bush and have completed a manuscript on the 2008 Florida elections that will be published shortly. In future years, I expect to spend more time conducting research on these topics. Thus, involvement in campaigns can reorient and reinvigorate research.
Intensified Demands from Campaign Management
Moving from the role of political campaign advisor to campaign manager is a huge step, both practically and psychologically. First, a serious campaign, even for a relatively small office, is time-intensive and requires work to be conducted outside an academic office for considerable periods of time. In the kinds of small campaigns in which I have been involved, time must be devoted to maintaining the candidate's schedule; knocking on doors; telephoning; locating positions for, putting up, and maintaining lawn signs; planning for and holding fundraisers; creating and staging events worthy of “earned media”; negotiating with vendors of all kinds; recruiting and managing volunteers; and accompanying the candidate on all sorts of excursions. Unless an academic schedule allows for ongoing engagement in these types of endeavors—many of which can consume multiple hours of time—campaign management is impossible. It may be necessary to take a leave of absence to fulfill these duties.
I have yet to take leave to direct a campaign, but campaign management is obviously disruptive to an academic schedule and has required me to significantly reduce my academic workload during election periods. I forgo any research activity and simply focus on teaching my classes. Fortunately, campaigns are episodic and those on which I have worked are relatively short-lived, spanning six to nine months. Given my rank as professor and the university's expectation that I be involved in some external activities related to its applied American politics program, I have been able to forego research attention over these time periods for a number of years. This schedule, however, may be more problematic for others at different ranks and in different circumstances.
It is important to recognize that participation in a political campaign at the level of campaign manager usually involves a psychological commitment to a candidate or cause that will inevitably challenge the theoretical detachment that scholars claim for themselves. While professional detachment is a necessity in any consulting activity, I have found it very difficult to devote the amount of time and energy necessary to effective campaign management without a personal and psychological attachment to the candidate involved. Sitting through a six-hour meeting of the Builders Association of Columbia County, Florida, listening to candidates for positions such as clerk of the county court provide poorly thought-out reasons why the group should support them, and watching the size of the group dwindle to six people before your candidate has an opportunity to speak at midnight, and then driving back home at 3:00 AM takes personal commitment. A conscious effort must be made to prevent the kind of commitment that is necessary to campaign management from coloring one's academic perspective—an issue that I discuss in greater depth later in this article.
Office Space and Equipment
While the campaign activities described previously are the tasks to which I have felt I could contribute, I also settled on them because they do not require an investment in specialized equipment, personnel, or facilities other than a workspace and a computer. Using university equipment and facilities is problematic when you are employed by a campaign, and to be safe, you may want to seek legal advice about the topic. My operating assumption is that any use of a university computer in a campaign is automatically questionable. Although faculty may have some flexibility in this respect, out of an abundance of caution, I typically use only personal computers and personal telephones for all aspects of my work when managing a campaign.
When managing a campaign, I have also found it necessary to establish an office away from the university to have space for staff meetings, the storage of materials, and other activities related to the campaign. For some campaigns, such as those for the local school board, my home serves as the campaign headquarters. For a state legislative race, the chosen site was a donated office in a local law firm. Finding an appropriate space for this purpose is one of the duties of the campaign manager.
Financial Issues Associated with Campaign Consultation
When addressing the financial aspects of campaign work, two distinct questions are involved, one relating to billing for the time you spend as a consultant, and the other involving the management of campaign funds. Specifically, these questions are: Do you acknowledge and report to your university the income that you receive for your services? How do you manage the collection, reporting, and expenditure of campaign funds?
I am not knowledgeable about the full range of options on either of these matters, but I do know that some universities—Florida State among them—allow their faculty to earn “outside” income while fulfilling their academic duties. In these cases, the university requires individuals to report the activity in question. The institution may or may not place limits on the faculty member's engagement in this activity, requiring only that it not interfere with normal productivity. In my case, I report the source and amount of funds that I receive from consulting services not only to comply with university regulations, but also to legitimate the activity and create a record that can be used in annual performance reviews. It probably makes sense to consult your colleagues and university administration before accepting a paid campaign position. Some universities—particularly public institutions dependent on state funding—may frown on faculty engagement in state-level politics.
Political campaigns cost money, and the generation, accounting, and spending of funds consumes a huge amount of campaign managers' time and raises several logistical and ethical issues. For an individual whose primary association is with a state-supported university, the intersection of money and politics is particularly fraught with anxiety. For many people, this combination raises suspicions that something unseemly, biased, or unethical may be afoot.
Three rules guide my actions regarding campaign finance. First, I engage one individual to be responsible for accepting, accounting for, and disbursing campaign money. That person and the candidate are the only persons authorized to receive and expend the campaign's financial resources. In short, the first rule is: do not handle the money. Second, keep fundraising activities separate from university space and equipment. Third, do not ask junior colleagues or especially students to contribute to the campaign.
Managing Issues Relating to Political Partisanship
Consulting with political parties and managing partisan political campaigns is inherently problematic for an academic who has pledged to maintain objectivity, especially in the classroom, and this activity sets on edge the teeth of those who see academia and political activity as separate worlds. Campaign consulting may also raise the hackles of members of the opposite party and challenge the public's view of the university's objectivity. Academic political involvement is obviously a sensitive issue for which the parameters and intensity likely vary across specific locales. Given such wide variation, I offer only the most general comment here: be alert to the possibility of backlash and attempt to inoculate yourself from it. Determining how to address backlash can only be done in the context of individual circumstances.
I follow these rules in all my campaign activities. First, I am open about my partisan attachments—I work exclusively for Democrats and nonpartisan candidates. Second, I seek out and maintain friendly personal relationships with members of the opposite party, some of whom are candidates for degrees in my department and others with whom I have crossed political swords in past campaigns. Third, I employ individuals from both political parties who have the requisite skills for adjunct teaching and visiting practitioner roles in our graduate program in applied politics. Fourth, I assist students regardless of their political background to find internships and paid employment in the political arena. Fifth, I am scrupulously professional in the classroom. My experience is that the political community is relatively small and interconnected, and this reality serves as a check on “inappropriate” behavior. Word about such behavior would travel fast and be detrimental to both my academic and professional goals.
The Psychic Rewards of Campaign Consulting
Involvement in practical politics can offer many personal rewards. I have derived great pleasure from helping individuals whom I believe possess the talent to become effective public officials to achieve their goals. Dennis Johnson's book No Place for Amateurs (Reference Johnson2001) argues that success in modern politics is heavily dependent upon a set of professional skills and sensitivities that are hard to find and expensive to employ, especially for candidates for the multitudes of small offices for which Americans are asked to vote. By providing some of these skills and helping good people get elected to public office, I feel that I am contributing to a better democracy.
Involvement in the process is also great fun, spurs my competitive instincts, and provides an untold number of stories to be recited to my children and friends. In my opinion, politics is clearly the best game that adults can play.
